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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Aegina
Αίγινα
View of Aegina's seafront
View of Aegina's seafront
Aegina is located in Greece
Aegina
Aegina
Location within the region
Coordinates: 37°43′48″N 23°29′24″E / 37.73000°N 23.49000°E / 37.73000; 23.49000
CountryGreece
Administrative regionAttica
Regional unitIslands
Government
 • MayorIoannis Zormpas[1] (since 2019)
Area
 • Municipality87.41 km2 (33.75 sq mi)
Population
 (2021)[2]
 • Municipality12,911
 • Density150/km2 (380/sq mi)
 • Community
6,976
Time zoneUTC+2 (EET)
 • Summer (DST)UTC+3 (EEST)
Postal code
180 10
Area code(s)2297
Vehicle registrationΥ
WebsiteOfficial Visitors Guide to Aegina

Aegina (/ɪˈnə/;[3] Greek: Αίγινα, Aígina; Ancient Greek: Αἴγῑνα)[a] is one of the Saronic Islands of Greece in the Saronic Gulf, 27 km (17 mi) from Athens. Tradition derives the name from Aegina, the mother of the mythological hero Aeacus, who was born on the island and became its king.[4]

YouTube Encyclopedic

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  • East and West Pediments, Temple of Aphaia, Aegina
  • A Wellspring of Humility - Saint Nektarios of Aegina

