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Kingdom of Yugoslavia

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Kingdom of Serbs, Croats
and Slovenes (1918–1929)
Краљевина Срба, Хрвата и Словенаца
Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca
Kraljevina Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev

Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1929–1941)
Краљевина Југославија
Kraljevina Jugoslavija

Motto: Један народ, један краљ, једна држава  
Jedan narod, jedan kralj, jedna država  
"One Nation, One King, One State"
Anthem: Химна Краљевине Југославије
Himna Kraljevine Jugoslavije
"National Anthem of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia"
Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1930
Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1930
Common languagesSerbo-Croato-Slovene[a][1]
GovernmentUnitary constitutional monarchy
(1918–1929, 1931–1939)
Unitary absolute monarchy under a royal dictatorship (1929–1931)
Federal constitutional monarchy
• 1918–1921
Peter I
• 1921–1934
Alexander I
• 1934–1945
Peter II[b]
Prince Regent 
• 1918–1921
Prince Alexander
• 1934–1941
Prince Paul
Prime Minister 
• 1918–1919 (first)
Stojan Protić
• 1945 (last)
Josip Broz Tito
LegislatureNational Assembly
Chamber of Deputies
Historical era
1 December 1918
28 June 1921
6 January 1929
3 September 1931
9 October 1934
25 August 1939
27 March 1941
6 April 1941
1918247,542 km2 (95,577 sq mi)
• 1918
• 1931
CurrencyYugoslav krone
Yugoslav dinar
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Kingdom of Serbia
Kingdom of Montenegro
State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs
Kingdom of Hungary
Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia
Italian governorate of Montenegro
Independent State of Croatia
Kingdom of Italy
Kingdom of Bulgaria
Kingdom of Hungary
Albanian Kingdom
Nazi Germany
Yugoslav government-in-exile
  1. ^ Serbo-Croatian and Slovene are separate languages, but that was not officially accepted or universally acknowledged at the time, and 'Serbo-Croato-Slovene' was declared the single official language (srpsko-hrvatsko-slovenački; also translated "Serbocroatoslovenian"). In practice it functioned as Serbo-Croatian.[2][3]
  2. ^ Peter II, still underage, was declared an adult by a military coup. Shortly after his assumption of royal authority, Yugoslavia was occupied by the Axis and the young King went into exile. In 1944, he accepted the formation of Democratic Federal Yugoslavia. He was deposed by the Yugoslav parliament in 1945.

The Kingdom of Yugoslavia (Serbo-Croatian: Краљевина Југославија / Kraljevina Jugoslavija;[4] Slovene: Kraljevina Jugoslavija) was a state in Southeast Europe and Central Europe that existed from 1929 until 1941, during the interwar period and beginning of World War II.

The preliminary kingdom was formed in 1918 by the merger of the provisional State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs (itself formed from territories of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire) with the formerly independent Kingdom of Serbia. The Kingdom of Montenegro had united with Serbia five days previously, whereas the regions of Kosovo, Vojvodina and Vardar Macedonia were parts of Serbia prior to the unification.

Initially, it was officially called the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Serbo-Croatian: Краљевина Срба, Хрвата и Словенаца / Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca; Slovene: Kraljevina Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev), but the term "Yugoslavia" (literally "Land of Southern Slavs") was its colloquial name from its origins.[5] The official name of the state was changed to "Kingdom of Yugoslavia" by King Alexander I on 3 October 1929.[5]

The state was ruled by the Serbian dynasty of Karađorđević, which previously ruled the Kingdom of Serbia under Peter I from 1903 (after the May Overthrow) onward. Peter I became the first king of Yugoslavia until his death in 1921. He was succeeded by his son Alexander I, who had been regent for his father. He was known as "Alexander the Unifier" and he renamed the kingdom "Yugoslavia" in 1929. He was assassinated in Marseille by Vlado Chernozemski, a member of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO), during his visit to France in 1934. The crown passed to his then-still under-aged son Peter. Alexander's cousin Paul ruled as Prince regent until 1941, when Peter II would come of age.[6] The royal family flew to London the same year, prior to the country being invaded by the Axis powers.

In April 1941, the country was occupied and partitioned by the Axis powers. A royal government-in-exile, recognized by the United Kingdom and, later, by all the Allies, was established in London. In 1944, after pressure from the British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, the King recognized the government of Democratic Federal Yugoslavia as the legitimate government. This was established on 2 November following the signing of the Treaty of Vis by Ivan Šubašić (on behalf of the Kingdom) and Josip Broz Tito (on behalf of the Yugoslav Partisans).[7]

YouTube Encyclopedic

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  • ✪ DEATH OF YUGOSLAVIA. History of Yugoslavia Part 1/2: The unification - DOCUMENTARY
  • ✪ The Kingdom of Yugoslavia in WW2, Episode 8, King Peter Churchill and Roosevelt
  • ✪ The Kingdom of Yugoslavia in WWII, ep. 3 - Краљевина Југославија у Другом светском рату 3. епизода
  • ✪ The Breakup of Yugoslavia
  • ✪ History of Yugoslavia, creation and breakup of Yugoslavia


