To install click the Add extension button. That's it.

The source code for the WIKI 2 extension is being checked by specialists of the Mozilla Foundation, Google, and Apple. You could also do it yourself at any point in time.

4,5
Kelly Slayton
Congratulations on this excellent venture… what a great idea!
Alexander Grigorievskiy
I use WIKI 2 every day and almost forgot how the original Wikipedia looks like.
Live Statistics
English Articles
Improved in 24 Hours
Added in 24 Hours
What we do. Every page goes through several hundred of perfecting techniques; in live mode. Quite the same Wikipedia. Just better.
.
Leo
Newton
Brights
Milds

1878 Massachusetts gubernatorial election

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

1878 Massachusetts gubernatorial election

← 1877 November 5, 1878 (1878-11-05) 1879 →
 
Nominee Thomas Talbot Benjamin Butler
Party Republican Greenback
Alliance Democratic
Popular vote 134,725 109,435
Percentage 52.56% 42.69%

Governor before election

Alexander H. Rice
Republican

Elected Governor

Thomas Talbot
Republican

The 1878 Massachusetts gubernatorial election was held on November 5. Former acting Governor Thomas Talbot, a Republican, defeated Benjamin Butler, who ran as an independent Greenback candidate with Democratic support. Butler's supporters secured a majority of delegates to the Democratic state convention, but his nomination was rejected by the state party committee after his supporters used violent tactics to exclude anti-Butler delegates from the convention hall.

YouTube Encyclopedic

  • 1/5
    Views:
    4 368 537
    4 168 199
    1 346
    1 763 427
    6 088 100
  • Reconstruction and 1876: Crash Course US History #22
  • When white supremacists overthrew a government
  • List of governors of Virginia
  • Constitutional Compromises: Crash Course Government and Politics #5
  • Is the United States a Country?

