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2004 unrest in Kosovo

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

2004 unrest in Kosovo
Downtown Vista with Ruins of Serb House Destroyed in 2004 Pogrom - Prizren - Kosovo.jpg
Overgrown ruins of a Serb-owned house that was destroyed by the rioters.
Date17–18 March 2004
(1 day)
Resulted in
Parties to the civil conflict
Flag of Serbia (1992–2004).svg
Over 50,000[7]
Part of a series on the
History of Kosovo
Early History
Middle Ages
Ottoman Kosovo
20th century
Recent history
See also

The worst ethnic violence in Kosovo since the end of the 1999 conflict erupted in the partitioned town of Mitrovica, leaving hundreds wounded and at least 14 people dead. UN peacekeepers and Nato troops scrambled to contain a raging gun battle between Serbs and ethnic Albanians.[8] In Serbia the events were also called the March Pogrom (Serbian: Мартовски погром / Martovski pogrom).

International courts in Pristina have prosecuted several people who attacked several Serbian Orthodox churches, handing down jail sentences ranging from 21 months to 16 years.[9]

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  • ✪ Serbia's Last Stand Against The Central Powers I THE GREAT WAR - Week 68
  • ✪ The Third Battle of the Isonzo - French Despair On The Western Front I THE GREAT WAR Week 67
  • ✪ Ceca (singer)