fifth of May 1980 a train makes its way across Yugoslavia it is carrying the body of marshal Tito gripping images of the people mourning the man who had symbolized its unity they're all there serbs croats Slovenians Bosnians Montenegrins and Kosovars eleven years later Yugoslavia was grouped by a second death its own disintegrating into the most barbaric violence between 1991 and 1995 there were a hundred and fifty thousand deaths mainly of civilians two-thirds of them took place in Bosnia and two million people were driven from their homes what exactly happened how did neighbors and friends become estranged become sworn enemies to be displaced cleansed killed how did the purity of the blood that flows in Slavic veins become the only measure of a person's identity to try to understand we must go back in time unravel the threads of the tragedy and seek the elusive truth under the rubble of dogmas and fixed opinions what if Tito's desire for unity and fraternity to quote his motto had been no more than an illusion an impossible dream what if the wish to impose a single state on such diverse peoples had been Tito's original sin just as it had been of his predecessor King Alexander because the Balkans went up in flames in the 1990s precisely to destroy that idea of one Yugoslavia today the hatred stubbornly remains the embers are still a glow as if the death throes of the myth of this multi-ethnic country was still continuing still in flaming passions it's in Serbia's capital belgrade that we must start our journey in search of the memory of when it all began the period of the first unified Yugoslavia the Yugoslavia of the monarchy at the end of 1918 the First World War was over finally the kingdom of Serbia independent since 1881 was on the winning side with the help of France and Italy the Serbian army led by Prince Alexander liberated the Balkans he has seen here walking among his generals although he was only thirty he was already a man of great experience his ailing father had handed him the Regency of the country at the outset of the war in 1914 he is very much seen as a military hero he spends the first world war often fighting is usually photographed in uniform he is also increasingly becoming a symbol of Yugoslavian Atene so he is actually also popular among non Serbs not to just Serbs Croats and Slovenes in particular the victory of 1918 was bitter-tasting 1.2 million people had died during the conflict a quarter of the population following the collapse of the austro-hungarian German and Ottoman empires the Balkan territories were being redefined the political elites of the region decided to create a new state on the 1st of December 1918 the kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenes was born and naturally Prince Alexander was at its head at the conference of X I had opened in January 1919 the great nations recognized the existence of the new state for the Serbian people had contributed at great cost to the Allied victory and should be rewarded moreover the unification suited the strategic interests of all concerned. The goal of the Versailles peace after the First World War was that the Habsburg kingdom would not resurrect And that germany would remain weakened. And at the same time create buffer states. Europes powers, especially france, had a interest to- to form strong states in central and eastern Europe in 1920 the borders of the new state were finally fixed taking in the kingdom of Serbia Montenegro and also regions belonging to the defeated austro-hungarian Empire Croatia Bosnia and Slovenia Macedonia part of the old Ottoman Empire was also included for the first time in history the southern Slavic people's formed one single country Even though jugoslavia was created 1918- -it was still seen as a nationalstate even though it wasn't. But it would be easy to create one. The inhabitants in the region where south slavs. They spoke similar languages but had never lived in a national state. When Yugoslavia was created, no one objected against it. No Serbian politicians was against it. Almost every Slovenian politician was for it, likewise the majority of the Croats. Yugoslavia was a promise, a secular state. The founders, who were enlightened liberals and, in most cases, Freemasons, believed- -that religious and ethical differences could be vanquished. Even though the new kingdom was generally accepted Prince Alexander task was immense his country now embraced three religions two alphabets four languages and even more minorities and nationalities spread across the territory it all seemed as fragile and thrown together as the austro-hungarian and Ottoman empires from which it had in part sprung one obvious question had to be answered what institutional form should the new ensemble adopt on the Croatian ideologies thought that- -Yugoslavia would organize itself- -as a kind of confederation or as a federal hybrid The country would have at least 5 federal units, and preferably more. It was necessary to divide Yugoslavia- -in as many units as possible, with serbs as the minority. Serbia was a very homogeneous country before the first World war. The serbs didn't understand the federation. They didn't understand the Croatian problem- -while the Croats had to fight for their interest within Austria-Hungarian empire. This was the biggest problem Yugoslavia had to fix: Which of the two biggest south slav nations- -would exercise hegemony in Yugoslavia's name. Croats or Serbs? in 1921 the Constitution was proclaimed the new state was to be a centralized parliamentary monarchy Alexander would rule over a single nation made up of three different peoples no particular rights were accorded to any one of them either the Serbs the Croats or the Slovenians as early as 1921 the authority of the new realm was contested we're in a small mountainous region in the south of Serbia the heart of the Balkans Kosovo the population 60% of whom were Albanian Muslims demanded unification with neighboring Albania this was the uprising of what were called the Kachaks. A lot of battles was fought -between the army, police and kachaks. In Yugoslavia this was between the 1920's. When the kachaks was most active. One of the methods the Albanian nationalists used. Kosovo home to the first Albanians was also the cradle of Albanian nationalism the region also occupies a central place in Slavic and especially in Serbian legend it was here that in 1389 a serbian prince lost a well-known battle against the ottoman empire for the serbs this defeat illustrates the heroism of their ancestors defending christianity against the muslim invader its anniversary became the vid of then the Serbian national holiday the Serbs in the Albanians have never to this day cease to fight over their respective historical rights to this impoverished landlocked piece of territory by his violent suppression of the catch eggs King Alexander imposed the supremacy of the Serbs in Kosovo and in the entire region. Despite the gravity of these events it was in Croatia that opposition to the monarchy most threatened the future of the regime about scope it on yachts amok Pichette The Croatians position was something that gathered the Croatian parties. This question became their political platform. The irreconcilable policy led to an escalation from Belgrade's side. I can illustrate with one example: If one of the kings prime ministers where Croatian- -it would have been positive. One man embodied that opposition: Stiepam Radic. leader of the croatian peasant party he was also the main actor on Croatia's political stage what did the croatian peasant party want what did step and Rada the leader of the party want this is not easy to answer because raditch was notorious as someone who made many u-turns he probably at one point in 1919 desired the independence for Croatian but throughout much of the 1920s he actually wanted a sort of a Federation in which Croatia would would have larger autonomy what is Croatia in his mind is not entirely clear but it also includes Bosnia he believes that Bosnia or at least large parts of Bosnia Herzegovina historical Croatian territory is not just what is present decoration but rodded certainly represents I would say an uncrowned king of the crowds by the late 1920s radishes political rise came to a brutal halt on the 20th of June 1928 in the parliament building in Belgrade when a Montenegrin Member of Parliament opened fire on several of his crew counterparts as the apana adage was critically wounded and died a few weeks later the Monica's fate began to shift Everything culminated with the attack and the murder 1928. It became an event that was hard to accept. The nationalistic Croatian press reaction showed- -that the murder would make it very hard to solve the problem. It's important to remember that alot of Croatians- -saw the murder of Stjepan Radic as an attack against Croatia. Stjepan Radic would later become of the great icons of Croat nationalism his face would be seen alongside the ideologues of the Ustasa estate the Croatian state ally of the Nazis and a Franjo Tudjman the nationalist Croatian president in the 1990s but for the time being Alexander had to settle the Croatian question and decided to do so by imposing a dictatorship the Constitution was abolished the Parliament dissolved and political parties were banned The dictatorship was a failed attempt to bridge ethnic differences King Alexander wanted to create a new Yugoslav nation- -and changed the countrys name. Before the dictatorship, the country was called, "State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. It was changed 1929 to "Yugoslavia" in order to emphasize that the country was one nation. to shape this new Yugoslavia ship large youth gatherings were organized the famous soccer their goal was to go beyond old identities and to exhort patriotism towards the new nation later Teeter was to build on this tradition with disproportionately grandiose parades in his own honor as in the time of Alexander they would become the means of celebrating the unity of Yugoslavia though this time a socialist one despite these gatherings King Alexander did not succeed in imposing a new Yugoslavia identity t has been discussed a lot about whether the project was at all feasible It does not seem so. The differences between the nations were already too big Croats, Serbs and Slovenes already had clear national identities- -and it would be unrealistic to believe that the state would be able to survive. with the establishment of the dictatorship debate became radicalized in Croatia and a new name appeared on the political scene: Ante Pavelic. Ante Pavelic was a relatively minor politician in the 1920s he was briefly very briefly a member of the Croatian peasant party but he really belonged to a more radical extreme right in the Croatian politics which is relatively minor in the 1920 he proclaims this Croatian revolutionary organization Ustasa. means a participant in an uprising or a rebel if you want and they're not a very large group I mean depending on which source you believe but they were never more than four or five hundred maybe two to three hundred official members. Pavelic plan was a radical one create a Croatian state on racial foundations the way to achieve it was to assassinate Alexander and destroy the kingdom on October 9th 1934 King Alexander visited France docking in Marseilles he knew that his life was under threat but the official visit was crucial both countries wanted to strengthen their alliance against the territorial ambitions in Europe of Hitler and Mussolini the King began his tour of the town amidst an enthusiastic crowd and protected by 2,000 police officers half an hour later an armed man rushed into the crowd and fired point-blank at Alexander these images were viewed all over the world the first filmed murder of a head of state a few minutes before his death the King said save Yugoslavia the assassin was a Macedonian separatist working for Pavelic A strategy of the Ustasha leader was to fail and the kingdom of Yugoslavia did not collapse the assassination of King Alexander provoked an effect opposite from the one that was desired by his assassins the country United in grief his body was returned by both to split when tens of thousands of people turned up they cried they mourned him and then his body went to Belgrade and then to a central Serbian town of Planets where it was buried on a train and it every town there were tens and hundreds and maybe thousands of people crying very much like Tito's death in 1918 not unlike Alexander's son Peter was only 11 to young to rule one of his uncle's Prince Paul became Regent he understood the Yugoslav identity could not be imposed by royal authority as Alexander had wished he liberalized the institutions and allowed elections to take place to resolve the central problem of Croatia key to national stability he agreed to change the nature of the kingdom in 1939 he granted wide-ranging autonomy to the Krauts the banovina of croatia Donna he With these words, the banquet wants the Croatian to express its gratitude It is my conviction that the whole world and the Yugoslav people- -share this gratitude, love, loyalty and devotion. Croatia began the beginning of the Federation If the war had not come, Yugoslavia would have become a federation- -like when it was under communism. In Europe, things where moving quickly. Yugoslavia was about to experience the most dramatic period- -of its history in March 1941 Hitler already master of most of Europe was preparing to invade his Soviet Ally to secure his southern flank he must control Yugoslavia on March the 4th 1941 he received Prince Paul in Berlin totally isolated and without support on the continent the region did not long resist Nazi demands after four hours of discussions an agreement was concluded Paul took the side of the axis and in return Hitler agreed not to allow his troops to cross Yugoslavian territory the agreement was signed on March 25th but two days later the population of Belgrade refused this alliance the people rose up with cries of rather war than the treaty unique images hard to credit even of an unarmed Serbian population daring to defy a Nazi Germany triumphant on all the battlefields of Europe who would the demonstrators well everybody including the Communists after 1945 the official ghost of historiography claimed that the Communists organized these demonstrations but we now know that this wasn't the case actually they joined the demonstrations taking advantage of the insurrectionary climate the army overthrew paul and announced the signing of the treaty Hitler's reaction was immediate Ten days later, on the 17th of April 1941, the Yugoslavian monarchy capitulated. Belgrade is in German hands, Yugoslavia is defeated. the axis and its allies shout out the Balkans Slovenia was split between the Reich Italy and Hungary Nazi Germany made Serbia a puppet state Italy also annexed Albania then seized Kosovo and Montenegro Macedonia was in part joined to Bulgaria finally Hitler expanded Croatia and put ante pavelic leader of the ustasha had its head. Every Croatian hearth is filled with love- -for the man who will create a happy society. Many Croatians accepted the idea of a independent state. The independence was a goal since Austria-Hungarian days. Conditions existed and many supported the idea of an independent state- Even as a part of the Axis. that is not to say, they welcome a new stash government which were very soon it became clear that this was going to be a very violent government very violent group that actually sort legitimacy on terror. the terror initially directed at Serbs so they very soon within days and weeks they introduced racial laws so Serbs were required to wear sort of yellow bands but instead of Jew it was a letter P for promise love and Orthodox very similar to what was happening in Nazi Germany with the Jews of course there were also anti-semitic measures "Kings orders: All serbs and Jews are to be moved to another part of Zagreb within eight days." "Those who do not obey will be forced on it's own expense and will be punished by law." throughout the war Pavelec adopted an ethnic cleansing policy of unprecedented violence against all enemies of the croatian race serbs Jews and siegen's he installed a vast system of concentration camps of