Transcription

Episode 21: Reconstruction Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course U.S. History and huzzah! The Civil War is over! The slaves are free! Huzzah! That one hit me in the head? It’s very dangerous, Crash Course. So when you say, “Don’t aim at a person,” that includes myself? The roller coaster only goes up from here, my friends. Huzzah! Mr. Green, Mr. Green, what about the epic failure of Reconstruction? Oh, right. Stupid Reconstruction always ruining everything intro So after the Civil War ended, the United States had to reintegrate both a formerly slave population and a formerly rebellious population back into the country, which is a challenge that we might’ve met, except Abraham Lincoln was assassinated and we were left with Andrew “I am the Third Worst President Ever” Johnson. I’m sorry, Abe, but you don’t get to be in the show anymore. So, Lincoln’s whole post-war idea was to facilitate reunion and reconciliation, and Andrew Johnson’s guiding Reconstruction principle was that the South never had a right to secede in the first place. Also, because he was himself a Southerner, he resented all the elites in the South who had snubbed him, AND he was also a racist who didn’t think that blacks should have any role in Reconstruction. TRIFECTA! So between 1865 and 1867, the so-called period of Presidential Reconstruction, Johnson appointed provisional governors and ordered them to call state conventions to establish new all-white governments. And in their 100% whiteness and oppression of former slaves, those new governments looked suspiciously like the old confederate governments they had replaced. And what was changing for the former slaves? Well, in some ways, a lot. Like, Fiske and Howard universities were established, as well as many primary and secondary schools, thanks in part to The Freedman’s Bureau, which only lasted until 1870, but had the power to divide up confiscated and abandoned confederate land for former slaves. And this was very important because to most slaves, land ownership was the key to freedom, and many felt like they’d been promised land by the Union Army. Like, General Sherman’s Field Order 15, promised to distribute land in 40 acre plots to former slaves. But that didn’t happen, either through the Freedman’s Bureau or anywhere else. Instead, President Johnson ordered all land returned to its former owners. So the South remained largely agricultural with the same people owning the same land, and in the end, we ended up with sharecropping. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. The system of sharecropping replaced slavery in many places throughout the South. Landowners would provide housing to the sharecroppers--no, Thought Bubble, not quite that nice. There ya go--also tools and seed, and then the sharecroppers received, get this, a share of their crop--usually between a third and a half, with the price for that harvest often set by the landowner. Freed blacks got to control their work, and plantation owners got a steady workforce that couldn’t easily leave, because they had little opportunity to save money and make the big capital investments in, like, land or tools. By the late 1860s, poor white farmers were sharecropping as well--in fact, by the Great Depression, most sharecroppers were white. And while sharecropping certainly wasn’t slavery, it did result in a quasi-serfdom that tied workers to land they didn’t own--more or less the opposite of Jefferson’s ideal of the small, independent farmer. So, the Republicans in Congress weren’t happy that this reconstructed south looked so much like the pre-Civil War south, so they took the lead in reconstruction after 1867. Radical Republicans felt the war had been fought for equal rights and wanted to see the powers of the national government expanded. Few were as radical as Thaddeus “Tommy Lee Jones” Stephens who wanted to take away land from the Southern planters and give it to the former slaves, but rank-and-file Republicans were radical enough to pass the Civil Rights Bill, which defined persons born in the United States as citizens and established nationwide equality before the law regardless of race. Andrew Johnson immediately vetoed the law, claiming that trying to protect the rights of African Americans amounted to discrimination against white people, which so infuriated Republicans that Congress did something it had never done before in all of American history. They overrode the Presidential veto with a 2/3rds majority and the Civil Rights Act became law. So then Congress really had its dander up and decided to amend the Constitution with the 14th amendment, which defines citizenship, guarantees equal protection, and extends the rights in the Bill of Rights to all the states (sort of). The amendment had almost no Democratic support, but it also didn’t need any, because there were almost no Democrats in Congress on account of how Congress had refused to seat the representatives from the “new” all-white governments that Johnson supported. And that’s how we got the 14th amendment, arguably the most important in the whole Constitution. Thanks, Thought Bubble. Oh, straight to the mystery document today? Alright. The rules here are simple. I guess the author of the Mystery Document and try not to get shocked. Alright let’s see what we’ve got today. Sec. 1. Be it ordained by the police jury of the parish of St. Landry, That no negro shall be allowed to pass within the limits of said parish without special permit in writing from his employer. Sec. 4. . . . Every negro is required to be in the regular service of some white person, or former owner, who shall be held responsible for the conduct of said negro.. Sec. 6. . . . No negro shall be permitted to preach, exhort, or otherwise declaim to congregations of colored people, without a special permission in writing from the president of the police jury. . . . Gee, Stan, I wonder if the President of the Police Jury was white. I actually know this one. It is a Black Code, which was basically legal codes where they just replaced the word “slave” with the word “negro.” And this code shows just how unwilling white governments were to ensure the rights of new, free citizens. I would celebrate not getting shocked, but now I am depressed. So, okay, in 1867, again over Johnson’s veto, Congress passed the Reconstruction Act, which divided the south into 5 military districts and required each state to create a new government, one that included participation of black men. Those new governments had to ratify the 14th amendment if they wanted to get back into the union. Radical Reconstruction had begun. So, in 1868, Andrew Johnson was about as electable in the U.S. as Jefferson Davis, and sure enough he didn’t win. Instead, the 1868 election was won by Republican and former Union general Ulysses S. Grant. But Grant’s margin of victory was small enough that Republicans were like, “Man, we would sure win more elections if black people could vote.” Which is something you hear Republicans say all the time these days. So Congressional Republicans pushed the 15th Amendment, which prohibited states from denying men the right to vote based on race, but not based on gender or literacy or whether your grandfather could vote. So states ended up with a lot of leeway when it came to denying the franchise to African Americans, which of course they did. So here we have the federal government dictating who can vote, and who is and isn’t a citizen of a state, and establishing equality under the law--even local laws. And this is a really big deal in American history, because the national government became, rather than a threat to individual liberty, “the custodian of freedom,” as Radical Republican