Transcription

(lighthearted music) Man: We're in the Glyphtothek in Munich. This is an extraordinary museum devoted to ancient Greek and Roman antiquities. Woman: That's all thanks to Prince Ludwig of Bavaria, who in the early 19th century, said he wanted to found a collection of antique works of sculpture, because, as he said, "We must also have in Munich "what in Rome in known as a museum." Man: I love that. Museum wasn't even a commonly used word. The idea of a public collection was just coming into being in Britain, in France, and here in Germany. Woman: Ludwig was ambitious for Munich; he wrote, "I will turn Munich into a city of the arts, so that no one can claim to know Germany who has not also seen Munich." Man: Art was a way of really putting a city on a map. It spoke to its cultural superiority. Ludwig put together an incredible collection. Woman: We're looking now at one of the great treasures of the museum, the sculptures from the pediment of the temple of Aphaia, on the island of Aegina, just off the coast of Greece. Man: This is an island that's visible from Athens, so it's very close to the Greek mainland; and we really shouldn't say 'pediment', we should say 'pediments'. Let's impact that just a little bit. On a Greek temple, imagine the Parthenon. This is a long structure, with a gable at either end that is above the column head. At either short end of the temple there is a low triangle. Historically, those were areas that were filled with sculpture. Woman: On the Temple of Aphaia there was a pediment on the east side and on the west side, on the two short ends of the temple. The sculptures that filled these pediments were discovered in the early 19th century when some German architects were surveying the ruins of the temple, and they were soon put on auction, and Ludwig was very pleased to acquire them for his new museum. Man: The pediment sculptures were not made at the same moment, and that makes them even more interesting, because it helps us see the evolution of Greek sculpture. The west pediment [with] earlier, and we think that those sculptures were carved when the temple was actually built, about 490 B.C.E. The east side were later, and what's really intresting is those older west sculptures are in the archaic tradition, but the east pediment sculptures are just taking on the characteristics of the style that we'll come to know as the classical. Woman: We can say it's an early moment of the classical for the sculptures on the east pediment. Man: It's this moment of transition, as the style is just really being invented. Woman: Now, the subject for both pediments was the Trojan war, the War between the Trojans and the Greeks. Man: Now, this war is really a mythic war, but we know about it because it is the subject of Homer's great epic poem, "The Iliad." Woman: Some of the heroes of the Trojan War were from the island of Aegina, so it makes sense that they would make an appearance on the pediment. Man: Let's start off by looking at the sculptures on the western pediment. In terms of being a space that gets filled with sculpture, a pediment is an awkward environment. Woman: It's incredibly awkward, because you have these two narrow areas of the triangle that are very hard to fill. One of the ways that you can do that is to have reclining figures. Man: That's right. It's almost as if the sculptures have to play limbo, they get lower and lower as you move to the edges. But, in this case, the sculptor has really been inventive, and has found a marvelous solution. In the very center of the pediment, on both the east and the west sides, we have a standing figure, noble, looking outward, the goddess Athena. Woman: Athena was known as the goddess of war, in addition to being the goddess of wisdom. Man: On the west pediment, we see Athena now holding a modern shaft that is meant to represent a spear that would have originally been there, perhaps in wood, more likely in bronze or some other metal. Woman: When we look at Athena, we see a figure who looks typically archaic in style. She is frontal, she's rather rigid, fairly symetrical, and there's a lineal quality to her drapery. She has that typical archaic smile that removes her from emotion, removes her from the everyday world. She seems like a transcendent goddess. Man: On either side of the standing Athena are two warriors, and they move outward. They're actually lunging with the spears. One has their shield facing us, one is turned in the other direction, the shield is facing away from us; but they move our eye in either direction outward with real energy, real velocity, and of course, they are both slightly lower since their knees are bent so that they fit under the eave of the gable. Woman: On either side of those figures, we see kneeling archers, who are shooting bows. Man: The archer on the left, we can actually identify as Paris, and we can see his cap is tied in the back, his weight is on one knee and on one heel. The bow is missing, but we can certainly see an arm movement that suggests that he was in the middle of loosing his arrow. Woman: Behind him, a striding figure with a weapon who's attacking a figure who's falling to the ground. Man: Look at the complexity of that group of three in the way in which they overlap. There's a real sense of energy. There's a real sense of dynamism. Just pretty extraordinary for the archaic moment. Woman: On the far left corner, another wounded figure just fits into that corner space. Man: Let's focus for a moment on the wounded warrior that is on the right side of the west pediment. You can see that he's fallen back. He's on his left hip and he's on his left elbow, and his right hand seems to be clutching, or perhaps trying to remove a spear that has wounded him. Woman: Let me stop you for a moment, because he doesn't really look like he's in the position of a wounded warrior. His knee is bent, it comes over his left leg, he's propped up on his left arm, and his right elbow comes up in a rather awkward way. This figure really doesn't seem believable in terms of what he's supposed to be doing, pulling this spear from his body. Man:That's right, this must be tremendously painful, and probably will kill him, and yet, look at his face; he still retains the archaic smile, but for all of this it's important to remember that this is not naturalism, this is not an attempt to render the feelings of the human body. This is a highly stylized [for a schematic] structure. Woman: In a way, the figure is a symbol more than a real figure; a symbol of a fallen warrior in the Trojan War. Man: One art historian is likened this figure to face painting, where there was an attempt often to raise torsos up so that you could see the full musculature in the entire front; so, this is not about naturalism, it's about revealing the body in a way. Woman: The same art historian likened this figure to a reclining kouros, and that's exactly how he looks. It's as though a standing kouros figure has been tipped over. This is so different than what we see on the east pediment, which dates from only about a decade or two later, where we see the beginnings of the classical style. Man: Let's go take a look. Now, the east pediment is much more fragmentary on the left side, but the one figure of the fallen soldier is in great condition, and it's so different from what we saw, the earlier archaic west facade. Woman: While this figure still has a bit of that archaic smile, everything else about the position of his body tells us that this is a wounded figure taking his last breath. Man: You can see that he is holding his sword with his right hand, but he's also trying to push himself back up, but he doesn't seem to be able to do it. His left arm is still in the shield, and he seems to be balancing himself. You know it's just a moment before that shield falls over with a bang. Woman: There's a sense that he's propping himself up, but he's also falling at the same time, lowering his body as he dies. Man: He's looking down at the ground, and his body is more mature than the other figure, it's also much more naturalistically rendered. We're seeing that origin of the classical tradition. Woman: In the archaic period, we see the hard divisions between the muscles and the parts of the body, outlines almost, to parts of the body, and here, one muscle flows into another, and there's a real sense of skin lying over a skeletal structure. Man: That's right. A moment ago, you had said that the archaic sculpture was nothing but really a set of symbols, and here it's as if the artist has actually observed a human body and thought about what it must be like for a figure to fall. Woman: Instead of having that back leg coming over the front leg in a very unnatural way, and instead of having that elbow lifted up, the right arm of the figure comes over his torso fully; there's no attempt to reveal the whole body tipped forward to us the way we had in the archaic figure. Man: Now look at the torso. Look at the muscles of the leg. This is a far, more complex rendering of the human body in a complex pose. Woman: Just like on the west pediment, as we look at the east pediment, we've got a central figure again, Athena. Man: To the right of Athena, we have figures that are much more in tact. We have a lunging figure, we saw that on the west pediment as well, who is in the process of impaling a man who has lost his helmet, his shield is falling off his arm, and he is tottering, he has lost his balance. Woman: He looks as though he's about to collapse. Man: We know he's lost his helmet because the young man who's in back of him who seems to be trying to aid him and running towards him, is holding a fragment that we know would have originally been his helmet. Woman: His body forms a diagonal in that lunge, and so it fits nicely into that triangular space of the pediment. Behind him is another archer just like we saw on the west pediment. Man: Archaeologists think that archer is actually the one who has hit the wounded warrior on the opposite side. Woman: The one who we were discussing before. Man: That's right. Woman: So, we have this wonderful unification of action among all of these figures on the east pediment. Man: We have this more complex narrative, even though the same story is being told. We have a much more complex musculature, much more careful attention to the human experience. This makes us ask what has changed? This just been a few years between these pediments, and yet they are so different. Woman: This is always the questions that art historians ask as we look at works of art that are separated not by a very long period of time, in this case. What has happened in the values of ancient Greek culture that has led them to represent the human figure so differently. Man: If you go back in Greek history, the Greeks were deeply influenced by monumental Egyptian sculpture. You can still get a sense of a trace of that in the archaic tradition, but now there's a sense of self-awareness. These are mobile figrues out in the world that are almost enacting human emotion, human expression, and human experience. That is so different from the idea of representation as symbolic, which it so informed earlier Greek art. Woman: In the classical period, we have figures who we can believe are part of a story, it's a story that we can begin to feel for them, we can sympathize with them as we watch them. This is a moement in ancient Greek history when the Greeks have just defeated the Persians in battle; this is an epic victory for Greek culture when many of the Greek city states united to fight their enemy, the Persians. Man: Right, this common enemy that really should have been victorious, the Persians should have won, it was a much larger army; and the Greeks knew it, and the fact that they were victorious suggested to them that there was a kind of order in the universe. Woman: There's a sense now that the world is into place that just operates arbitrarily according to the laws of the gods, but it's a place that the human mind, with its sense of the rational, can understand. Man: So, there is a much greater burden placed on the Greeks with this realization. They are now responsible for their own society. They're not part of a random order, they are part of an order that they actually devise. Woman: Art historians see the origins of the classical style in this historical moment. We have an obligation, even here in the 21st century, to try to put ourselves, even though it's an impossible task, in the minds of the ancient Greeks, and to truly understand these works of arts from their point of view. It's really important ot remember that these sculptures were painted just like all ancient Greek sculptures, and with very bright colors. Man: This completely destroys our image of Greek art. When we think about Greek art, we think about these pristine, brillian, white marble surfaces, and they were garish; they were yellow, they were blue, they were green. Woman: Art historians and archaeologists have done scientific analyses of these sculptures, and found traces and residues of pigments and been able to determine it pretty acurately, at least the red and blues that we find here in some of the geometric patterns. Man: It's so jarring for me to try to imagine these colors back, and it's not just that the figures themselves were painted, but the architectural spaces in which these figures were placed was painted as well. Woman: There are so many ways that we're not looking at these the way that the ancient Greeks did. First of all, these were outside in the open air. They were high up on a pediment on this island. Man: Certainly the color would have made it much easier to see these figures, would try to have been in the shade of architecture. There's another element that we can re-imagine, which is that these figures not only holding things that have since disappeared, they were holding spears, and bows and arrows, but they also had other pieces of metal work that have since been lost. There was hair, sometimes actually hanging like bangs over the forehead, and also long locks that came down and framed the faces. In this case, they were made out of lead, and we can actually see little pieces of the remaining lead that are still there, and so we know precisely where they came out of stone, and that would have helped, I think, create not these figures as single stone objects the way that we see them, but as these much more complex figures that interact with their architectural environments. Woman: Let's not forget, too, that these are temples. These are places of religious worship, and that they were homes to the gods, and that the central figure on both the east and west pediment is the goddess Athena; and of course, the Greek idea of gods and goddesses is entirely different from our own Judeo-Christian tradition. These are all important things to keep in mind as we look at the Greek sculptures in museums. (lighthearted music)

Administration

Municipality

The municipality of Aegina consists of the island of Aegina and a few offshore islets. It is part of the Islands regional unit, Attica region. The municipality is subdivided into the following five communities (population in 2021 in parentheses ):[2]

  • Aegina (6,976)
  • Kypseli (2,166)
  • Mesagros (1,473)
  • Perdika (847)
  • Vathy (1,449)

The regional capital is the town of Aegina, situated at the northwestern end of the island. Due to its proximity to Athens, it is a popular vacation place during the summer months, with quite a few Athenians owning second houses on the island. The buildings of the island are examples of Neoclassical architecture with a strong folk element, built in the 19th century

Province

The province of Aegina (Greek: Επαρχία Αίγινας) was one of the provinces of the Attica Prefecture and was created in 1833 as part of Attica and Boeotia Prefecture. Its territory corresponded with that of the current municipalities Aegina and Agkistri until its abolishment in 2006.[5]

Geography

Map

Aegina is roughly triangular in shape, approximately 15 km (9.3 mi) from east to west and 10 km (6.2 mi) from north to south, with an area of 87.41 km2 (33.75 sq mi).[6]

An extinct volcano constitutes two-thirds of Aegina. The northern and western sides consist of stony but fertile plains, which are well cultivated and produce luxuriant crops of grain, with some cotton, vines, almonds, olives and figs,[4] but the most characteristic crop of Aegina today (2000s) is pistachio. Economically, the sponge fisheries are of notable importance. The southern volcanic part of the island is rugged and mountainous, and largely barren. Its highest rise is the conical Mount Oros (531 m) in the south, and the Panhellenian ridge stretches northward with narrow fertile valleys on either side.