You have an army. Tens of thousands of men. And you come to the aid of a beleaguered ally; so close you can hear sounds of battle as your ally gamely holds out. But then the harsh realities of nature get in the way. I’m Indy Neidell; welcome to the Great War Last week things were still crazy at Gallipoli with plans changing every day, even as the situation constantly deteriorated for the allies. The Austro-Hungarian, German, and Bulgarian armies were driving their way through Serbia, and battles at the Isonzo River, in Artois, and in Champagne all came to an end with total casualties on all sides approaching half a million men, and on the Eastern Front sporadic Russian attacks took POWs by the tens of thousands. Here’s what followed. That battle at the Isonzo River was the Third Battle for that river. As it turned out, there was only a week between the end of the Third Battle of the Isonzo River and the beginning of the fourth one, which kicked off November 10th, so a lot of people think of the Fourth as a continuation of the Third. But you know, what? It’s kind of more accurate to call the Fourth a replay of the Third. The objectives, the commanders, the strategy and tactics were all basically the same. The main difference was the weather. Winter had arrived early this year in the Julian Alps, and- at least up there- snow and sleet made combat there almost impossible. Casualties in the Third battle had been high on both sides, some 68,000 for the Italians and 42,000 for the Austro-Hungarians, and both sides worked really hard to bring their armies back up to snuff. Thing is, by this time experienced Italian soldiers were being replaced with raw recruits straight out of training camp. That doesn’t bode well for reducing casualties. Especially when Italian Chief of Staff Luigi Cadorna’s belief in “the final push” with mass infantry attacks against entrenched Austrian positions comes into the picture. On the Austrian side, since things were looking a lot better over on the Eastern Front than several months ago, General Svetozar Borojevic von Bojna was able to not only replace his losses from the Third Battle, but also increase his reserves. His biggest problem was that Austrian industrial production couldn’t keep up with demand, so he was always short of artillery shells, grenades, mortars, and even ammunition. One thing he did have was high morale. Against Russia, many of the polyglot soldiers of the Imperial army had no sympathy for war, but against the Italians not so. They believed they were fighting to defend their homeland against traitors, so on this front they were really gung ho. Remember, Italy had been an ally of Austria-Hungary until the war broke out, but earlier this year had joined the allies. Oh, a side note here. In the Thi rd Battle, the Italian army had begun using steel helmets, brought in from France. I’ve said before that on this front, since it was all rock, splinters from the limestone often caused deadly head wounds, so it’s sort of remarkable that the Austrians would have to wait until autumn 1916 to get their own steel helmets. And heading further southeast to Serbia, we can see what the Austrians were up to there, where things were looking quite good for them. The Serbs were being inexorably pushed back by the Austrians, the Germans, and the Bulgarians. The fall of Nis, on November 5th, had been the worst blow to the Serbs since Belgrade fell a month ago. The German and Austrian papers made a big deal about it, because it allowed a direct rail link between Berlin and Constantinople, and all of Europe now realized that the final days of Serbian resistance were now at hand. Down in Macedonia, though, the Bulgarians under General Todoroff were having a tricky time with the invasion. The Serbs under Colonel Bojovic were defending themselves in the Katshanik Pass, daily beating back the Bulgarian assaults, and keeping open the line of retreat for the main Serbian army. The Bulgarians were basically in the same position and trying to do the same thing as they had in the Second Balkan War in 1913, only then they were trying to drive a wedge between the Serbs and the Greeks, and now it was the French in place of the Greeks. Further south, the Bulgarians advanced toward the Babuna Pass, also well defended by the Serbs. If they forced this pass, both the Serbian line and the French line to the south were in danger of being flanked. It must be held at all costs, and here’s a quote from “The Story of the Great War” about what followed: “The stand the Serbians made in Babuna Pass was one of those feats which will remain inscribed of the pages of history through the ages and will excite the admiration of all people, regardless of how their sympathies may lie toward the main issues of the war. “ In early November, Serbian Colonel Vassitch had around 5,000 men. The Bulgarians had four times that number and a big advantage in artillery. Bulgarian attacks intensified as this week began, but they were still thrown back again and again. By this time, the French were only 15 kilometers away and could hear the sounds of battle. The road the French under General Maurice Sarrail would have to take to the pass crossed the Tcherna River- the Black River- and then crossed difficult mountain ridges, which the Bulgarians had fortified. Sarrail was still determined to try. Thing is, the river was not fordable, and was only crossable in one place, a small plank bridge at Vozartzi. At the beginning of the week, the French began to cross the bridge and scale the heights, the sound of battle now in range. On November 6th, the French attacked the Bulgarians on Mount Archangel, and Sarrail knew he must break through here if he was to reach the Serbian forces. The French were outnumbered and the Bulgarian positions fortified, but still, at the first attack, the Bulgarians were driven from the base of the mountain. By the 10th, the French had pushed the Bulgarians out of Sirkovo, but Bulgarian reinforcements had begun to arrive and by the end of the week the Bulgarians, now 60,000 strong began to take the offensive. The French could advance no more. Someone else who could seemingly advance no more was the Germans in the Northeast. We saw that Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg’s forces had been stopped and were unable to take Dvinsk or Riga, and on November 12th, in a meeting with the Kaiser, Hindenburg said that if the Kaiser insisted on their capture, Hindenburg would resign. His forces were spending these days slowly retreating from Riga, Shlok, and Kemmen. And here’s something that happened last week that I didn’t have time to talk about. The Battle of Banjo happened in Kamerun November 4-6. Now, earlier this year, the British Commander in the region, Hugh Cunliffe had won the second battle of Garua and the battle of Ngaundere, and when the rainy season had come he had taken part in the on-going siege of Mora instead of advancing to the German base at Jaunde. Now that the rains had come and gone, he had moved toward the town of Banjo, near which was a German fort under Captain Adolf Schipper that was the last German stronghold before Jaunde. The British occupied the town of Banjo in late October, but didn’t attack the fort until November 4th. They attacked in a fog and surprised the Germans and askaris, but were still forced to retreat. Throughout the next day they were held at bay, with the Germans often using dynamite to hold them off, until the night of the 5th in a thunderstorm, when the final attack was made. Schipper was killed and much of the German garrison deserted, though most of the deserters were later captured. This pretty much marked the end of German resistance in northern Kamerun, though the siege of Mora would continue for months and Jaunde wouldn’t fall into British hands until January 1916. And that was the week. The Italians trying yet again just a few days after the last push. The Germans despairing of taking Riga or Dvinsk, losing important territory in Africa, but on the move through northern Serbia, as further south the French were unable to breakthrough and stop the Bulgarians. One little wooden bridge. That’s all the French had to get their men across the Tcherna River. So close they could hear their allies fighting the Bulgarians. Imagine how frustrating it must have been to hear that, and know that the river was unfordable, uncrossable except ever so slowly on a rickety wooden bridge. If only the river was shallower, if only the cliffs weren’t so steep, “if only”- how many lives might have been saved? You could have reached your ally and made a stand together. You could have bought time to save tens of thousands of your civilians from the invaders. If only. Yeah, if only this war had never begun, you wouldn’t need to say if only. Bulgaria was still fairly new to the Great War in Europe and if you want to find out why they joined on the side of the Central Powers, check out our special episode right here. Our Patreon supporter of the week is Wallace Vaughn - if you want to support our show financially and get cool perks in return, consider supporting us via Patreon. And for more cool historical photos and a glimpse behind the scenes, follow us on Instagram. See you next week.