Charles Sumner put it. So but with this legal protection, former slaves began to exercise their rights. They participated in the political process by direct action, such as staging sit-ins to integrate street-cars, by voting in elections, and by holding office. Most African Americans were Republicans at the time, and because they could vote and were a large part of the population, the Republican party came to dominate politics in the South, just like today, except totally different. Now, Southern mythology about the age of radical Reconstruction is exemplified by Gone with the Wind, which of course tells the story of northern Republican dominance and corruption by southern Republicans. Fortune seeking northern carpetbaggers, seen here, as well as southern turncoat scalawags dominated politics and all of the African American elected leaders were either corrupt or puppets or both. Yeah, well, like the rest of Gone with the Wind, that’s a bit of an oversimplification. There were about 2,000 African Americans who held office during Reconstruction, and the vast majority of them were not corrupt. Consider for example the not-corrupt and amazingly-named Pinckney B.S. Pinchback, who from 1872 to 1873 served very briefly in Louisiana as America’s first black governor. And went on to be a senator and a member of the House of Representatives. By the way, America’s second African American governor, Douglas Wilder of Virginia was elected in 1989. Having African American officeholders was a huge step forward in term of ensuring the rights of African Americans because it meant that there would be black juries and less discrimination in state and local governments when it came to providing basic services. But in the end, Republican governments failed in the South. There were important achievements, especially a school system that, while segregated, did attempt to educate both black and white children. And even more importantly, they created a functioning government where both white and African American citizens could participate. According to one white South Carolina lawyer, “We have gone through one of the most remarkable changes in our relations to each other that has been known, perhaps, in the history of the world.” That’s a little hyperbolic, but we are America after all. (libertage) It’s true that corruption was widespread, but it was in the North, too. I mean, we’re talking about governments. And that’s not why Reconstruction really ended: It ended because 1. things like schools and road repair cost money, which meant taxes, which made Republican governments very unpopular because Americans hate taxes, and 2. White southerners could not accept African Americans exercising basic civil rights, holding office or voting. And for many, the best way to return things to the way they were before reconstruction was through violence. Especially after 1867, much of the violence directed toward African Americans in the South was politically motivated. The Ku Klux Klan was founded in 1866 and it quickly became a terrorist organization, targeting Republicans, both black and white, beating and murdering men and women in order to intimidate them and keep them from voting. The worst act of violence was probably the massacre at Colfax, Louisiana where hundreds of former slaves were murdered. And between intimidation and emerging discriminatory voting laws, fewer black men voted, which allowed white Democrats to take control of state governments in the south, and returned white Democratic congressional delegations to Washington. These white southern politicians called themselves “Redeemers” because they claimed to have redeemed the south from northern republican corruption and black rule. Now, it’s likely that the South would have fallen back into Democratic hands eventually, but the process was aided by Northern Republicans losing interest in Reconstruction. In 1873, the U.S. fell into yet another not-quite-Great economic depression and northerners lost the stomach to fight for the rights of black people in the south, which in addition to being hard was expensive. So by 1876 the supporters of reconstruction were in full retreat and the Democrats were resurgent, especially in the south. And this set up one of the most contentious elections in American history. The Democrats nominated New York Governor (and NYU Law School graduate) Samuel Tilden. The Republicans chose Ohio governor (and Kenyon College alumnus) Rutherford B. Hayes. One man who’d gone to Crash Course writer Raoul Meyer’s law school. And another who’d gone to my college, Kenyon. Now, if the election had been based on facial hair, as elections should be, there would’ve been no controversy, but sadly we have an electoral college here in the United States, and in 1876 there were disputed electoral votes in South Carolina, Louisiana, and, of course, Florida. Now you might remember that in these situations, there is a constitutional provision that says Congress should decide the winner, but Congress, shockingly, proved unable to accomplish something. So they appointed a 15 man Electoral Commission--a Super-Committee, if you will. And there were 8 Republicans on that committee and 7 Democrats, so you will never guess who won. Kenyon College’s own Rutherford B. Hayes. Go Lords and Ladies! And yes, that is our mascot. Shut up. Anyway in order to get the Presidency and win the support of the supercommittee, Hayes’ people agreed to cede control of the South to the Democrats and to stop meddling in Southern affairs and also to build a transcontinental railroad through Texas. This is called the Bargain of 1877 because historians are so good at naming things and it basically killed Reconstruction. Without any more federal troops in Southern states and with control of Southern legislatures firmly in the hands of white democrats the states were free to go back to restricting the freedom of black people, which they did. Legislatures passed Jim Crow laws that limited African American’s access to public accommodations and legal protections. States passed laws that took away black people’s right to vote and social and economic mobility among African Americans in the south declined precipitously. However, for a brief moment, the United States was more democratic than it had ever been before. And an entire segment of the population that had no impact on politics before was now allowed to participate. And for the freedmen who lived through it, that was a monumental change, and it would echo down to the Civil Rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s, sometimes called the second reconstruction. But we’re gonna end this episode on a downer, as we are wont to do here at Crash Course US History because I want to point out a lesser-known legacy of Reconstruction. The Reconstruction amendments and laws that were passed granted former slaves political freedom and rights, especially the vote, and that was critical. But to give them what they really wanted and needed, plots of land that would make them economically independent, would have required confiscation, and that violation of property rights was too much for all but the most radical Republicans. And that question of what it really means to be “free” in a system of free market capitalism has proven very complicated indeed. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Meredith Danko. The associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Café. Every week there’s a new caption for the libertage. You can suggest those in comments where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thank you for watching Crash Course. Don’t forget to subscribe. And as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be awesome. reconstruction -