The beaches are also a popular tourist attraction. Hydrofoil ferries from Piraeus take only forty minutes to reach Aegina; the regular ferry takes about an hour, with ticket prices for adults within the 4–15 euro range. There are regular bus services from Aegina town to destinations throughout the island such as Agia Marina. Portes is a fishing village on the east coast.

A panorama of the island of Aegina, from the Mediterranean sea.

Climate

Aegina island has a hot semi-arid climate (Köppen climate classification: BSh) with an average annual temperature of around 20.0°C and an average annual precipitation of less than 340 mm. [7]

Climate data for Aegina
Month Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Year
Record high °C (°F) 25.6
(78.1)
24.2
(75.6)
24.6
(76.3)
29.6
(85.3)
34.8
(94.6)
40.2
(104.4)
42.5
(108.5)
43.4
(110.1)
37.1
(98.8)
31.6
(88.9)
29.9
(85.8)
23.4
(74.1)
43.4
(110.1)
Mean daily maximum °C (°F) 14.1
(57.4)
15.4
(59.7)
17.2
(63.0)
21.4
(70.5)
25.9
(78.6)
30.8
(87.4)
33.8
(92.8)
33.5
(92.3)
29.1
(84.4)
24.0
(75.2)
19.9
(67.8)
15.6
(60.1)
23.4
(74.1)
Daily mean °C (°F) 11.5
(52.7)
12.6
(54.7)
13.9
(57.0)
17.3
(63.1)
21.5
(70.7)
26.0
(78.8)
29.1
(84.4)
29.3
(84.7)
25.5
(77.9)
21.0
(69.8)
17.2
(63.0)
13.3
(55.9)
19.9
(67.7)
Mean daily minimum °C (°F) 9.0
(48.2)
9.8
(49.6)
10.6
(51.1)
13.2
(55.8)
17.1
(62.8)
21.2
(70.2)
24.5
(76.1)
25.0
(77.0)
21.8
(71.2)
18.0
(64.4)
14.6
(58.3)
10.9
(51.6)
16.3
(61.4)
Record low °C (°F) −0.4
(31.3)
1.2
(34.2)
1.2
(34.2)
5.8
(42.4)
12.4
(54.3)
14.7
(58.5)
18.6
(65.5)
20.8
(69.4)
14.8
(58.6)
12.2
(54.0)
6.8
(44.2)
2.7
(36.9)
−0.4
(31.3)
Average rainfall mm (inches) 50.8
(2.00)
25.9
(1.02)
25.2
(0.99)
18.0
(0.71)
8.0
(0.31)
17.6
(0.69)
4.7
(0.19)
6.8
(0.27)
45.8
(1.80)
27.1
(1.07)
55.9
(2.20)
50.7
(2.00)
336.5
(13.25)
Source: National Observatory of Athens Monthly Bulletins (Dec 2013 - Feb 2024)[8][9] and World Meteorological Organization[10]

History

Aegina, according to Herodotus,[11] was a colony of Epidaurus, to which state it was originally subject. Its placement between Attica and the Peloponnesus made it a site of trade even earlier, and its earliest inhabitants allegedly came from Asia Minor.[12]

Early Bronze

The most important Early Bronze Age settlement was Kolonna, stone-built fortified site.[13] The main connections were with the Greek mainland, but there were found also influences from Cyclades and Crete.[14]

Another important deposit of Early Bronze Age golden and silver jewellery was discovered by Austrian archaeologists.[15] The excavations on the site, done by the Paris Lodron Universität Salzburg are still ongoing.[16]

Middle Bronze

Minoan ceramics have been found in contexts of c. 2000 BC. The famous Aegina Treasure, now in the British Museum is estimated to date between 1700 and 1500 BC.[17]

Late Bronze

The discovery on the island of a number of gold ornaments belonging to the last period of Mycenaean art suggests that Mycenaean culture existed in Aegina for some generations after the Dorian conquest of Argos and Lacedaemon.[18]

At Mount Ellanio, a Mycenaean refuge has been found dating to the end of the Late Bronze Age.[19]

Iron Age

It is probable that the island was not Doricised before the 9th century BC.

One of the earliest historical facts is its membership in the Amphictyony or League of Calauria, attested around the 8th century BC. This ostensibly religious league included, besides Aegina, Athens, the Minyan (Boeotian) Orchomenos, Troezen, Hermione, Nauplia, and Prasiae. It was probably an organisation of city-states that were still Mycenaean, for the purpose of suppressing piracy in the Aegean that began as a result of the decay of the naval supremacy of the Mycenaean princes.

Aegina seems to have belonged to the Eretrian league during the Lelantine War; this, perhaps, may explain the war with Samos, a major member of the rival Chalcidian League during the reign of King Amphicrates (Herod. iii. 59), i.e. not later than the earlier half of the 7th century BC.[4]

Coinage and sea power (7th–5th centuries BC)

Coins of Aegina
Silver stater of Aegina, 550–530 BC. Obv. Sea turtle with large pellets down centre. Rev. incuse square punch with eight sections.
Silver drachma of Aegina, 404–340 BC. Obverse: Land tortoise. Reverse: inscription ΑΙΓ(INA) "Aegina" and dolphin.