which Yassen Ovitz was to be the darkest symbol unlike the Nazis the Ustasha did not kill on an industrial scale. Ropes for hangings and knives were the main tools of their destructive madness. it's still impossible to know the precise number of victims of this regime probably at least 600,000 Serbs 60,000 Jews 40,000 seconds and tens of thousands of Croatians Slovenian Bosnian and Montenegrin opponents in April 1941 when Yugoslavia collapsed colonel Raja Mihailovich a Serbian officer and veteran of the First World War refused both defeat by the Germans and the disappearance of the kingdom he put himself at the service of Alexander's young son Peter now based in London and created the first resistance movement against the Nazis in Europe the Chetniks he claimed to represent the Yugoslav army eventually the Yugoslav government which reached London in the summer of 1941 heard about some small group of officers and so former officers and soldiers resisting in Western Serbian and established contact with them and so eventually by the end of the year Mikado which was promoted to the rank of general and was then also in early 1942 promoted to the rank of minister war minister in the government in exile but he remained in the country Mihailovich would be praised by the Allies nicknamed the eagle and appointed man of the Year by Time magazine in 1942 during the summer of 1942 another resistance movement began the partisans led by Joseph Broz, known as Tito at 49 tito already had long experience of communist militancy born in a small croatian village he had taken part in the first world war with the austro-hungarian army had been imprisoned had escaped discovered Bolshevism and joined the Red Army in 1917 in the early 20s he had joined the band Yugoslav Communist Party he was a talented orator and fine tactician and was above all close to Stalin quickly rising through the party ranks to become its leader in 1937 from the end of 1941 onwards the partisans and the Chetniks became competitors very soon it becomes clear that the two groups have major difference in ideology but also in tactics and makalah which is ideology put it simply is the restoration of the Yugoslav monarchy and trying to preserve lives until until the Allies until the Western Allies arrive to put it simply the common part is an ideology communists slight part is an ideology is that a soviet-style Socialist Republic should be should be created on the territory of Yugoslavia and Tito the partisan leader very smartly decides to play down communism they talk about the liberation of the peoples of Yugoslavia they talk about Brotherhood and unity and they manage to eventually get support from all groups almost all groups in Yugoslavia whereas the Chetniks remained predominantly Serb during 1943 the Allies abandoned Mihailovich to exclusively support tito whose partisans were much more effective in the fight against the Germans in the grip of both a war of liberation and a civil conflict the Yugoslav lands fell into complete chaos. we have a multi-dimensional conflict on one level you have a war of resistance against the occupiers foreign occupiers Germans Italians Albanians Bulgarians Hungarians on the other level you have a civil war ideological civil war between Communists and non-communists monarchists on yet another level we have an ethnic war between predominantly serb Chetniks and Croatian Ustasha's who both of these sides also fight the Communists the partisans who also are during the first two years of the war predominantly Serb but increasingly also multinational and Yugoslav. World War II was extremely brutal in Yugoslavia Over a million people died. What makes this even more tragic is- -that most people died- -between different domestic factions. on October the 20th 1944 with the help of the Soviets the partisans liberated Belgrade the war was over after four years of combat tito no longer had any competitors on the Yugoslav scene on May the 20th 1945 he was in Zagreb with a huge crowd cheering for him on the 25th of May he celebrated the first anniversary of what he called his rebirth a year to the day after he had miraculously escaped the Germans May the 25th became his official birthday in a country ravaged by war and only recently liberated more than 12,000 young Yugoslavs covered 9,000 kilometers carrying a Batson in relay it was decorated with bursty greetings and was presented to Tito the famous staff fader this ceremony which became ever more grandiose and excessive would be held every year of Tito's reign and continued even after his death "We love you!" this personality cult that Tito initiated at the end of the war was also a way for him to unify the country under a new system. "Without a strong and happy Yugoslavia- -there cannot be a happy Croatia, Serbia- -Slovenia, Macedonia, Montenegro or Bosnia Herzegovina." His vision of Yugoslavia radically different- -against the Yugoslavia that existed during the interwar period 1918-1941. His stated goal was to create a Yugoslavia- -which was the exact opposite of that state formation. Of the former monarchy, a republic was created. The unit state created a federation. It is hoped that Yugoslav citizenship- -in the Yugoslav state, would have higher standards of living and industrialization- -would reduce fragmentation. At the same time, at least initially- they were hoping that they would disappear- -recognize the many different national identities. the new Yugoslavia vas recognized the existence of five nations institutionally the country consisted of six Republic's Slovenia Croatia Bosnia and Herzegovina Montenegro Macedonia and Serbia there were also two autonomous provinces vojvodina and Kosovo both attached to the Republic of Serbia this complex system was first and foremost highly centralized it was the Yugoslavia communist party that exercised most of the power and to impose his authority once and for all Tito settled the scores accrued during the war major trials were held in Belgrade in June 1946 amongst the accused criminals and collaborators sat alongside general Mihailovich the leader of the Chetniks all were sentenced to prison or executed starting with Mihailovich there is only one official version of the events of the war it is that only Tito's partisans resisted the enemy and so no one else could legitimately hold a position of power sometimes it is suggested that Tito east Yugoslavia tried to forget about what was happening in the second world war in Yugoslavia I would say that is true to a degree it was a sort of a fragmented memory only the memory disputed the new authorities about the parties and victories and parties and sacrifices was promoted to overcome the divisions caused by the war tito made unity and fraternity the motto of the regime the new pillars of the common future of all yugoslavs he created the labor brigades from 1945 on hundreds of thousands of men and women of every age and condition rebuilt the country with huge collective enthusiasm Tito knew that if he wanted unity for his country he must also offer it to the whole region national issues among his neighbors were so numerous and intertwined that it made stability impossible in 1948 he therefore planned to create a Balkan league a kind of Federation. What Tito wanted to do was controversial. He chose between a federation and a confederation. he wanted to integrate several republics- -from the old Yugoslavia- -but they could be expanded with Albania- -and maybe later, even Bulgaria and Greece. recognizing the popularity of Tito in Yugoslavia and beyond Stalin saw this Balkan project as a threat the potential and that was out of the question. Moscow decided to completely isolate Yugoslavia economically. And also to falsely devise the regime- -as supporters of capitalism- -or as foreign infiltrators of the Soviet realm. "Dear comrades, this is an attack against the unity of our people!" "One urges destructive elements to risk everything we have built-" "-to overthrow this great country into a devastating civil war." by the end of 1948 the break was complete in the Soviet Union Tito supporters called "titists" were deported to the gulag in Yugoslavia thousands of Stalinists and enemies of the regime were arrested only to disappear sometimes for years in the prison camps the most sinister symbol of this policy was the prison island of Galia talk along the croatian coast in the period leading up to the end of the 50s nearly 30,000 opponents were locked up in atrocious conditions at least 4000 of them never came back this repression took place in absolute secrecy hence Tito did not hesitate to have people discover a few kilometers from goli otok a dreamlike Yugoslavia represented by Briony his island paradise their world leaders and movie stars flocked around the great man the war hero who had danced say no to Stalin they knew nothing of the fate of those condemned by the regime despite the violence of the crackdown on enemies within the country the break with the Soviets of 1948 marked the true birth of the regime it was to be an essential element of the heroic image of Tito of his popularity his independence and of the success of the new model that he would implement. After the refraction between Stalin and Tito 1948- -Yugoslavia was forced to create a new economical system. Tito introduced a so called "self-management"- -with community-owned property. This came to characterize the yugoslavian system. "The workers need a agent and a leader in order to master the social dimensions-" "-and those who control their name." "Tito, the leader of the communistparty, and the workers struggle for self-management." "By law, the factories must be handed over to the workers" Yugoslavia was inspired by the parish community and the socialist ideal- -considered the workers themselves- -need to lead and answer for their own work. They had large meetings at the workplace where they made decisions on the organization of the work. So it was an original economic and social model combining socialist aspects such as planning and the disappearance of the very notion of capital with the granting of rights to workers and the recognition of small privately held farms and artisans premises and it worked until the mid sixties the economy flourished with over six percent growth per year and the regime also allowed a certain cultural and intellectual freedom this was the Golden Age of Yugoslavia. CONTINUE EDIT HERE! tool economist is Natori Yugoslavia bill iodine as an editor Java finna cereal abstract no you make most modern is democracy honesty rock'n'roll table essentially citizenship Uno's upon occult or samosas estas me Gordon accessible students can I marry NASA student T V slit resume tennis or Bonnie Berkeley own eagerness to enter Varsha voluma skipper - no cheetah you sartre cheetah you Erica from a cheetah marcozzi Sara's new code roogie sociology SHINee's the job so say with Lansky me as a chilly parrot in which more Chiefs were born or put a wall here corporal ropey reveals most it's a resume as a Motorola tools activist drew guest rhenium park put on a blow privilege no tax no code madruga me a ropes give me the jela me secret eras looks at thought for the granite tsekhanovsky ludus to possibly milli our day score vadas ate pasta brutalization low price of the dollar Zillow or tqt internationally to Tito defended an original model thanks to the break from Moscow of 1948 he made his country the only independent player in the socialist world he could enjoy the broad financial assistance of the US thus forming a beachhead in the American Cold War against the Soviet Union and by taking the lead of the non-aligned countries from 1956 on Tito intended to steer clear of the block mentality and protect his autonomy Seviper kolache is gradually drew hulago chorus new logo Varginha logo logo Okoye kakuzu american directly on hot rodimus a crook Maha Sabha stron it was a toga Hollow welcome Dylan post area sociology gave us but the regime successes were struggling to conceal social tensions and the growing inequality between the republics problems that Tito's federal system and hope to overcome in the late 60s a wave of protests both political economic and concerning identity undermined the whole Yugoslav model the movement began in Belgrade Serbia the remark easy he grow forever who dare you say maximum p30 yes sorry only in the aftermath of the Prague Spring and the May 1968 student unrest in France Serbian intellectuals and students now revolted that target the economic model that had become too mercantile too unequal and too corrupt they wanted to return to the orthodoxy of the old system that is to say a more democratic and fair self-management then it was the turn of Kosovo the poorest region with the Federation belonging to the Republic of Serbia to ignite there are no pictures of these events the press of the time gave its account in its own way Albanians who now represented 80% of the population demanded the same rights as citizens of other republics you might to me missing this one in poco Chauvelin action equal Swami esto una Taleo goes la vie à la susa's feminine patella pitot adobo sauce Goswami tyranny drug tree village disappears my good in a request on depressed area command major is Teja godina regiment bancini Somali University a pop it on your nose at us keep our feet on a - 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no nationalism Oh autumn Italianate Kozlov and Linnaeus lament revolutionary anarchist e3 Bezos lon finally in 1971 the movement reached Croatia one of the richest Republic's this was the Croatian Spring some of the leaders demanded more economic freedom more autonomy they wanted to be able to freely dispose of the revenue of their republic rather than having to redistribute it within the Federation the students followed and went on strike the movement hardened Tito's Authority was being directly challenged beyond the economic demands of the ruling class it was the question of Croatian identity that resurfaced in public debate 25 years after the end of World War two young men Tommy Victor Mancha la mota Stockton mo Alentejo de tousser Johanna Velma the nationalism Cuates vivant ekkada montage the Porsche separatist nationalist quad telco vulovic sahaja cornucopia premiers experience to the assertion don't continue 6 cream OPA complete Mali amar das wesen Tio's mid-october ala llahi apparition boo boo Claire Doan is anneka tava faced with multiple and conflicting namaz that threatened the country's unity Tito reacted in his own original way he massively repressed the Serbian Croatian and Kosovar protesters there were tens of thousands of arrests across the country and in parallel he gave new rights under the constitution of 1974 the autonomy of the province of Kosovo was increased while the status of Republic was again denied at the federal level self-management planning and the authority of the party was strengthened but at the same time the new Constitution granted broader autonomy to the individual Republic's the save Yugoslavia teaser was attempting to reconcile the irreconcilable satin saloon of Abaddon inquire how so system Val contraire viven en conditions tahta menezes ante ritual key to favorable regime he vobis cool a very nationalism over liberalism the reason is avant de conclusive equation s la Montero sido un cohesion Alentejo the system the party unique the clientelism si vous voulez cannot prove not only system the party unique the ratio Belgrade 25th May 1979 as every year since 1945 the Yugoslav people came together to celebrate Tito's birthday remember Yamato miss the members were commissioned the gonna miss Sutra Buddha Jamuna dagi through the system despite the inevitable annual staging of the staff Etta's ceremony the Serbian Kosovo and Croatian uprisings have brought on fundamental change with the Constitution of 1974 the country went almost insidiously from a federal system into a deeply ineffective confederal one nobody wanted to admit that after 34 years of existence the Yugoslav model was now exhausted undermined by divisions inconsistencies and by the resurgence of national tensions and no one admitted that only Tito could maintain the unity of the country but when he was gone with the system he had set up to bring so many people's together around a common ideal surviving Amuro a drug Tito