The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was an ethnic-Albanian paramilitary organisation which had as its founding goal unification of Albanian inhabited lands in the Balkans, stressing Albanian culture, ethnicity and nation.[10][11][12] Conflict escalated from 1997 onward due to the Yugoslavian army retaliating with a crackdown in the region resulting in violence and population displacements.[10][13][14] The bloodshed, ethnic cleansing of thousands of Albanians driving them into neighbouring countries and the potential of it to destabilize the region provoked intervention by international organizations and agencies, such as the United Nations, NATO and INGOs.[15][16] Some people from non-Albanian communities such as the Serbs and Romani fled Kosovo fearing revenge attacks by armed people and returning refugees while others were pressured by the KLA and armed gangs to leave.[17] Post conflict Kosovo was placed under an international United Nations framework with the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) overseeing administrative affairs and the NATO Kosovo Force (KFOR) dealing with defence.[18] Within post-conflict Kosovo Albanian society, calls for retaliation for previous violence done by Serb forces during the war circulated through public culture.[19] In 2004, prolonged negotiations over Kosovo's future status, sociopolitical problems and nationalist sentiments resulted in the Kosovo unrest.[20][21]


Shooting of Serbian teen

On 15 March 2004 an 18-year-old Serb, Jovica Ivić, was murdered in a drive-by shooting in the village of Čaglavica in the central region of Kosovo.[22]

16 March pro-KLA protests

On 16 March, three KLA war veterans associations organized widespread demonstrations in ethnic Albanian cities and towns, protesting the arrests of former KLA leaders on war crime charges, including the February arrests of four commanders.[23] The pro-KLA, anti-UNMIK protests, with 18,000 protesters, lay the basis for the following demonstrations sparked by the sensational reports of drowning of three Albanian children.[24]

Drowning of Albanian children

On 16 March, three Albanian children drowned in the Ibar River in the village of Čabar, near the Serb community of Zubin Potok. A fourth boy survived. It was speculated that he and his friends had been chased into the river by Serbs in revenge for the shooting of Ivić the previous day, but this claim has not been proven.[25]

UN police spokesman Neeraj Singh said the surviving boy had been under intense pressure from ethnic Albanian journalists who had suggested what he should say. His version of events differed from that of two other children who had also been in the river, Singh told a news conference in Pristina. The spokesperson said there were "very significant" inconsistencies in the accounts given by the child during two separate interviews, and a lack of corroboration of his story. "In fact, it is logically at odds in several respects with other evidence," Mr. Singh said.[26][27] The UN found no evidence that Serbs were responsible for drowning the three Albanian children.[27]


Ruins of a Kosovo Serb house in Prizren that was destroyed by rioters.
Ruins of a Kosovo Serb house in Prizren that was destroyed by rioters.

On 17 and 18 March 2004, a wave of violent riots swept through Kosovo, triggered by two incidents perceived as ethnically-motivated acts. Demonstrations, although seemingly spontaneous at the outset, quickly focused on Serbs throughout Kosovo. 27 people were killed (11 Kosovo Albanians, 16 Kosovo Serbs), more than 900 persons were injured (including 65 international police officers and 58 Kosovo Police Service officers), and more than 800 buildings destroyed or damaged (including 29 churches or monasteries).