Its early history reveals that the maritime importance of the island dates back to pre-Dorian times. It is usually stated on the authority of Ephorus, that Pheidon of Argos established a mint in Aegina, the first city-state to issue coins in Europe, the Aeginetic stater. One stamped stater (having the mark of some authority in the form of a picture or words) can be seen in the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris. It is an electrum stater of a turtle, an animal sacred to Aphrodite, struck at Aegina that dates from 700 BC.[20] Therefore, it is thought that the Aeginetes, within 30 or 40 years of the invention of coinage in Asia Minor by the Ionian Greeks or the Lydians (c. 630 BC), might have been the ones to introduce coinage to the Western world. The fact that the Aeginetic standard of weights and measures (developed during the mid-7th century) was one of the two standards in general use in the Greek world (the other being the Euboic-Attic) is sufficient evidence of the early commercial importance of the island.[4] The Aeginetic weight standard of about 12.2 grams was widely adopted in the Greek world during the 7th century BC. The Aeginetic stater was divided into two drachmae of 6.1 grams of silver.[21] Staters depicting a sea-turtle were struck up to the end of the 5th century BC. During the First Peloponnesian War, by 456 BC, it was replaced by the land tortoise.[22]

During the naval expansion of Aegina during the Archaic Period, Kydonia was an ideal maritime stop for Aegina's fleet on its way to other Mediterranean ports controlled by the emerging sea-power Aegina.[23] During the next century Aegina was one of the three principal states trading at the emporium of Naucratis in Egypt, and it was the only Greek state near Europe that had a share in this factory.[24] At the beginning of the 5th century BC it seems to have been an entrepôt of the Pontic grain trade, which, at a later date, became an Athenian monopoly.[25]

Unlike the other commercial states of the 7th and 6th centuries BC, such as Corinth, Chalcis, Eretria and Miletus, Aegina did not found any colonies. The settlements to which Strabo refers (viii. 376) cannot be regarded as any real exceptions to this statement.[4]

Rivalry with Athens (5th century BC)

The known history of Aegina is almost exclusively a history of its relations with the neighbouring state of Athens, which began to compete with the thalassocracy (sea power) of Aegina about the beginning of the 6th century BC. Solon passed laws limiting Aeginetan commerce in Attica. The legendary history of these relations, as recorded by Herodotus (v. 79–89; vi. 49–51, 73, 85–94), involves critical problems of some difficulty and interest. He traces the hostility of the two states back to a dispute about the images of the goddesses Damia and Auxesia, which the Aeginetes had carried off from Epidauros, their parent state.

The Epidaurians had been accustomed to make annual offerings to the Athenian deities Athena and Erechtheus in payment for the Athenian olive-wood of which the statues were made. Upon the refusal of the Aeginetes to continue these offerings, the Athenians endeavoured to carry away the images. Their design was frustrated miraculously (according to the Aeginetan version, the statues fell upon their knees) and only a single survivor returned to Athens. There he became victim to the fury of his comrades' widows who pierced him with their peplos brooch-pins. No date is assigned by Herodotus for this "old feud"; writers such as J. B. Bury and R. W. Macan suggest the period between Solon and Peisistratus, c. 570 BC. It is possible that the whole episode is mythical. A critical analysis of the narrative seems to reveal little else than a series of aetiological traditions (explanatory of cults and customs), such as of the kneeling posture of the images of Damia and Auxesia, of the use of native ware instead of Athenian in their worship, and of the change in women's dress at Athens from the Dorian peplos to the Ionian style chiton.

Colour depiction of the Temple of Aphaea, sacred to a mother goddess, particularly worshiped on Aegina.
The Temple of Aphaea (about 490 BC)

In the early years of the 5th century BC the Thebans, after the defeat by Athens about 507 BC, appealed to Aegina for assistance.[26] The Aeginetans at first contented themselves with sending the images of the Aeacidae, the tutelary heroes of their island. Subsequently, however, they contracted an alliance, and ravaged the seaboard of Attica. The Athenians were preparing to make reprisals, in spite of the advice of the Delphic oracle that they should desist from attacking Aegina for thirty years, and content themselves meanwhile with dedicating a precinct to Aeacus, when their projects were interrupted by the Spartan intrigues for the restoration of Hippias.

In 491 BC Aegina was one of the states which gave the symbols of submission ("earth and water") to Achaemenid Persia. Athens at once appealed to Sparta to punish this act of medism, and Cleomenes I, one of the Spartan kings, crossed over to the island, to arrest those who were responsible for it. His attempt was at first unsuccessful; but, after the deposition of Demaratus, he visited the island a second time, accompanied by his new colleague Leotychides, seized ten of the leading citizens and deposited them at Athens as hostages.

After the death of Cleomenes and the refusal of the Athenians to restore the hostages to Leotychides, the Aeginetes retaliated by seizing a number of Athenians at a festival at Sunium. Thereupon the Athenians concerted a plot with Nicodromus, the leader of the democratic party in the island, for the betrayal of Aegina. He was to seize the old city, and they were to come to his aid on the same day with seventy vessels. The plot failed owing to the late arrival of the Athenian force, when Nicodromus had already fled the island. An engagement followed in which the Aeginetes were defeated. Subsequently, however, they succeeded in winning a victory over the Athenian fleet.

All the incidents subsequent to the appeal of Athens to Sparta are referred expressly by Herodotus to the interval between the sending of the heralds in 491 BC and the invasion of Datis and Artaphernes in 490 BC (cf. Herod. vi. 49 with 94).

There are difficulties with this story, of which the following are the principal elements:

  • Herodotus nowhere states or implies that peace was concluded between the two states before 481 BC, nor does he distinguish between different wars during this period. Hence it would follow that the war lasted from soon after 507 BC until the congress at the Isthmus of Corinth in 481 BC
  • It is only for two years (491 and 490 BC) out of the twenty-five that any details are given. It is the more remarkable that no incidents are recorded in the period between the battles of Marathon and Salamis, since at the time of the Isthmian Congress the war was described as the most important one then being waged in Greece,[27]
  • It is improbable that Athens would have sent twenty vessels to the aid of the Ionians in 499 BC if at the time it was at war with Aegina.
  • There is an incidental indication of time, which indicates the period after Marathon as the true date for the events which are referred by Herodotus to the year before Marathon, viz. the thirty years that were to elapse between the dedication of the precinct to Aeacus and the final victory of Athens.[28] As the final victory of Athens over Aegina was in 458 BC, the thirty years of the oracle would carry us back to the year 488 BC as the date of the dedication of the precinct and the beginning of hostilities. This inference is supported by the date of the building of the 200 triremes "for the war against Aegina" on the advice of Themistocles, which is given in the Constitution of Athens as 483–482 BC.[29]
The ruins of the Temple of Apollo.

It is probable, therefore, that Herodotus is in error both in tracing back the beginning of hostilities to an alliance between Thebes and Aegina (c. 507 BC) and in claiming the episode of Nicodromus occurred prior to the battle of Marathon.

Overtures were unquestionably made by Thebes for an alliance with Aegina c. 507 BC, but they came to nothing. The refusal of Aegina was in the diplomatic guise of "sending the Aeacidae." The real occasion of the beginning of the war was the refusal of Athens to restore the hostages some twenty years later. There was but one war, and it lasted from 488 to 481 BC. That Athens had the worst of it in this war is certain. Herodotus had no Athenian victories to record after the initial success, and the fact that Themistocles was able to carry his proposal to devote the surplus funds of the state to the building of so large a fleet seems to imply that the Athenians were themselves convinced that a supreme effort was necessary.