Celebrations of South Slavs in Zagreb during the formation of the National Council of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, October 1918
Celebrations of South Slavs in Zagreb during the formation of the National Council of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, October 1918
Delegation of the Serbian army in a joint parade in Zagreb's Ban Jelačić Square in 1918.
Delegation of the Serbian army in a joint parade in Zagreb's Ban Jelačić Square in 1918.
Delegation of the National Council of the  State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs lead by dr Ante Pavelić reading the address in front of regent Alexander, 1 December 1918
Delegation of the National Council of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs lead by dr Ante Pavelić reading the address in front of regent Alexander, 1 December 1918

Following the assassination of Austrian Archduke Francis Ferdinand by the Bosnian Serb Gavrilo Princip, which led to the outbreak of World War I, and the subsequent invasion and military occupation of Serbia. South Slavic nationalism escalated and Slavic nationalists called for the independence and unification of the South Slavic nationalities of Austria-Hungary along with Serbia and Montenegro into a single State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs.[citation needed]

The Dalmatian Croat politician Ante Trumbić became a prominent South Slavic leader during the war and led the Yugoslav Committee that lobbied the Allies to support the creation of an independent Yugoslavia.[8] Trumbić faced initial hostility from Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Pašić, who preferred an enlarged Serbia over a unified Yugoslav state. However, both Pašić and Trumbić agreed to a compromise, which was delivered at the Corfu Declaration on 20 July 1917 that advocated the creation of a united state of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes to be led by the Serbian House of Karađorđević.[8]

In 1916, the Yugoslav Committee started negotiations with the Serbian Government in exile, on which they decided on the creation of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, declaring the joint Corfu Declaration in 1917, the meetings were held at the Municipal Theatre of Corfu.[9]

In November 1918 the National Council of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs appointed 28 members to start negotiation with the representatives of the government of the Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro on creation of a new Yugoslav state, the delegation negotiated directly with regent Alexander Karađorđević.[10] The negotiations would end, with the delegation of the National Council of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs lead by dr Ante Pavelić reading the address in front of regent Alexander, who represented his father, King Peter I of Serbia, by which acceptance the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovens was established.[11]

The name of the new Yugoslav state was: "Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes" (Serbo-Croatian: Краљевина Срба, Хрвата и Словенаца / Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca; Slovene: Kraljevina Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev) or its abbreviated form "Kingdom of SHS" (Kraljevina SHS / Краљевина СХС).

The new kingdom was made up of the formerly independent kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro (Montenegro having been absorbed into Serbia the previous month), and of a substantial amount of territory that was formerly part of Austria–Hungary, the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. the main states which formed the new Kingdom were:

The creation of the state was supported by pan-Slavists and Yugoslav nationalists. For the pan-Slavic movement, all of the South Slav (Yugoslav) people had united into a single state.

The newly established Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes participated in the Paris Peace Conference with Trumbić as the country's representative.[8] Since the Allies had lured the Italians into the war with a promise of substantial territorial gains in exchange, which cut off a quarter of Slovene ethnic territory from the remaining three-quarters of Slovenes living in the Kingdom of SHS, Trumbić successfully vouched for the inclusion of most Slavs living in the former Austria-Hungary to be included within the borders of the new Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Nevertheless, with the Treaty of Rapallo[8] a population of half a million Slavs,[12] mostly Slovenes, were subjected to forced Italianization until the fall of Fascism in Italy. At the time when Benito Mussolini was willing to modify the Rapallo borders in order to annex the independent state of Rijeka to Italy, Pašić's attempts to correct the borders at Postojna and Idrija were effectively undermined by the regent Alexander who preferred "good relations" with Italy.[13]

Mihajlo Pupin, physicist and physical chemist. He influenced the final decisions of the Paris Peace Conference when the borders of the Kingdom were drawn.
Mihajlo Pupin, physicist and physical chemist. He influenced the final decisions of the Paris Peace Conference when the borders of the Kingdom were drawn.

The Yugoslav kingdom bordered Italy and Austria to the northwest at the Rapallo border, Hungary and Romania to the north, Bulgaria to the east, Greece and Albania to the south, and the Adriatic Sea to the west. Almost immediately, it ran into disputes with most of its neighbours. Slovenia was difficult to determine, since it had been an integral part of Austria for 400 years. The Vojvodina region was disputed with Hungary, Macedonia with Bulgaria, Fiume with Italy.[citation needed]

A plebiscite was also held in the Province of Carinthia, which opted to remain in Austria. Austrians had formed a majority in this region although numbers reflected that some Slovenes did vote for Carinthia to become part of Austria. The Dalmatian port city of Zadar (Italian: Zara) and a few of the Dalmatian islands were given to Italy. The city of Rijeka (Italian: Fiume) was declared to be the Free State of Fiume, but it was soon occupied, and in 1924 annexed, by Italy, which had also been promised the Dalmatian coast during World War I, and Yugoslavia claiming Istria, a part of the former Austrian Littoral which had been annexed to Italy, but which contained a considerable population of Croats and Slovenes.