By one estimate, more than 50,000 people participated in the riots. The Legal System Monitoring Section of the OSCE Mission in Kosovo (“the OSCE”) has closely monitored the investigations and trials from March 2004 until present. With its monitoring of 73 cases (Municipal, District and Minor Offences Courts) pending between December 2005 and March 2008, the OSCE now follows up on a first report of December 2005.[28]

Thousands of Albanians gathered at the south end of the bridge across the Ibar at Kosovska Mitrovica, which divides the Serb and Albanian districts of the town. A large crowd of Serbs gathered at the north end to prevent the Albanians from crossing. Peacekeepers from the NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR) blockaded the bridge, using tear gas, rubber bullets and stun grenades to keep the crowds apart. However, gunmen on both sides opened fire with sub-machine guns and grenades, killing at least eight people (two Albanians and six Serbs) and wounding over 300. Eleven peacekeepers were also injured, of which two seriously.

The violence quickly spread to other parts of Kosovo, with Kosovo Serb communities and Serbian cultural heritage (churches and monasteries) attacked by crowds of Albanians. Serb returnees were attacked.[29] Some of the locations were ostensibly under the protection of KFOR at the time. During the riots and violence, 16 Serbs were killed. Among damaged property were at least 35 churches, including 18 monuments of culture, demolished, burnt or severely damaged.[2] The casualty toll at the end of the day was 28 and 600 people were injured, including 61 peacekeepers and 55 police officers.


In Čaglavica, 12,000 Kosovo Albanian rioters tried to storm the Serb-populated areas. KFOR peacekeepers from Sweden, Norway and Finland led by Swedish Lieutenant Colonel Hans Håkansson created a blockade by using tear gas, rubber bullets, and stun grenades, in order to keep the two groups apart. A truck was driven by a Kosovo Albanian at full speed towards the barricade in an attempt to penetrate the line. After firing warning shots at the truck, the peacekeepers had to use deadly force to avoid friendly casualties, and shot the driver. 16 peacekeepers were injured, and 13 had to be evacuated.[30]

Another KFOR unit consisting of mostly Swedish soldiers also participated in defending Čaglavica that day, supported by people from the barracks who normally worked with non-military tasks. Lieutenant Colonel Hans Håkansson, who commanded 700 people during the unrest, reported that the fighting went on for 11 hours, and that many collapsed due to dehydration and injuries while struggling to fend off waves of rioters.[31] In total, 35 people were injured while defending the town.[31] Hans Håkansson was awarded with a medal for his actions by the Royal Swedish Academy of War Sciences in 2005.[32]


Following the attacks in Čaglavica, the mob of Albanians turned their attention on the few remaining Serbs living in Priština in the YU Program apartments.[33] The apartments came under attack after the mob of Albanians blocked all of the entrances and set fire to the ground floors. Serbs who tried to flee the apartments were shot at by firearms or stabbed by members of the crowd. The mob began to loot apartments and were chanting pro Kosovo Liberation Army chants and calling for the killing of Serbs.[34] It took KFOR and UNMIK police over 6 hours to evacuate the Serbs who were under constant fire from armed Albanians. Following the evacuation the crowd began to converge on the  Church of the Christ Savour burning and damaging the facade and inside.[35]


Albanians rioted in the city of Peć, attacking UN offices. One Albanian was killed by UN police.[29] Serb returnees were attacked at Belo Polje.[29]


Albanians and KFOR were engaged in gunfights in the town of Lipljan. Four Serbs were murdered, while Serbs taking refuge in the local Orthodox church were attacked.[29]


All Serb houses in the Serb-inhabited village of Svinjare in Vučitrn, near Kosovska Mitrovica, were burnt down.[31]


On 17 March, ethnic Albanians started attacking the Serb settlement in Prizren, including the Seminary, and reportedly there was no UNMIK, Kosovo Police and KFOR present there at the time.[36] The mob set the Seminary on fire, with people inside, and beat several elder people, with one man dying in the burning.[37]

The German KFOR's refusal to mobilize to protect the local Serbs are one of the main security failures of the 2004 unrest.[38] UNMIK in Prizren said that the terror, 56 Serb houses and 5 historical churches that were burnt down, could have been prevented by KFOR .[38]