It may be noted, in confirmation of this opinion, that the naval supremacy of Aegina is assigned by the ancient writers on chronology to precisely this period, i.e. the years 490–480 BC.[4][30]

Decline

In the repulse of Xerxes I it is possible that the Aeginetes played a larger part than is conceded to them by Herodotus. The Athenian tradition, which he follows in the main, would naturally seek to obscure their services. It was to Aegina rather than Athens that the prize of valour at Salamis was awarded, and the destruction of the Persian fleet appears to have been as much the work of the Aeginetan contingent as of the Athenian (Herod. viii. 91). There are other indications, too, of the importance of the Aeginetan fleet in the Greek scheme of defence. In view of these considerations it becomes difficult to credit the number of the vessels that is assigned to them by Herodotus (30 as against 180 Athenian vessels, cf. Greek History, sect. Authorities). During the next twenty years the Philo-Laconian policy of Cimon secured Aegina, as a member of the Spartan league, from attack. The change in Athenian foreign policy, which was consequent upon the ostracism of Cimon in 461 BC, resulted in what is sometimes called the First Peloponnesian War, during which most of the fighting was experienced by Corinth and Aegina. The latter state was forced to surrender to Athens after a siege, and to accept the position of a subject-ally (c. 456 BC). The tribute was fixed at 30 talents.

By the terms of the Thirty Years' Peace (445 BC) Athens promised to restore to Aegina her autonomy, but the clause remained ineffective. During the first winter of the Peloponnesian War (431 BC) Athens expelled the Aeginetans and established a cleruchy in their island. The exiles were settled by Sparta in Thyreatis, on the frontiers of Laconia and Argolis. Even in their new home they were not safe from Athenian rancour. A force commanded by Nicias landed in 424 BC, and killed most of them. At the end of the Peloponnesian War Lysander restored the scattered remnants of the old inhabitants to the island,[31][32] which was used by the Spartans as a base for operations against Athens during the Corinthian War.

It is probable that the power of Aegina had steadily declined during the twenty years after Salamis, and that it had declined absolutely, as well as relatively to that of Athens. Commerce was the source of Aegina's greatness, and her trade, which seems to have been principally with the Levant, must have suffered seriously from the war with Persia. Aegina's medism in 491 is to be explained by its commercial relations with the Persian Empire. It was forced into patriotism in spite of itself, and the glory won by the Battle of Salamis was paid for by the loss of its trade and the decay of its marine. The loss of the state's power is explained by the conditions of the island, which was based on slave labour; Aristotle's estimated the population of slaves were as much as 470,000.

Hellenistic period and Roman rule

The remains of the 4th century synagogue at the Archaeological Museum of Aegina

Aegina with the rest of Greece became dominated successively by the Macedonians (322–229 BC), the Achaeans (229–211 BC), Aetolians (211–210 BC), Attalus of Pergamum (210–133 BC) and the Romans (after 133 BC).[4] A sign at the Archaeological Museum of Aegina is reported to say that a Jewish community was established in Aegina "at the end of the second and during the 3rd century AD" by Jews fleeing the barbarian invasions of the time in Greece.[33] However, the first phases of those invasions began in the 4th century. The Romaniote Jewish community erected an elaborate synagogue in rectangle form with an apse on the eastern wall with a magnificent mosaic decorated with geometric motifs, still preserved in the courtyard of the Archaeological Museum of Aegina. The synagogue dates from the 4th century AD and was in use until the 7th century AD.[34] Local Christian tradition has it that a Christian community was established there in the 1st century, having as its bishop Crispus, the ruler of the Corinthian synagogue, who became a Christian,[35] and was baptised by Paul the Apostle.[36] There are written records of participation by later bishops of Aegina, Gabriel and Thomas, in the Councils of Constantinople in 869 and 879. The see was at first a suffragan of the metropolitan see of Corinth, but was later given the rank of archdiocese.[37][38] No longer a residential bishopric, Aegina is today listed by the Catholic Church as a titular see.[39]

Byzantine period

The Byzantine church of Agioi Theodoroi

Aegina belonged to the East Roman (Byzantine) Empire after the division of the Roman Empire in 395. It remained Eastern Roman during the period of crisis of the 7th–8th centuries, when most of the Balkans and the Greek mainland were overrun by Slavic invasions. Indeed, according to the Chronicle of Monemvasia, the island served as a refuge for the Corinthians fleeing these incursions.[40] The island flourished during the early 9th century, as evidenced by church construction activity, but suffered greatly from Arab raids originating from Crete. Various hagiographies, such as those of Athanasia of Aegina or Theodora of Thessalonica, record a large-scale raid c. 830, that resulted in the flight of much of the population to the Greek mainland. During that time, some of the population sought refuge in the island's hinterland, establishing the settlement of Palaia Chora.[40][41]

According to the 12th-century bishop of Athens, Michael Choniates, by his time the island had become a base for pirates.[40] This is corroborated by Benedict of Peterborough's graphic account of Greece, as it was in 1191; he states that many of the islands were uninhabited for fear of pirates and that Aegina, along with Salamis and Makronisos, were their strongholds.

Frankish rule after 1204

The former catholic church known as Saint George of the Forum in Palaiochora, the medieval capital of Aegina.

After the dissolution and partition of the Byzantine Empire by the Fourth Crusade in 1204, Aegina was accorded to the Republic of Venice. In the event, it became controlled by the Duchy of Athens. The Catalan Company seized control of Athens, and with it Aegina, in 1317, and in 1425 the island became controlled by the Venetians,[42] when Alioto Caopena, at that time ruler of Aegina, placed himself by treaty under the Republic's protection to escape the danger of a Turkish raid. The island must then have been fruitful, for one of the conditions by which Venice accorded him protection was that he should supply grain to Venetian colonies. He agreed to surrender the island to Venice if his family became extinct. Antonio II Acciaioli opposed the treaty for one of his adopted daughters had married the future lord of Aegina, Antonello Caopena.

Venetians in Aegina (1451–1537)

The Venetian era Markellos tower

In 1451, Aegina became Venetian. The islanders welcomed Venetian rule; the claims of Antonello's uncle Arnà, who had lands in Argolis, were satisfied by a pension. A Venetian governor (rettore) was appointed, who was dependent on the authorities of Nauplia. After Arnà's death, his son Alioto renewed his claim to the island but was told that the republic was resolved to keep it. He and his family were pensioned and one of them aided in the defence of Aegina against the Turks in 1537, was captured with his family, and died in a Turkish dungeon.

In 1463 the Turco-Venetian war began, which was destined to cost the Venetians Negroponte (Euboea), the island of Lemnos, most of the Cyclades islands, Scudra and their colonies in the Morea. Peace was concluded in 1479. Venice still retained Aegina, Lepanto (Naupactus), Nauplia, Monemvasia, Modon, Navarino, Coron, and the islands Crete, Mykonos and Tinos. Aegina remained subject to Nauplia.