The formation of the constitution of 1921 sparked tensions between the different Yugoslav nationalities.[8] Trumbić opposed the 1921 constitution and over time grew increasingly hostile towards the Yugoslav government that he saw as being centralized in the favour of Serb hegemony over Yugoslavia.[8]



Slovene farmers threshing wheat (1930s)
Slovene farmers threshing wheat (1930s)

Three-quarters of the Yugoslav workforce was engaged in agriculture. A few commercial farmers existed, but most were subsistence peasants. Those in the south were especially poor, living in a hilly, infertile region. No large estates existed except in the north, and all of those were owned by foreigners. Indeed, one of the first actions undertaken by the new Yugoslav state in 1919 was to break up the estates and dispose of foreign, and in particular Magyar landowners. Nearly 40% of the rural population was surplus (i.e., excess people not needed to maintain current production levels), and despite a warm climate, Yugoslavia was also relatively dry. Internal communications were poor, damage from World War I had been extensive, and with few exceptions agriculture was devoid of machinery or other modern farming technologies.


Manufacturing was limited to Belgrade and the other major population centers, and consisted mainly of small, comparatively primitive facilities that produced strictly for the domestic market. The commercial potential of Yugoslavia's Adriatic ports went to waste because the nation lacked the capital or technical knowledge to operate a shipping industry. On the other hand, the mining industry was well developed due to the nation's abundance of mineral resources, but since it was primarily owned and operated by foreigners, most production was exported. Yugoslavia was the third least industrialized nation in Eastern Europe after Bulgaria and Albania.


Bond of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes for the liquidation of the agro-debts from Bosnia and Herzegovina, issued 18 June 1921
Bond of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes for the liquidation of the agro-debts from Bosnia and Herzegovina, issued 18 June 1921

Yugoslavia was typical of Eastern European nations in that it borrowed large sums of money from the West during the 1920s. When the Great Depression began in 1929, the Western lenders called in their debts, which could not be paid back. Some of the money was lost to graft, although most was used by farmers to improve production and export potential. Agricultural exports, however, were always an unstable prospect as their export earnings were heavily reliant on volatile world market prices. The Great Depression caused the market for them to collapse as global demand contracted heavily and the situation for export-oriented farmers further deteriorated when nations everywhere started to erect trade barriers. Italy was a major trading partner of Yugoslavia in the initial years after World War I, but ties fell off after Benito Mussolini came to power in 1922. In the grim economic situation of the 1930s, Yugoslavia followed the lead of its neighbors in allowing itself to become a dependent of Nazi Germany.

Ethnic groups

The small middle class occupied the major population centers and almost everyone else were peasants engaged in subsistence agriculture. The largest ethnic group were Serbs followed by Croats, Slovenes, Bosnian Muslims, Macedonians and Albanians. Religion followed the same pattern with half the population following Orthodox Christianity, around 40 percent being Catholic, and the rest Muslim. In such a polyglot nation, tensions were frequent, but especially between Serbs and Croats. Other quarrels were those between Serbs and Macedonians, as the Yugoslav government had as its official position that the latter were ethnic Serbs. In the early 20th century the international community viewed the Macedonians predominantly as regional variety of Bulgarians, but during the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, the Allies sanctioned the Serbian control of Vardar Macedonia and its view, that Macedonian Slavs were in fact Southern Serbs.[14]

Slovenes were closer to Croats in terms of religion and culture. In particular, they knew that they were too small in numbers to form a nation of their own and there was no reason to suppose a Croat-dominated Yugoslavia would be any better or worse than a Serb-dominated one. For the most part, they went along with the general political flow and were not a significant source of problems.[citation needed]

The predominantly Muslim Bosniaks won some concessions from Belgrade, but always faced strong dislike from their neighbors,[citation needed] especially Serbs, and were known to one and all as "Turks" regardless of their Slavic ethnicity. Albanians fared worse since they did not speak Serbo-Croatian, but all Muslims were the subject of widespread prejudice[citation needed] in Yugoslavia. Some regions of the country were allowed to exist as enclaves of Islamic law regarding personal status, which was a concession made to the Muslim population of Yugoslavia.[15]

Other lesser minorities included Italians, Romanians, Germans, Magyars and Greeks. Aside from the Romanians, the Yugoslav government awarded no special treatment to them in terms of respect for their language, culture, or political autonomy, not surprising given that all of their native countries had territorial disputes with Yugoslavia. Several thousand Jews lived mostly in major cities; they were well-assimilated and there were no significant problems with anti-Semitism.


Although Yugoslavia had enacted a compulsory public education policy, it was inaccessible to many peasants in the countryside. Official literacy figures for the population stood at 50%, but it varied widely throughout the country. Less than 10% of Slovenes were illiterate, whereas over 80% of Macedonians and Bosnians could not read or write. Only 10% of initial elementary school students went on to attend higher forms of education, at one of the country's three universities in Belgrade, Ljubljana, and Zagreb.

Political history

Early politics

Between 1918 and 1926, Nikola Pašić held the position of Prime Minister of Yugoslavia three times.
Between 1918 and 1926, Nikola Pašić held the position of Prime Minister of Yugoslavia three times.

Immediately after the 1 December proclamation, negotiations between the National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs and the Serbian government resulted in agreement over the new government which was to be headed by Nikola Pašić. However, when this agreement was submitted to the approval of the regent, Alexander Karađorđević, it was rejected, producing the new state's first governmental crisis. Many regarded this rejection as a violation of parliamentary principles, but the matter was resolved when the regent suggested replacing Pašić with Stojan Protić, a leading member of Pašić's Radical Party. The National Council and the Serbian government agreed and the new government came into existence on 20 December 1918.[16][17]

In this period before the election of the Constituent Assembly, a Provisional Representation served as a parliament which was formed by delegates from the various elected bodies that had existed before the creation of the state. A realignment of parties combining several members of the Serbian opposition with political parties from the former Austria–Hungary led to the creation of a new party, The Democratic Party, that dominated the Provisional Representation and the government.

Because the Democratic Party led by Ljubomir Davidović pushed a highly centralized agenda a number of Croatian delegates moved into opposition. However, the radicals themselves were not happy that they had only three ministers to the Democratic Party's 11 and, on 16 August 1919, Protić handed in his resignation. Davidović then formed a coalition with the Social Democrats. This government had a majority, but the quorum of the Provisional Representation was half plus one vote. The opposition then began to boycott the parliament. As the government could never guarantee that all of its supporters would turn up, it became impossible to hold a quorate meeting of the parliament. Davidović soon resigned, but as no one else could form a government he again became prime minister. As the opposition continued their boycott, the government decided it had no alternative but to rule by decree. This was denounced by the opposition who began to style themselves as the Parliamentary Community. Davidović realized that the situation was untenable and asked the King to hold immediate elections for the Constituent Assembly. When the King refused, he felt he had no alternative but to resign.

The Parliamentary Community now formed a government led by Stojan Protić committed to the restoration of parliamentary norms and mitigating the centralization of the previous government. Their opposition to the former governments program of radical land reform also united them. As several small groups and individuals switched sides, Protić now even had a small majority. However, the Democratic Party and the Social Democrats now boycotted parliament and Protić was unable to muster a quorum. Hence the Parliamentary Community, now in government, was forced to rule by decree.

For the Parliamentary Community to thus violate the basic principle around which they had formed put them in an extremely difficult position. In April 1920, widespread worker unrest and a railway strike broke out. According to Gligorijević, this put pressure on the two main parties to settle their differences. After successful negotiations, Protić resigned to make way for a new government led by the neutral figure of Milenko Vesnić. The Social Democrats did not follow the Democratic Party, their former allies, into government because they were opposed to the anti-communist measures to which the new government was committed.

The controversies that had divided the parties earlier were still very much live issues. The Democratic Party continued to push its agenda of centralization and still insisted on the need for radical land reform. A disagreement over electoral law finally led the Democratic Party to vote against the government in Parliament and the government was defeated. Though this meeting had not been quorate, Vesnić used this as a pretext to resign. His resignation had the intended effect: the Radical Party agreed to accept the need for centralization, and the Democratic Party agreed to drop its insistence on land reform. Vesnić again headed the new government. The Croatian Community and the Slovenian People's Party were however not happy with the Radicals' acceptance of centralization. Neither was Stojan Protić, and he withdrew from the government on this issue.

In September 1920 a peasant revolt broke out in Croatia, the immediate cause of which was the branding of the peasants' cattle. The Croatian community blamed the centralizing policies of the government and of minister Svetozar Pribićević in particular.

Constituent assembly to dictatorship

Provinces of the Kingdom in 1920–1922
Provinces of the Kingdom in 1920–1922

One of the few laws successfully passed by the Provisional Representation was the electoral law for the constituent assembly. During the negotiations that preceded the foundation of the new state, it had been agreed that voting would be secret and based on universal suffrage. It had not occurred to them that universal might include women until the beginning of a movement for women's suffrage appeared with the creation of the new state. The Social Democrats and the Slovenian People's Party supported women's suffrage but the Radicals opposed it. The Democratic Party was open to the idea but not committed enough to make an issue of it so the proposal fell. Proportional Representation was accepted in principle but the system chosen (d'Hondt with very small constituencies) favored large parties and parties with strong regional support.