Destroyed churches

In an urgent appeal,[39] issued on 18 March by the extraordinary session of the Expanded Convocation of the Holy Synod of Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC), it was reported that a number of Serbian churches and shrines in Kosovo had been damaged or destroyed by rioters. At least 30 sites were completely destroyed, more or less destroyed, or further destroyed (sites that had been previously damaged).[40] Apart from the churches and monasteries, tens of support buildings (such as parish buildings, economical buildings and residences) were destroyed, bringing the number close to 100 buildings of the SPC destroyed.[40]

All churches and objects of the SPC in Prizren were destroyed.[40] The list includes several UNESCO World Heritage Sites. Among those destroyed and damaged were:[41][42]

HRW lists 27 Orthodox churches and monasteries burned and looted.[47]

Reactions in Kosovo

Kosovo Albanian politicians such as President Ibrahim Rugova and Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi joined UN governor Harri Holkeri, NATO southern commander Gregory Johnson, and other KFOR officials in condemning the violence and appealing for peace in Kosovo.[48]

Hashim Thaçi, the former Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) leader, "rejected ethnic division of Kosovo and said independence is a pre-condition for stability in the region."[49] He has also said, "Kosovo, NATO and the West have not fought for Kosovo only for Albanians, nor for a Kosovo ruled by violence. Violence is not the way to solve problems, violence only creates problems."[50]

Kosovo Police established a special investigation team to handle cases related to the 2004 unrest and according to Kosovo Judicial Council by the end of 2006 the 326 charges filed by municipal and district prosecutors for criminal offenses in connection with the unrest had resulted in 200 indictments: convictions in 134 cases, and courts acquitted eight and dismissed 28; 30 cases were pending. International prosecutors and judges handled the most sensitive cases.[51] By March 2010, 143 Kosovars of Albanian ethnicity were convicted, of which 67 received prison terms of over a year.[4]

Reactions in Serbia

The events in Kosovo brought an immediate angry reaction on the streets of Serbia. On the evening of 17 March, crowds gathered in Belgrade, Novi Sad and Niš to demonstrate against the treatment of the Kosovo Serbs. Despite appeals for calm by Metropolitan Amfilohije, the 17th-century Bajrakli Mosque was set on fire. Islam Aga mosque in the southern city of Niš was also set on fire, while demonstrators chanted "Kill, kill Albanians!" When police arrived the mosque was already burning and some media reported that the police didn't move the crowd, so they blocked the fire fighters access to the mosque, leaving them unable to extinguish the fire.[52] Both buildings were extensively damaged but were saved from complete destruction by the intervention of police and firefighters.[53] Also properties of Muslim minorities, such as Goranis, Turks or Albanians were vandalized in Novi Sad and other cities throughout Serbia.[54] Human Rights Watch has concluded that the Serbian state failed to prosecute violence in Novi Sad.[52]

The Serbian government publicly denounced the violence in Kosovo. Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica strongly criticized the failure of NATO and the UN to prevent the violence, and called for a state of emergency to be imposed on Kosovo. He gave a speech blaming organized Albanian separatists: "The events in northern Kosovo-Metohija reveal the true nature of Albanian separatism, its violent and terrorist nature ... [The government will] do all it can to stop the terror in Kosovo".[55] The Minister of Minority Rights of Serbia and Montenegro, Rasim Ljajić, himself a Muslim, said "What is now happening in Kosovo confirms two things: that this is a collapse of the international mission, and a total defeat of the international community." Nebojsa Čović, the Serbian government's chief negotiator on matters relating to Kosovo, was sent to Kosovska Mitrovica on March 18 in a bid to calm the situation there. Serbian security forces also guarded the border between Serbia and Kosovo in a bid to prevent demonstrators and paramilitaries from entering the province to foment further unrest. The events were compared by Prime Minister Koštunica to ethnic cleansing.[1]

The Serbs, represented by the "Union of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija", described the ordeal as "genocide" in a letter sent to the Serbian and Russian patriarchs, to Russian President Vladimir Putin and the Serbian government, where, besides that, they quote the burning of seven villages during the World War II-German occupation to the "several hundreds" burnt "under the rule of the troops of Christian Europe and America" and according to which the "occupation of Kosovo surpasses all we had to sustain under fascism." The spared Serb villages are compared to "concentration camps" because of the missing freedom of movement, electricity and heating. According to the letter, after 1999 there were 8,500 homicides or disappearances of non-Albanian people with no single accomplice tried.[56]