Administration

Aegina obtained money for its defences by reluctantly sacrificing its cherished relic, the head of St. George, which had been carried there from Livadia by the Catalans. In 1462, the Venetian Senate ordered the relic to be removed to St. Giorgio Maggiore in Venice and on 12 November, it was transported from Aegina by Vettore Cappello, the famous Venetian commander. In return, the Senate gave the Aeginetes 100 ducats apiece towards fortifying the island.

In 1519, the government was reformed. The system of having two rectors was found to result in frequent quarrels and the republic thenceforth sent out a single official styled Bailie and Captain, assisted by two councillors, who performed the duties of camerlengo by turns. The Bailie's authority extended over the rector of Aegina, whereas Kastri (opposite the island Hydra) was granted to two families, the Palaiologoi and the Alberti.

Society at Nauplia was divided into three classes: nobles, citizens and plebeians, and it was customary for nobles alone to possess the much-coveted local offices, such as the judge of the inferior court and inspector of weights and measures. The populace now demanded its share and the home government ordered that at least one of the three inspectors should be a non-noble.

Aegina had always been exposed to the raids of corsairs and had oppressive governors during these last 30 years of Venetian rule. Venetian nobles were not willing to go to this island. In 1533, three rectors of Aegina were punished for their acts of injustice and there is a graphic account of the reception given by the Aeginetans to the captain of Nauplia, who came to command an enquiry into the administration of these delinquents (vid. inscription over the entrance of St. George the Catholic in Paliachora). The rectors had spurned their ancient right to elect an islander to keep one key of the money-chest. They had also threatened to leave the island en masse with the commissioner, unless the captain avenged their wrongs. To spare the economy of the community, it was ordered that appeals from the governor's decision should be made on Crete, instead of in Venice. The republic was to pay a bakshish to the Turkish governor of the Morea and to the voivode who was stationed at the frontier of Thermisi (opposite Hydra). The fortifications too, were allowed to become decrepit and were inadequately guarded.

16th century

The ruins of Palaiochora. Walls, houses, and castle have been destroyed, only the chapels were restored.

After the end of the Duchy of Athens and the principality of Achaia, the only Latin possessions left on the mainland of Greece were the papal city of Monemvasia, the fortress of Vonitsa, the Messenian stations Coron and Modon, Lepanto, Pteleon, Navarino, and the castles of Argos and Nauplia, to which the island of Aegina was subordinate.

In 1502–03, the new peace treaty left Venice with nothing but Cephalonia, Monemvasia and Nauplia, with their appurtenances in the Morea. And against the sack of Megara, it had to endure the temporary capture of the castle of Aegina by Kemal Reis and the abduction of 2000 inhabitants. This treaty was renewed in 1513 and 1521. All supplies of grain from Nauplia and Monemvasia had to be imported from Turkish possessions, while corsairs rendered dangerous all traffic by sea.

In 1537, sultan Suleiman declared war upon Venice and his admiral Hayreddin Barbarossa devastated much of the Ionian Islands, and in October invaded the island of Aegina. On the fourth day Palaiochora was captured, but the Latin church of St George was spared. Hayreddin Barbarossa had the adult male population massacred and took away 6,000 surviving women and children as slaves. Then Barbarossa sailed to Naxos, whence he carried off an immense booty, compelling the Duke of Naxos to purchase his further independence by paying a tribute of 5000 ducats.

With the peace of 1540, Venice ceded Nauplia and Monemvasia. For nearly 150 years afterwards, Venice ruled no part of the mainland of Greece except Parga and Butrinto (subordinate politically to the Ionian Islands), but it still retained its insular dominions Cyprus, Crete, Tenos and six Ionian islands.

First Ottoman period (1540–1687)

Aegina suffered greatly after being attacked by Barbarossa in 1537. In 1579, the island was repopulated partly by Albanians.[43] The Albanians would eventually assimilate into the Greek population.[44]

The island was attacked and left desolate by Francesco Morosini during the Cretan War (1654).

Second Venetian period (1687–1715)

Aegina in 1845, by Carl Rottmann.

In 1684, the beginning of the Morean War between Venice and the Ottoman Empire resulted in the temporary reconquest of a large part of the country by the Republic. In 1687 the Venetian army arrived in Piraeus and captured Attica. The number of the Athenians at that time exceeded 6,000, the Albanians from the villages of Attica excluded, whilst in 1674 the population of Aegina did not seem to exceed 3,000 inhabitants, two thirds of which were women. The Aeginetans had been reduced to poverty to pay their taxes. The most significant plague epidemic began in Attica during 1688, an occasion that caused the massive migration of Athenians toward the south; most of them settled in Aegina. In 1693 Morosini resumed command, but his only acts were to refortify the castle of Aegina, which he had demolished during the Cretan war in 1655, the cost of upkeep being paid as long as the war lasted by the Athenians, and to place it and Salamis under Malipiero as Governor. This caused the Athenians to send him a request for the renewal of Venetian protection and an offer of an annual tribute. He died in 1694 and Zeno was appointed at his place.

In 1699, thanks to English mediation, the war ended with the peace of Karlowitz by which Venice retained possession of the 7 Ionian islands as well as Butrinto and Parga, the Morea, Spinalonga and Suda, Tenos, Santa Maura and Aegina and ceased to pay a tribute for Zante, but which restored Lepanto to the Ottoman sultan. Cerigo and Aegina were united administratively since the peace with Morea, which not only paid all the expenses of administration but furnished a substantial balance for the naval defence of Venice, in which it was directly interested.

Second Ottoman period (1715–1821)

During the early part of the Ottoman–Venetian War of 1714–1718 the Ottoman Fleet commanded by Canum Hoca captured Aegina. Ottomans rule in Aegina and the Morea was resumed and confirmed by the Treaty of Passarowitz, and they retained control of the island with the exception of a brief Russian occupation Orlov Revolt (early 1770s), until the beginning of the Greek War of Independence in 1821.

Throughout the 19th century, a small minority of Arvanites lived on the island, who were bilingual in Arvanitika and Greek (spoken more by men and less by women), up until the early 20th century.[45][46] The Greek-speaking population spoke a particular dialect known as Old Athenian, which was also found in neighboring Megara and Athens.[47]

Greek Revolution

During the Greek War of Independence, Aegina became an administrative centre for the Greek revolutionary authorities. Ioannis Kapodistrias was briefly established here.