The election was held on 28 November 1920. When the votes were counted the Democratic Party had won the most seats, more than the Radicals – but only just. For a party that had been so dominant in the Provisional Representation, that amounted to a defeat. Further it had done rather badly in all former Austria-Hungarian areas. That undercut the party's belief that its centralization policy represented the will of the Yugoslavian people as a whole. The Radicals had done no better in that region but this presented them far less of a problem because they had campaigned openly as a Serbian party. The most dramatic gains had been made by the two anti-system parties. The Croatian Republican Peasant Party's leadership had been released from prison only as the election campaign began to get underway. According to Gligorijević, this had helped them more than active campaigning. The Croatian community (that had in a timid way tried to express the discontent that Croatian Republican Peasant Party mobilized) had been too tainted by their participation in government and was all but eliminated. The other gainers were the communists who had done especially well in the wider Macedonia region. The remainder of the seats were taken up by smaller parties that were at best skeptical of the centralizing platform of the Democratic Party.

The results left Nikola Pašić in a very strong position as the Democrats had no choice but to ally with the Radicals if they wanted to get their concept of a centralized Yugoslavia through. Pašić was always careful to keep open the option of a deal with the Croatian opposition. The Democrats and the Radicals were not quite strong enough to get the constitution through on their own and they made an alliance with the Yugoslav Muslim Organization (JMO). The Muslim party sought and got concessions over the preservation of Bosnia in its borders and how the land reform would affect Muslim landowners in Bosnia.

The Croatian Republican Peasant Party refused to swear allegiance to the King on the grounds that this presumed that Yugoslavia would be a monarchy, something that it contended only the Constituent Assembly could decide. The party was unable to take its seats. Most of the opposition though initially taking their seats declared boycotts as time went so that there were few votes against. However, the constitution decided against 1918 agreement between the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs and the Kingdom of Serbia, which stated that a 66% majority that 50% plus one vote would be needed to pass, irrespective of how many voted against. Only last minute concessions to Džemijet, a group of Muslims from Macedonia and Kosovo, saved it.

On 28 June 1921, the Vidovdan (St Vitus's Day) Constitution was passed, establishing a unitary monarchy. The pre–World War I traditional regions were abolished and 33 new administrative oblasts (provinces) ruled from the center were instituted. During this time, King Peter I died (16 August 1921), and the prince-regent succeeded to the throne as King Alexander I.

Ljubomir Davidović of the Democrats began to have doubts about the wisdom of his party's commitment to centralization and opened up negotiations with the opposition. This threatened to provoke a split in his party as his action was opposed Svetozar Pribićević. It also gave Pašić a pretext to end the coalition. At first the King gave Pašić a mandate to form a coalition with Pribićević's Democrats. However, Pašić offered Pribićević too little for there to be much chance that Pribićević would agree. A purely Radical government was formed with a mandate to hold elections. The Radicals made gains at the expense of the Democrats but elsewhere there were gains by Radić's Peasant's Party.

Serb politicians around Radic regarded Serbia as the standard bearer of Yugoslav unity, as the state of Piedmont had been for Italy, or Prussia for the German Empire; a kind of "Greater Serbia". Over the following years, Croatian resistance against a Serbo-centric policy increased.

In the early 1920s, the Yugoslav government of prime minister Nikola Pašić used police pressure over voters and ethnic minorities, confiscation of opposition pamphlets[18] and other measure to rig elections. This was ineffective against the Croatian Peasant Party (formerly the Croatian Republican Peasant Party), whose members continued to win election to the Yugoslav parliament in large numbers,[19] but did harm the Radicals' main Serbian rivals, the Democrats.

Stjepan Radić, the head of the Croatian Peasant Party, was imprisoned many times for political reasons.[20] He was released in 1925 and returned to parliament.

In the spring of 1928, Radić and Svetozar Pribićević waged a bitter parliamentary battle against the ratification of the Nettuno Convention with Italy. In this they mobilised nationalist opposition in Serbia but provoked a violent reaction from the governing majority including death threats. On 20 June 1928, a member of the government majority, the Serb deputy Puniša Račić, shot five members of the Croatian Peasant Party, including their leader Stjepan Radić. Two died on the floor of the Assembly while the life of Radić hung in the balance.

The opposition now completely withdrew from parliament, declaring that they would not return to a parliament in which several of their representatives had been killed, and insisting on new elections. On 1 August, at a meeting in Zagreb, they renounced 1 December Declaration of 1920. They demanded that the negotiations for unification should begin from scratch. On 8 August Stjepan Radić died.

6 January dictatorship

In 1929, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was subdivided into nine banovinas. This became eight in 1939, when two were merged to form the Banovina of Croatia.
In 1929, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was subdivided into nine banovinas. This became eight in 1939, when two were merged to form the Banovina of Croatia.
In 1939, the Banovina of Croatia was founded, aimed at solving the "Croatian question". It was formed from the Sava Banovina and Littoral Banovina, with small parts ceded from the Drina, Zeta, and Danube banovinas.
In 1939, the Banovina of Croatia was founded, aimed at solving the "Croatian question". It was formed from the Sava Banovina and Littoral Banovina, with small parts ceded from the Drina, Zeta, and Danube banovinas.

On 6 January 1929, using as a pretext the political crisis triggered by the shooting, King Alexander abolished the Constitution, prorogued the Parliament and introduced a personal dictatorship (known as the "January 6 Dictatorship", Šestosiječanjska diktatura, Šestojanuarska diktatura). He changed the name of the country to "Kingdom of Yugoslavia", and changed the internal divisions from the 33 oblasts to nine new banovinas on 3 October. A Court for the Protection of the State was soon established to act as the new regime's tool for putting down any dissent. Opposition politicians Vladko Maček and Svetozar Pribićević were arrested under charges by the court. Pribićević later went into exile, whereas over the course of the 1930s Maček would become the leader of the entire opposition bloc.

Immediately after the dictatorship was proclaimed, Croatian deputy Ante Pavelić left for exile from the country. The following years Pavelić worked to establish a revolutionary organization, the Ustaše, allied with the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) against the state.

In 1931, Alexander decreed a new Constitution which made executive power the gift of the King. Elections were to be by universal male suffrage. The provision for a secret ballot was dropped, and pressure on public employees to vote for the governing party was to be a feature of all elections held under Alexander's constitution. Further, half the upper house was directly appointed by the King, and legislation could become law with the approval of one of the houses alone if also approved by the King.

That same year, Croatian historian and anti-Yugoslavist intellectual[21] Milan Šufflay was assassinated in Zagreb. As a response, Albert Einstein and Heinrich Mann sent an appeal to the International League of Human Rights in Paris condemning the murder, accusing the Yugoslav government. The letter states of a "horrible brutality which is being practiced upon the Croatian People". The appeal was addressed to the Paris-based Ligue des droits de l'homme[22] (Human Rights League).[23] In their letter Einstein and Mann held the Yugoslav king Aleksandar explicitly responsible for these circumstances.[23][24][25]

Croat opposition to the new régime was strong and, in late 1932, the Croatian Peasant Party issued the Zagreb Manifesto which sought an end to Serb hegemony and dictatorship. The government reacted by imprisoning many political opponents including the new Croatian Peasant Party leader Vladko Maček. Despite these measures, opposition to the dictatorship continued, with Croats calling for a solution to what was called the "Croatian question". In late 1934, the King planned to release Maček from prison, introduce democratic reforms, and attempt find common ground between Serbs and Croats.

However, on 9 October 1934, the king was assassinated in Marseille, France by Bulgarian Veličko Kerin (also known by his revolutionary pseudonym Vlado Chernozemski), an activist of IMRO, in a conspiracy with Yugoslav exiles and radical members of banned political parties in cooperation with the Croatian extreme nationalist Ustaše organisation.

Yugoslav regency

Because Alexander's eldest son, Peter II, was a minor, a regency council of three, specified in Alexander's will, took over the role of King. The council was dominated by the king's cousin Prince Paul.

In the late 1930s, internal tensions continued to increase with Serbs and Croats seeking to establish ethnic federal subdivisions. Serbs wanted Vardar Banovina (later known within Yugoslavia as Vardar Macedonia), Vojvodina, Montenegro united with the Serb lands, and Croatia wanted Dalmatia and some of Vojvodina. Both sides claimed territory in present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina populated by Bosniak Muslims. The expansion of Nazi Germany in 1938 gave new momentum to efforts to solve these problems and, in 1939, Prince Paul appointed Dragiša Cvetković as prime minister, with the goal of reaching an agreement with the Croatian opposition. Accordingly, on 26 August 1939, Vladko Maček became vice premier of Yugoslavia and an autonomous Banovina of Croatia was established with its own parliament.