In 2011, seven years after the incident, Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremić spoke at the Wheaton College in Chicago:

In less than 72 hours, 35 churches and monasteries were set on fire, many of which date back to the 14th century or even further away in history, which represents an irretrievable loss for the mankind. Dozens of people were killed. Several thousand were wounded. Thousands of houses and shops were leveled to the ground. More than 4,000 Kosovo Serbs were expelled from their homes.[2]

In Serbia the events were also called the March Pogrom.[57][2][58][59][60]

International reaction

The international community was taken by surprise by the sudden upsurge in violence. Kosovo had been fairly quiet since the end of 1999, although there had been occasional small-scale ethnic clashes throughout the past five years and an ongoing tension between Serbs and Albanians. This had, however, largely gone unnoticed by the Western media since 1999.

KFOR troops closed Kosovo's borders with the remainder of Serbia and Montenegro and the UN suspended flights in and out of the province. NATO announced on 18 March that it would send another 1,000 troops – 750 of them from the United Kingdom – to reinforce the 18,500 troops already there.[61]

The UN and European Union both appealed for calm, calling on local leaders to restrain their supporters. UN Secretary General Kofi Annan urged both sides to cooperate with the peacekeeping forces but pointedly reminded the Kosovo Albanians that they had a responsibility "to protect and promote the rights of all people within Kosovo, particularly its minorities".

An Austrian OSCE official called the events an orchestrated plan to drive out the remaining Serbs, while one anonymous UNMIK official reportedly referred to the event as Kosovo's Kristallnacht. The commander of NATO's South Flank, Admiral Gregory G. Johnson, said on 19 March that the violence verged on ethnic cleansing of Serbs by Albanians. On 20 March, Kosovo's UN administrator, Harri Holkeri, told journalists that "Maybe the very beginning was spontaneous but after the beginning certain extremist groups had an opportunity to orchestrate the situation and that is why we urgently are working to get those perpetrators into justice."[62]

According to Amnesty International, at least 19 people died—11 Albanians and eight Serbs—and over 1,000 were injured while some 730 houses belonging to minorities, mostly Kosovo Serbs, as well as 36 Orthodox churches, monasteries and other religious and cultural sites were damaged or destroyed. In less than 48 hours, 4,100 minority community members were newly displaced (more than the total of 3,664 that had returned throughout 2003), of whom 82% were Serbs and the remaining 18% included Romani (and Ashkali) as well as an estimated 350 Albanians from the Serb-majority areas of Kosovska Mitrovica and Leposavić.

  • Denmark Denmark pledged to send an additional 100 peacekeepers to the region after the violence began.[63]
  • Germany Germany's Defence Minister Peter Struck said on March 19 that a further 600 peacekeepers were being sent to join German forces in Kosovo, with deployment to the region beginning on March 20.[63]
  • France France pledged to send about 400 more troops immediately to the region after the violence began.[63]
  • Russia Russia and Serbia-Montenegro called for an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council, which condemned the violence. On 19 March, the Russian Duma passed a resolution (397 to 0) calling for the return of Serbia-Montenegro's troops.
  • Serbia Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica described the attacks as "planned in advance and co-ordinated... this was an attempted pogrom and ethnic cleansing" against Kosovo's Serbs.[63]
  • United Kingdom The United Kingdom sent an additional 750 peacekeeping soldiers, which arrived in the region's capital Pristina within 24 hours of the first attacks, to reinforce British troops already on the ground.[63]
  • United States White House spokesman Scott McClellan told reporters the Bush administration called "on all groups to end the violence and refrain from violence."[64] The U.S. State Department also repeated its call to stop the violence, stating: "The escalating violence threatens the process of democratization and reconciliation in Kosovo and must end."[64]