Landmarks

Panorama of Aegina's port.
View of the port.
Traditional street in the town
Aegina town centre.
A bust of Kapodistrias
  • Temple of Aphaea, dating from about 490 BC, it is the oldest surviving temple in Greece.[48] It was dedicated to its namesake, a goddess who was later associated with Athena; the temple was part of an equilateral holy triangle of temples including the Athenian Parthenon and the temple of Poseidon at Sounion.[citation needed]
  • Monastery of Agios Nectarios, dedicated to Nectarios of Aegina, a recent saint of the Greek Orthodox Church.
  • A statue in the principal square commemorates Ioannis Kapodistrias (1776–1831), the first administrator of free modern Greece.
  • The Orphanage of Kapodistrias is a large building, known locally as The Prison (Οι Φυλακές, Oi Filakes), constructed in 1828-29 by Ioannis Kapodistrias as a home for children orphaned as a result of the Greek War of Independence. The building also housed schools, vocational workshops, the National Public Library, the National Archaeological Museum, a military academy, the National Printing Office and the National Conservatory for Choir and Orchestra. From about 1880 it was used as a prison, and housed political prisoners during the Greek Junta (1967-1974) - hence its local name. There are currently plans to restore the building as a museum.[49]
  • The Tower of Markellos was probably built during the second Venetian occupation, 1687–1714, as a watch tower in anticipation of a Turkish siege. A castle, fortified walls and numerous watchtowers were built at this time. The tower was abandoned after the Turkish occupation of 1714, until revolutionary leader Spyros Markellos bought the tower as his residence in around 1802. In 1826-28 it was the headquarters of the temporary government of the embryonic Greek state. It subsequently was used as a police headquarters and housed various government agencies until it was abandoned again in the mid 19th century. It is currently owned by the Municipality of Aegina.[50]
  • Temple of Zeus Hellanios, near the village of Pachia Rachi, is a 13th-century Byzantine church, built on the ruins of the ancient temple to Zeus Hellanios, built in the 4th century BC. The staircase leading up to the church, some of the original walls, and loose stones from the earlier temple remain.
  • Colona, Located to the north of the town of Aegina.[51] Acropolis with the sanctuary of Apollo and Byzantine settlement. The name Colona was given by the Venetian sailors, who used the columns of the pavilion of the Doric temple of Apollo (6x11 columns) as a sign of orientation. The foundations and one column from the rear building are preserved. The temple with the buildings related to the function of the sanctuary dominates the ancient acropolis on the hill. It was built at the end of the 6th century when Aegina, one of the most important commercial centers, emerged as a rival of Athens. Excavations from the 19th century onwards made it clear that the architectural remains of the archaic-Hellenistic acropolis, which are only partially preserved, are based on the impressive buildings of the prehistoric era, with at least ten successive building phases.

Economy

Pistachios

In 1896, the physician Nikolaos Peroglou introduced the systematic cultivation of pistachios, which soon became popular among the inhabitants of the island. By 1950, pistachio cultivation had significantly displaced the rest of the agricultural activity due to its high profitability but also due to the phylloxera that threatened the vineyards that time. As a result, in the early 60s, the first pistachio peeling factory was established in the Plakakia area by Grigorios Konidaris. The quality of "Fistiki Aeginis" (Aegina Pistachios), a name that was established as a product of Protected Designation of Origin (PDO) in 1996, is considered internationally excellent and superior to several foreign varieties, due to the special climatic conditions of the island (drought) as well as soil's volcanic characteristics. Pistachios have made Aegina famous all over the world. Today, half of the pistachio growers are members of the Agricultural Cooperative of Aegina's Pistachio Producers. It is estimated that pistachio cultivation covers 29,000 acres of the island while the total production reaches 2,700 tons per year. In recent years, in mid-September, the Pistachio Festival has been organized every year under the name "Fistiki Fest".[52]

Culture

Mythology

In Greek mythology, Aegina was a daughter of the river god Asopus and the nymph Metope. She bore at least two children: Menoetius by Actor, and Aeacus by the god Zeus. When Zeus abducted Aegina, he took her to Oenone, an island close to Attica. Here, Aegina gave birth to Aeacus, who would later become king of Oenone; thenceforth, the island's name was Aegina.

Aegina was the gathering place of Myrmidons; in Aegina they gathered and trained. Zeus needed an elite army and at first thought that Aegina, which at the time did not have any villagers, was a good place. So he changed some ants (Ancient Greek: Μυρμύγια, Myrmigia) into warriors who had six hands and wore black armour. Later, the Myrmidons, commanded by Achilles, were known as the most fearsome fighting unit in Greece.

Famous Aeginetans

Historical population

Year[55] Town population Municipal/Island population
1981 6,730 11,127
1991 6,373 11,639
2001 7,410 13,552
2011 7,253 13,056
2021 6,633 12,911

See also

Gallery

Notes

  1. ^ It is pronounced [ˈeʝina] in Demotic, Katharevousa, and [aí̯giːna] in Ancient Greek.