These changes satisfied neither Serbs who were concerned with the status of the Serb minority in the new Banovina of Croatia and who wanted more of Bosnia and Herzegovina as Serbian territory. The Croatian nationalist Ustaše were also angered by any settlement short of full independence for a Greater Croatia including all of Bosnia and Herzegovina.


Occupation and partition of Yugoslavia, 1941–43
Occupation and partition of Yugoslavia, 1943–44

Fearing an invasion by the Axis powers, Yugoslavia signed the Tripartite Pact on 25 March 1941, pledging cooperation with the Axis. Massive anti-Axis demonstrations followed in Belgrade.

On 27 March, the regime of Prince Paul was overthrown by a military coup d'état with British support. The 17-year-old Peter II was declared to be of age and placed in power. General Dušan Simović became his Prime Minister. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia withdrew its support for the Axis de facto without formally renouncing the Tripartite Pact. Although the new rulers opposed Nazi Germany, they also feared that if German dictator Adolf Hitler attacked Yugoslavia, the United Kingdom was not in any real position to help. Regardless of this, on 6 April 1941, the Axis powers launched the invasion of Yugoslavia and quickly conquered it. The royal family, including Prince Paul, escaped abroad and were interned by the British in Kenya.[26]

The Kingdom of Yugoslavia was soon divided by the Axis into several entities. Germany, Italy, Hungary, and Bulgaria annexed some border areas outright. A Greater Germany was expanded to include most of Slovenia. Italy added the Governorship of Dalmatia, part of Macedonia and Kosovo, Montenegro, southerly part of Croatia, and more than a third of western Slovenia to the Italian Empire. An expanded Croatia was recognized by the Axis as the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH). On paper, the NDH was a kingdom and the 4th Duke of Aosta was crowned as King Tomislav II of Croatia. The rump Serbian territory became a military administration of Germany run by military governors and a Serb civil government led by Milan Nedić. Nedić attempted to gain German recognition of Serbia as a successor state to Yugoslavia and claimed King Peter II as Serbia's monarch. Hungary occupied several northern regions.

Exile of the king

King Peter II, who had escaped into exile, was still recognized as King of the whole state of Yugoslavia by the Allies. From 13 May 1941, the largely Serbian "Yugoslav Army of the Fatherland" (Jugoslovenska vojska u otadžbini, or JVUO, or Četniks) resisted the Axis occupation of Yugoslavia. This anti-German and anti-communist resistance movement was commanded by Royalist General Draža Mihailović. For a long time, the Četniks were supported by the British, the United States, and the Yugoslavian royal government in exile of King Peter II.

However, over the course of the war, effective power changed to the hands of Josip Broz Tito's Communist Partisans. In 1943, Tito proclaimed the creation of the Democratic Federative Yugoslavia (Demokratska federativna Jugoslavija). The Allies gradually recognized Tito's forces as the stronger opposition forces to the German occupation. They began to send most of their aid to Tito's Partisans, rather than to the Royalist Četniks. On 16 June 1944, the Tito–Šubašić agreement was signed which merged the de facto and the de jure government of Yugoslavia.

In early 1945, after the Germans had been driven out, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was formally restored on paper. But real political power was held by Tito's Communist Partisans. On 29 November, King Peter II was deposed by Yugoslavia's Communist Constituent Assembly while he was still in exile. On 2 December, the Communist authorities claimed the entire territory as part of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia. The new Yugoslavia covered roughly the same territory as the Kingdom had, but it was no longer an unitary monarchy but federal republic ruled by Communist Party.

Foreign policy

Pro-Allied government

The Kingdom nourished a close relationship with the Allies of World War I. This was especially the case between 1920 and 1934 with Yugoslavia's traditional supporters of Britain and France.

Little Entente

From 1920, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia had formed the Little Entente with Czechoslovakia and Romania, with the support of France. The primary aim of the alliance was to prevent Hungary from regaining the territories it had lost after the First World War. The alliance lost its significance in 1937 when Yugoslavia and Romania refused to support Czechoslovakia, then threatened by Germany, in the event of military aggression.

Balkan alliances

In 1924, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia formed a Balkan Bloc with Greece, Romania, and Turkey that was intent on keeping balance on the Balkan peninsula. The alliance was formalized and entrenched on 9 February 1934 when it became the "Balkan Entente". In 1934, with the assassination of King Alexander I by Vlado Chernozemski in Marseilles and the shifting of Yugoslav foreign policy, the alliance crumbled.

Italian coalition

The Kingdom of Italy had territorial ambitions against the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Relations between Italy and the kingdom's predecessors, the Kingdom of Serbia and the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs became sour and hostile during World War I, as Italian and Yugoslav politicians were in dispute over the region of Dalmatia which Italy demanded as part of Italy. These hostile relations were demonstrated on 1 November 1918, when Italian forces sunk the recently captured Austro-Hungarian battleship SMS Viribus Unitis being used by the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. Italy formed a coalition against it with states with similar state designs, heavily influenced by Italy and/or fascism: Albania, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria which lasted from 1924 to 1927.

The 1927 cooperation with Britain and France made Italy withdraw from its anti-Yugoslav alliance. Italian Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini accepted the extreme Croatian nationalist Ustase movement of Ante Pavelić to reside in Italy and use training grounds in Italy to prepare for war with Yugoslavia. Hungary also permitted such Ustase training camps as well. Mussolini allowed Pavelić to reside in Rome.

Friendship agreement

In 1927, in response to the growing Italian expansionism, the royal government of Yugoslavia signed an agreement of friendship and cooperation with the United Kingdom and France.


1939 Yugoslav postage stamp featuring King Peter II
1939 Yugoslav postage stamp featuring King Peter II

Officially, the last words of King Aleksandar had been "Save Yugoslavia, and the friendship with France". His successors were well aware of the need to try and do the first, but the second, maintaining close ties with France, was increasingly difficult. There were several reasons for this. By the mid-1930s, France, internally divided, was increasingly unable to play an important role in Eastern Europe and support its allies, many of whom had suffered badly from the economic crisis of that period. By contrast, Germany was increasingly willing to get into barter agreements with the countries of south east Europe. In the process those countries felt it was against their interests to closely follow France. An additional motive to improve relations with Italy and Germany was Italy's support of the Ustase movement. As Maček intimated Italy would support Croatian secession from Yugoslavia, First Regent Prince Paul judged closer relations with Italy were inevitable. In an effort to rob the HSS from potential Italian support, a treaty of friendship was signed between the two countries in 1937. This diminished the Ustasa threat somewhat since Mussolini imprisoned some of their leaders and temporarily withdrew financial support. In 1938, Germany, annexing Austria, became a neighbour of Yugoslavia. The feeble reaction of France and Britain, later that year, during the Sudeten Crisis convinced Belgrade that a European war was inevitable and that it would be unwise to support France and Britain. Instead, Yugoslavia tried to stay aloof, this in spite of Paul's personal sympathies for Britain and Serbia's establishment's predilections for France. In the meantime, Germany and Italy tried to exploit Yugoslavia's domestic problems, and so did Maček. In the end, the regency agreed to the formation of the Banovina hrvatska in August 1939. This did not put an end to the pressures from Germany and Italy, and Yugoslavia's strategic position deteriorated by the day. It was increasingly dependent on the German market, about 90% of its exports went to Germany, and in April 1939 Italy invaded and annexed Albania. In October 1940 it attacked Greece, by when France had already been eliminated from the scene, leaving Britain as Yugoslavia's only potential ally – given that Belgrade had not recognized the Soviet Union. London however wanted to involve Yugoslavia in the war, which it rejected.

From late 1940, Hitler wanted Belgrade to unequivocally choose sides. Pressure intensified, culminating in the signing of the Tripartite Pact on 25 March 1941. Two days later, Prince Paul was deposed in a coup d'état and his nephew Peter II was proclaimed of age, but the new government, headed by General Simović, assured Germany it would adhere to the Pact. Hitler nonetheless ordered the invasion of Yugoslavia. On 6 April 1941, Belgrade was bombed; on 10 April, the Independent State of Croatia was proclaimed; and on 17 April, the weak Yugoslav Army capitulated.


After the invasion, the Yugoslav royal government went into exile and local Yugoslav forces rose up in resistance to the occupying Axis powers. Initially the monarchy preferred Draža Mihailović and his Serb-dominated Četnik resistance. However, in 1944, the Tito–Šubašić agreement recognised the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia as a provisional government, with the status of the monarchy to be decided at a later date. Three regents—Srđan Budisavljević, a Serb; Ante Mandić, a Croat; and Dušan Sernec, a Slovene—were sworn in at Belgrade on 3 March 1945. They appointed the new government, to be headed by Tito as prime minister and minister of war, with Šubašić as foreign minister, on 7 March.[27]

On 29 November 1945, while still in exile, King Peter II was deposed by the constituent assembly. The Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia was internationally recognized as Yugoslavia and Peter II became a pretender.