See also


  1. ^ a b "Kosovo clashes 'ethnic cleansing'". BBC News. 20 March 2004. Retrieved 22 April 2010.
  2. ^ a b c d, FM talks Kosovo at U.S. college, 18 March 2011
  4. ^ a b "Six years since March violence in Kosovo". B92. 17 March 2010. Retrieved 7 September 2015.
  5. ^ "Kosovo: Protection and Conservation of a Multi-Ethnic Heritage in Danger" (PDF). UNESCO. April 2004.
  6. ^ "Between Cultural Diversity and Common Heritage: Legal and Religious Perspectives on the Sacred Places of the Mediterranean". 2014.
  7. ^ "Commentary No. 87: The Status of Kosovo: Political and Security Implications for the Balkans and Europe". Archived from the original on 2012-12-17. Retrieved 2012-02-13.
  8. ^ "Fourteen dead as ethnic violence sweeps Kosovo". Retrieved 17 March 2018.
  9. ^ "Bitter Memories of Kosovo's Deadly March Riots". Retrieved 17 March 2018.
  10. ^ a b Yoshihara 2006, p. 68.
  11. ^ Perritt 2008, p. 29.
  12. ^ Koktsidis & Dam 2008, pp. 165–166.
  13. ^ Goldman 1997, pp. 308, 373.
  14. ^ Allan & Zelizer 2004, p. 178.
  15. ^ Jordan, Robert S. (2001). International organizations: A comparative approach to the management of cooperation. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 129. ISBN 9780275965495.
  16. ^ Yoshihara, Susan Fink (2006). "Kosovo". In Reveron, Derek S.; Murer, Jeffrey Stevenson (eds.). Flashpoints in the War on Terrorism. Routledge. pp. 67–68. ISBN 9781135449315.
  17. ^ Herring 2000, pp. 232–234.
  18. ^ Herring 2000, p. 232.
  19. ^ Herscher 2010, p. 14.
  20. ^ Rausch & Banar 2006, p. 246.
  21. ^ Egleder 2013, p. 79.
  22. ^ "U Čaglavici pucano na srpskog mladića iz automobila u pokretu". B92. Beta. 15 March 2004. Retrieved 21 December 2014.
  23. ^ Bouckaert 2004, p. 17.
  24. ^ Bouckaert 2004, p. 18.
  25. ^ "No evidence over Kosovo drownings". BBC. 2004-04-28. Retrieved 2010-01-05.
  26. ^ "Lack of evidence stalls probe into drowning of 3 Kosovo children, UN Mission says". ReliefWeb. Retrieved 15 February 2015.
  27. ^ a b "UN Investigation Clears Serbs of Kosovo Drownings". 29 April 2004. Retrieved 15 February 2015.
  28. ^ "Organization for Security an d Co-operation in Europe MISSION IN KOSOVO Monitoring Department, Legal System Monitoring Section". OSCE. Retrieved 17 March 2018.
  29. ^ a b c d B92 Specijal 2004.
  30. ^ Kjell-Olav Myhre (2014). Kosovo 2004: 12000 kosovoalbanerne angriper den kosovoserbiske landsbyen Caglavica [Kosovo 2004: 12,000 Kosovo Albanians assault the Kosovo Serb village of Caglavica] (in Norwegian). Forsvaret (Norwegian Armed Forces). Archived from the original on 14 July 2014. Retrieved 9 May 2014.
  31. ^ a b c d e Zaremba, Maciej (15 June 2007). "Mandom, mod och landstingstossor". Dagens Nyheter. Retrieved 9 May 2014.
  32. ^ "Gotländsk militär får belöningsmedalj". P4 Gotland. Sveriges Radio. 8 November 2005. Retrieved 11 January 2015.
  33. ^ "Failure to Protect,Anti-Minority Violence in Kosovo, March 2004". Human Rights Watch. Retrieved 2018-07-10.
  34. ^ "Failure to Protect,Anti-Minority Violence in Kosovo, March 2004". Human Rights Watch. Retrieved 2018-07-10.
  35. ^ "Failure to Protect,Anti-Minority Violence in Kosovo, March 2004". Human Rights Watch. Retrieved 2018-07-10.
  36. ^ Bouckaert 2004, p. 54.
  37. ^ Bouckaert 2004, pp. 54-55.
  38. ^ a b Bouckaert 2004, p. 55.
  39. ^ Appeal from the extraordinary session of the Expanded Convocation of the Holy Synod of Serbian Orthodox Church
  40. ^ a b c ERP KiM Info 2004.
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