References

  1. ^ "Municipality of Aegina, Municipal elections – October 2023". Ministry of Interior.
  2. ^ a b "Αποτελέσματα Απογραφής Πληθυσμού - Κατοικιών 2021, Μόνιμος Πληθυσμός κατά οικισμό" [Results of the 2021 Population - Housing Census, Permanent population by settlement] (in Greek). Hellenic Statistical Authority. 29 March 2024.
  3. ^ Smith, Benjamin E. (1895). Century Cyclopedia of Names. Vol. i. New York: Century. p. 16.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g  One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the public domainChisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Aegina". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 1 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 251–254. This cites:
    • Herodotus loc cit.
    • Thucydides i. 105, 108, ii. 27, iv. 56, 57.
    • For the criticism of Herodotus's account of the relations of Athens and Aegina, Wilamowitz, Aristoteles und Athen, ii. 280–288, is indispensable.
    • See also Macan, Herodotus iv.-vi., ii. 102–120.
  5. ^ "Detailed census results 1991" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 March 2016. (39 MB) (in Greek and French)
  6. ^ "Population & housing census 2001 (incl. area and average elevation)" (PDF) (in Greek). National Statistical Service of Greece. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 September 2015.
  7. ^ "Meteo.gr - Προγνώσεις καιρού για όλη την Ελλάδα".
  8. ^ "Monthly Bulletins". www.meteo.gr.
  9. ^ "Latest Conditions in Aegina". Meteo Stations (in Kinyarwanda). Retrieved 9 March 2024.
  10. ^ "World Meteorological Organization". Retrieved 14 July 2023.
  11. ^ Herodotus v. 83, viii.46; Pausanias 2.29.9
  12. ^ Richard Stillwell, ed. Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, 1976
  13. ^ Walter, Hans (1983). Die Leute im alten Ägina: 3000-1000 v.Chr. Stuttgart: Urachhaus. ISBN 978-3-87838-381-9.
  14. ^ Gauss, Walter (18 September 2012), Cline, Eric H. (ed.), "Aegina Kolonna", The Oxford Handbook of the Bronze Age Aegean (1 ed.), Oxford University Press, pp. 737–751, doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199873609.013.0055, ISBN 978-0-19-987360-9, retrieved 22 July 2023
  15. ^ Reinholdt, Claus (2008). Der frühbronzezeitliche Schmuckhortfund von Kap Kolonna: Ägina und die Ägäis im Goldzeitalter des 3. Jahrtausends v. Chr. Ägina - Kolonna. Wien: Verl. der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. ISBN 978-3-7001-3948-5.
  16. ^ "Siedlung, Heiligtum und Festung". aegina-kolonnas Webseite! (in German). Retrieved 22 July 2023.
  17. ^ "Collection search: You searched for Made on Crete, or by immigrant Cretan craftsmen on Aegina". britishmuseum.org.
  18. ^ A. J. Evans, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. xiii. p. 195 [when?]
  19. ^ Milligan, Mark (4 April 2024). "Excavations of Mount Ellanio summit reveals Mycenaean refuge". HeritageDaily - Archaeology News. Retrieved 8 April 2024.
  20. ^ British Museum Catalogue 11 – Attica Megaris Aegina, 700 – 550 BC, plate XXIII.
  21. ^ "History 310: Greek Coinage and Measures". Archived from the original on 4 May 2015. Retrieved 29 July 2020.
  22. ^ "Numista: Coins of Aegina". Retrieved 20 December 2020.
  23. ^ "The Modern Antiquarian: Cydonia". www.themodernantiquarian.com.
  24. ^ Herodotus ii. 178
  25. ^ Herodotus vii. 147
  26. ^ Herodotus
  27. ^ Herod. vii. 145
  28. ^ Herod. v. 89
  29. ^ Herod. vii. 144; Ath. Pol. r2. 7
  30. ^ Eusebius, Houston Chronicle. Can. p. 337
  31. ^ Xenophon. Hellenica, 2.2.9: "Meantime Lysander, upon reaching Aegina, restored the state to the Aeginetans, gathering together as many of them as he could, and he did the same thing for the Melians also and for all the others who had been deprived of their native states."
  32. ^ Plutarch. Life of Lysander, 14.3: "But there were other measures of Lysander upon which all the Greeks looked with pleasure, when, for instance, the Aeginetans, after a long time, received back their own city, and when the Melians and Scionaeans were restored to their homes by him, after the Athenians had been driven out and had delivered back the cities."
  33. ^ Mosaic floor of a Jewish synagogue (Sign). Aegina, Greece: Archaeological Museum of Aegina.
  34. ^ Belle Mazur, Studies on Jewry in Greece. Τόμος Ι. Athens 1935.
  35. ^ Acts of the Apostles 18:8
  36. ^ 1 Corinthians 1:14
  37. ^ Michel Lequien, Oriens christianus in quatuor Patriarchatus digestus, Paris 1740, Vol. II, coll. 226–227
  38. ^ Pius Bonifacius Gams, Series episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae, Leipzig 1931, pp. 430–431
  39. ^ Annuario Pontificio 2013 (Libreria Editrice Vaticana 2013 ISBN 978-88-209-9070-1), p. 838
  40. ^ a b c Kazhdan (1991), p. 40
  41. ^ Christides (1981), pp. 87–89
  42. ^ Kazhdan (1991), pp. 40–41
  43. ^ Sutton, Susan Buck; Adams, Keith W.; Project, Argolid Exploration (2000). Contingent countryside: settlement, economy, and land use in the southern Argolid since 1700. Stanford University Press. p. 347. ISBN 978-0-8047-3315-1. Retrieved 27 October 2010.
  44. ^ Jochalas, Titos P. (1971): Über die Einwanderung der Albaner in Griechenland: Eine zusammenfassene Betrachtung ["On the immigration of Albanians to Greece: A summary"]. München: Trofenik. pg. 89–106.
  45. ^ Sasse, Hans-Jürgen (1974). "Arvanitika: the long Hellenic centuries of an Albanian variety". International Journal of the Sociology of Language (132–134): 52–53. The chief propagandists of this more rigorous gait in language policy thus were the school teachers, who systematically forced parents to abandon Arvanitika as a home language and to prevent children from learning it. Parents seem to have readily conformed to this in some of the more sophisticated regions of the Arvanitika-speaking community. ... According to contemporary reports, collective bilingualism, particularly among the male population, was the rule on the islands (Aegina, Salamis, Hydra, Poros, and Spetses, as well as Andros) and in Southern Attica from the mid-nineteenth century on. The women lagged somewhat behind but soon joined in (cf. Hahn's observations cited above). Thus one can say that this part of the community was already well prepared for language shift at the turn of this century. ... This is also true of ... Aegina (which had only a small contingent of Arvanites at any rate). In these villages, Arvanitika was already near extinct in the early 1930s (...).
  46. ^ Αμπατζή, Θεοδώρα (2022), Η "Γαρουφιάς" του Νικολάου Λίσβα: ένα παράδειγμα των σχέσεων ανατροφοδότησης μεταξύ λαϊκής και λόγιας λογοτεχνικής παραγωγής (PDF) (in Greek), p. 81, Αρχικά, σε αυτό το σημείο έπαιξε βασικό ρόλο η αλβανοφωνία των Αγκιστριωτών, καθώς οι Αιγινήτες, οι οποίοι στο σύνολό τους δεν μιλούν αρβανίτικα εκτός από ελάχιστες εξαιρέσεις κάποιων οικισμών,
  47. ^ Trudgill, Peter (2003). "Modern Greek dialects: A preliminary classification" (PDF). Journal of Greek Linguistics. 4: 54, 59. doi:10.1075/jgl.4.04tru. They are: the four 'oasis' dialects on the edges of or surrounded by the Arvanitika-speaking area, as described above — Kimi, Aegina, Megara, and Old Athenian; ...
  48. ^ A. R. Burn, History of Greece, Pelican, ISBN 0140207929 p 201
  49. ^ "The Kapodistrian Orphanage". Municipality of Aegina (Δήμος Αίγινας). Archived from the original on 25 April 2016. Retrieved 10 August 2020.
  50. ^ "Tower of Markellos". Atlas Obscura.
  51. ^ "Aegina island".
  52. ^ source: Greek Wikipedia
  53. ^ Ross, Matthew Samuel (2010). "An Examination of the life and work of Gustav Hasford, Paper 236". UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones. doi:10.34917/1449240.
  54. ^ Lewis, Grover (June 4–10, 1993). "The Killing of Gus Hasford". LA Weekly. BronxBanter blog. Retrieved March 16, 2014
  55. ^ "ΑΠΟΤΕΛΕΣΜΑΤΑ ΑΠΟΓΡΑΦΗ ΠΛΗΘΥΣΜΟΥ ΚΑΤΟΙΚΙΩΝ ΕΛΣΤΑΤ 2021" (PDF). Ελληνική Στατιστική Αρχή. 17 March 2023. Retrieved 2 February 2024.

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