Ethnic groups

Kingdom of Yugoslavia's ethnic structure, 1918[28]
Ethnic group Number Percent
Serbs 4,665,851 38.83
Croats 2,856,551 23.77
Slovenes 1,024,761 8.53
Bosnian Muslims 727,650 6.05
Macedonians or Bulgarians[28] 585,558 4.87
Other Slavs 174,466 1.45
Germans 513,472 4.27
Hungarians 472,409 3.93
Albanians 441,740 3.68
Romanians, Vlachs and Cincars 229,398 1.91
Turks 168,404 1.40
Jews 64,159 0.53
Italians 12,825 0.11
Others 80,079 0.67
Total 12,017,323 100.00
1 Source: Banac, Ivo (1992). The National Question in Yugoslavia. Origins, History, Politics (2nd printing ed.). Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. p. 58. ISBN 9780801494932.
(The table represents a reconstruction of Yugoslavia's ethnic structure immediately after the establishment of the kingdom in 1918.)

Until 1929, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes were the constitutional nations, when they were merged into a single "Yugoslav" nationality.


Ethnic map of Yugoslavia, 1940.
Ethnic map of Yugoslavia, 1940.

The following data, grouped by first language, is from the 1921 population census:

Based on language, the Yugoslavs (collectively Serbs, Croats, Slovenes and Muslims by nationality) constituted 82.87% of the country's population.

Religious groups

Class and occupation


The Kingdom had three universities: the University of Belgrade, University of Zagreb and the University of Ljubljana, located in what were then the most developed cities in the country.



  • Peter I (1 December 1918 – 16 August 1921; Prince Regent Alexander ruled in the name of the King)
  • Alexander I (16 August 1921 – 9 October 1934)
  • Peter II (9 October 1934 – 29 November 1945; in exile from 13/14 April 1941)
    • Regency headed by Prince Paul (9 October 1934 – 27 March 1941)

Prime Ministers 1918–1941

Prime Ministers-in-exile 1941–1945


The subdivisions of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia existed successively in three different forms. From 1918 to 1922, the kingdom maintained the pre–World War I subdivisions of Yugoslavia's predecessor states. In 1922, the state was divided into thirty-three oblasts (provinces). In 1929, after the establishment of the January 6 Dictatorship, a new system of nine banovinas (regions) was implemented by royal decree. In 1939, as an accommodation to Yugoslav Croats in the Cvetković-Maček Agreement, a single Banovina of Croatia was formed from two of these banovinas (and from sections of others).


The most popular sport in the Kingdom was association football. The Yugoslav Football Association was founded in Zagreb in 1919. It was based in Zagreb until the 6 January Dictatorship, when the association was moved to Belgrade. From 1923, a national championship was held annually. The national team played its first match at the 1920 Summer Olympics. It also participated in the inaugural FIFA World Cup, finishing fourth.

Other popular sports included water polo, which was dominated nationally by the Croatian side VK Jug.

The Kingdom participated at the Olympic Games from 1920 until 1936. During this time, the country won eight medals, all in gymnastics and six of these were won by Leon Štukelj, a Slovene who was the most nominated gymnast of that time.

See also


  1. ^ Busch, Birgitta; Kelly-Holmes, Helen (2004). Language, Discourse and Borders in the Yugoslav Successor States. Multilingual Matters. p. 26. ISBN 978-1-85359-732-9.
  2. ^ Alexander, Ronelle (2013). "Language and Identity: The Fate of Serbo-Croatian". In Daskalov, Rumen; Marinov, Tchavdar. Entangled Histories of the Balkans: Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies. Koninklijke Brill NV. p. 371. ISBN 978-90-04-25076-5. Now, however, the official language of the new state, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, bore the unwieldy name Serbo-Croato-Slovene (srpsko-hrvatsko-slovenački).
  3. ^ Wojciechowski, Sebastian; Burszta, Wojciech J.; Kamusella, Tomasz (2006). Nationalisms across the globe: an overview of nationalisms in state-endowed and stateless nations. 2. School of Humanities and Journalism. p. 79. ISBN 978-83-87653-46-0. Similarly, the 1921 Constitution declared Serbocroatoslovenian as the official and national language of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenians.
  4. ^ Kamusella, Tomasz (2009). The politics of language and nationalism in modern Central Europe. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 228, 297. ISBN 978-0-230-55070-4.
  5. ^ a b "Kraljevina Jugoslavija! Novi naziv naše države. No, mi smo itak med seboj vedno dejali Jugoslavija, četudi je bilo na vseh uradnih listih Kraljevina Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev. In tudi drugi narodi, kakor Nemci in Francozi, so pisali že prej v svojih listih mnogo o Jugoslaviji. 3. oktobra, ko je kralj Aleksander podpisal "Zakon o nazivu in razdelitvi kraljevine na upravna območja", pa je bil naslov kraljevine Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev za vedno izbrisan." (Naš rod ("Our Generation", a monthly Slovenian language periodical), Ljubljana 1929/30, št. 1, str. 22, letnik I.)
  6. ^ J. B. Hoptner (1963). "Yugoslavia in Crisis 1934–1941". Columbia University Press.
  7. ^ Walter R. Roberts (1973). Tito, Mihailović, and the Allies, 1941–1945. Rutgers University Press. p. 288. ISBN 978-0-8135-0740-8.
  8. ^ a b c d e f Spencer Tucker. Encyclopedia of World War I: A Political, Social, and Military History. Santa Barbara, California, USA: ABC-CLIO, 2005. Pp. 1189.
  9. ^ History of the municipal theatre Archived 23 June 2007 at the Wayback Machine from Corfu city hall Quote: "The Municipal Theatre was not only an Art-monument but also a historical one. On its premises the exiled Serbian parliament, held meetings in 1916, which decided the creation of the new Unified Kingdom of Yugoslavia."
  10. ^ Boban, Ljubo, When and how was the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs formed, Institute of Croatian History, issn=0353-295X, volume 26, issue 1, 1993, p. 187–198
  11. ^ Budisavljević Srđan, Stvaranje Države Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca (Creating the State of Serbs, Croats ans Slovens), Zagreb, 1958, p. 170-175.
  12. ^ Hehn, Paul N. (2005) A Low Dishonest Decade: Italy, the Powers and Eastern Europe, 1918–1939., Chapter 2, Mussolini, Prisoner of the Mediterranean
  13. ^ Čermelj, L. (1955). Kako je prišlo do prijateljskega pakta med Italijo in kraljevino SHS (How the Friendsjip Treaty between Italy and the Kingdom of SHS Came About in 1924), Zgodovinski časopis, 1–4, p.195, Ljubljana
  14. ^ Nationalism and Territory: Constructing Group Identity in Southeastern Europe, Geographical perspectives on the human past, George W. White, Rowman & Littlefield, 2000, ISBN 0847698092, p. 236.
  15. ^ Rudolf B. Schlesinger (1988). Comparative law: cases, text, materials. Foundation Press. p. 328. Some countries, notably the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, had preserved enclaves of Islamic law (relating to personal...)..
  16. ^ Lampe 2000, p. 112.
  17. ^ Gligorijević, Branislav (1979) Parliament i političke stranke u Jugoslaviji 1919–1929 Institut za savremenu istoriju, Narodna knjiga, Belgrade, OCLC 6420325[page needed]
  18. ^ Balkan Politics, Time Magazine, 31 March 1923
  19. ^ Elections, Time Magazine, 23 February 1925
  20. ^ The Opposition, Time Magazine, 6 April 1925
  21. ^ Bartulin, Nevenko (2013). The Racial Idea in the Independent State of Croatia: Origins and Theory. Brill Publishers. p. 124.
  22. ^ Realite sur l'attentat de Marseille contre le roi Alexandre Archived 26 March 2009 at the Wayback Machine
  23. ^ a b Einstein accuses Yugoslavian rulers in savant's murder, New York Times. 6 May 1931. mirror
  24. ^ "Raditch left tale of Yugoslav plot". New York Times. 23 August 1931. p. N2. Retrieved 6 December 2008. mirror
  25. ^ "Nevada Labor. Yesterday, today and tomorrow". Retrieved 3 September 2012.
  26. ^ "Prince Paul of Yugoslavia exonerated of war crimes" (PDF). The Times. 24 January 2012. Retrieved 2012-09-14.
  27. ^ Josef Korbel, Tito's Communism (University of Denver Press, 1951), 22.
  28. ^ a b Banac, Ivo. The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics. Cornell University Press, 1988. pp. 49–53, 58. ISBN 9780801494932
  29. ^ a b Group of Authors (1997). Istorijski atlas (1st ed.). Zavod za udžbenike i nastavna sredstva & Geokarta, Belgrade. p. 91. ISBN 86-17-05594-4.
  30. ^ "Краљевина Југославија дефинитивни резултати пописа становништва од 21 јануара 1921 год.", Сарајево, Државна Штампарија, 1932, page 3
  31. ^ Group of Authors (1997). Istorijski atlas (1st ed.). Zavod za udžbenike i nastavna sredstva & Geokarta, Belgrade. p. 86. ISBN 86-17-05594-4.


External links

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