Background

Benjamin Butler spent his pre-War political career as a populist Democrat but served as a political Union general in the Civil War and was thereafter elected to five terms in Congress as a Republican. He tried to win the Republican nomination for governor several times unsuccessfully, including second place finishes in 1871 and 1872. In his last election to Congress in 1876, Butler won despite opposition within his local party, which nominated Ebenezer R. Hoar as a breakaway candidate. In January 1877, Butler's ally George S. Boutwell was defeated for re-election to the U.S. Senate by George F. Hoar.

Butler openly entered the race by early August, and his supporters from both parties began meeting[1][2] to discuss whether Butler delegates should be submitted to contest a party nomination or whether a third party should form to support him. Butler openly acknowledged that he would accept the Democratic nomination, citing his support from young Irish politicians such as Patrick A. Collins,[2][1] but said he would not actively seek the nomination.[1] Leading Butlerites acknowledged that he would likely not contest the Republican nomination.[2]

As Butler's campaign progressed, he positioned himself as an independent candidate pledged to reform, running on a personal ticket of one rather than as the member of any party.[3]

Democratic nominations

Candidates

Campaign

By September 14, the week of the Democratic convention, Butlerites had secured a decided majority of the delegates.[4] Many anti-Butler delegates, including William Gaston, Reuben Noble, and Charles Perkins Thompson, who had defeated Butler in the 1874 House race, pledged to bolt the party in the event of his nomination. In expectation of his victory, they planned to submit planks rejecting Butlerism and Republicanism at the convention.[4]

Convention

At around 5 A.M. on September 17, Butler delegates arrived at Mechanics' Hall in large numbers and began to conduct business with David Powers of Springfield presiding. Butler's personal secretary, Mr. McDavitt, moved to deny delegates lacking credentials entry, and the motion carried. At this point, a mob attempted to break into the hall, but the doors were closed by police.[5]

Matthew McCafferty then entered the hall to cheers. Party Chairman Edward Avery attempted in vain to make a statement on behalf of the State Committee, but was drowned out by the crowd. A delegate moved that Avery be requested to leave, and Powers made the request, but Avery refused. McCafferty suggested that Avery was "ambitious for the honors of a martyr" and had only interrupted the convention to "go out to the blue bloods and informed them that he had served them."[5] McCafferty said the mob had called the delegates "communists."[5] He told Avery to inform the mob he had performed his duty and said that Avery was "anxious to relieve his bowels and should be allowed to do so."[5] After more hissing and booing and McCafferty urging the delegates to settle down, Avery declared that the convention was adjourned until September 25.[5]

Notwithstanding Avery's adjournment, the delegates proceeded, opening the galleries to an excited crowd and electing McCafferty temporary chairman. Dr. Gockritz of Boston rose to denounce the Democratic State Committee and declared Avery's adjournment non-binding. Richard S. Spofford was elected permanent chairman, and he delivered a speech denouncing bond-holding and banking monopolies. John L. Rice of Springfield nominated Butler for Governor, and his nomination was seconded by Mr. Cook of Boston. John C. Galvin rose to protest that no Democrat could support Butler, but was drowned out by the delegates.[5]

Aftermath

After the convention, even those members of the State Committee who had publicly supported Butler joined the majority in denouncing him. In a letter signed by Avery, the Committee declared that the convention had not been able to proceed safely due to the threat by Butler delegates, who "entered the hall by stealth and by force, by ladders through the windows and breaking down the doors," and had been necessarily postponed until September 25 at Faneuil Hall.[6] The Faneuil Hall convention nominated Josiah Gardner Abbott.[7]

Republican nomination

Candidates

Campaign

The two primary candidates for the nomination were former Governor Thomas Talbot and Speaker of the House John Davis Long.[8]

By September 14, with Democrats divided by the Butler boom and Talbot taking a widely acknowledged lead, Republicans focused on reconciling the two factions by promising Long a spot on the ticket. Some Long supporters held out in hopes of an open ballot.[4]

Convention

At the convention on September 18, Talbot was nominated without incident; coverage of the convention largely contrasted it to the raucous Democratic convention the night before.[8][9][6] Long remained in the race, with his supporters claiming that he had as many as 400 delegates, though he was not expected to secure the nomination. Some Butler Republicans were present, but made no public demonstration or protest.[6]

An informal ballot was taken as follows:

1878 Massachusetts Republican Convention[8]
Party Candidate Votes %
Republican Thomas Talbot 851 75.71%
Republican John Davis Long 266 23.67%
Republican Benjamin Butler 2 0.18%
Republican Henry L. Pierce 2 0.18%
Republican Charles Devens 2 0.18%
Republican Francis W. Bird 1 0.09%
Total votes 1,124 100.00%

At the announcement of Butler's name, hisses and laughter were heard.[8] At the motion of Mr. Nichols of Boston, the convention nominated Talbot be nominated by acclamation, and three cheers were given.[8]

The platform endorsed a resumption of specie payments, restructuring of national debt at reduced interest, civil service reform, and the Hayes administration.[8]

General election

Campaign

The election pitted Talbot and Butler's contrasting personalities and positions on monetary policy, Talbot being a mild-mannered supporter of a gold standard running on a slogan of "Honest Money, Honest Men."[10] Financial issues dominated the campaign.[11]

Talbot faced criticism for his temperance beliefs, as had cost him the 1875 election. Butler also attacked Talbot as a member of a Republican oligarchy which had controlled the state since the Civil War, while Republicans responded that Butler was the leader of "Repudiationists, Greenbackers, and Communists." Issue was also made of Butler's frequent party-switching and the working conditions at his Middlesex Company, which contrasted unfavorably with the conditions at Talbot Mills.[10]

The race gained some national attention due to speculation that Butler would run for President in 1880 if he won. During the general election campaign, U.S. Representative and future President James A. Garfield of Ohio made a speech on Talbot's behalf at Faneuil Hall.[10]

Results

Turnout was extremely high; though Butler lost handily, he received more votes than any losing candidate in history.[10] The large Prohibitionist vote from 1877 almost completely evaporated, owing to Talbot's strong temperance stance.

1878 Massachusetts gubernatorial election[12][13]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Republican Thomas Talbot 134,725 52.56% Increase 3.09
Democratic Benjamin Butler
Greenback Benjamin Butler
Total Benjamin Butler 109,435 42.69% N/A
Ind. Democrat Josiah Gardner Abbott 10,162 3.96% N/A
Prohibition Alonzo Ames Miner 1,913 0.75% Decrease 8.12
Write-in 97 0.04% Decrease 0.02
Republican hold Swing

References

  1. ^ a b c "SECRET BUTLER CAUCUS". The New York Times. August 9, 1878. p. 2. Retrieved January 21, 2022.
  2. ^ a b c "GEN BUTLER'S PLANS". The New York Times. August 8, 1878. p. 3. Retrieved January 21, 2022.
  3. ^ "THE MASSACHUSETS EXPERIMENT". The New York Times. September 11, 1878. p. 4. Retrieved January 21, 2022.
  4. ^ a b c "BUTLER AND THE DEMOCRATS". The New York Times. September 14, 1878. p. 1. Retrieved January 21, 2022.
  5. ^ a b c d e f "Massachusetts Democratic State Convention at Worcester: THE BUTLER GANG CAPTURE THE HALL AND CARRY MATTERS WITH A HIGH HAND". Detroit Free Press. September 18, 1878. p. 6.
  6. ^ a b c "THE MASSACHUSETTS REPUBLICANS". The New York Times. September 18, 1878. p. 1. Retrieved January 21, 2022.
  7. ^ "THE MASSACHUSETTS CANVASS". The New York Times. September 27, 1878. p. 4. Retrieved January 23, 2022.
  8. ^ a b c d e f "BAY STATE REPUBLICANS: Thomas Talbot for Governor". New York Tribune. September 19, 1878. p. 1.
  9. ^ "The Massachusetts Republicans: A Harmonious Convention". Hartford Daily Courant. September 19, 1878. p. 3.
  10. ^ a b c d Ahern, Matthew (January 21, 2021). "The Massachusetts Gubernatorial Election of 1878 – "Honest Money, Honest Men"". Massachusetts Historical Society: The Beehive.
  11. ^ "BUTLER'S CHANCES WANING". The New York Times. September 29, 1878. p. 1. Retrieved January 21, 2022.
  12. ^ "1878 Massachusetts governor results".
  13. ^ Manual for the General Court, 1879. Boston, MA: Rand, Avery, & Co., Printers to the Commonwealth. 1879.
This page was last edited on 13 December 2023, at 14:31
Basis of this page is in Wikipedia. Text is available under the CC BY-SA 3.0 Unported License. Non-text media are available under their specified licenses. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc. WIKI 2 is an independent company and has no affiliation with Wikimedia Foundation.