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Terence V. Powderly

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Terence Vincent Powderly
5th Mayor of Scranton
In office
1878–1884
Preceded byRobert H. McKune
Succeeded byFrancis A. Beamish
Personal details
Born(1849-01-22)January 22, 1849
Carbondale, Pennsylvania, U.S.
DiedJune 24, 1924(1924-06-24) (aged 75)
Petworth, Washington, D.C., U.S.
Resting placeRock Creek Cemetery
Washington, D.C., U.S.
Political partyGreenback-Labor Party
Spouses
Hannah
(m. 1872; died 1907)
Emma Fickenscher
(m. 1919)
[1]
Residence(s)Scranton, Pennsylvania, U.S.
OccupationLeader of the Knights of Labor (1879–1893)
Signature

Terence Vincent Powderly (January 22, 1849 – June 24, 1924) was an American labor union leader, politician and attorney, best known as head of the Knights of Labor in the late 1880s. Born in Carbondale, Pennsylvania, he was later elected mayor of Scranton, Pennsylvania, for three 2-year terms, starting in 1878. A Republican, he served as the United States Commissioner General of Immigration in 1897. The Knights of Labor was one of the largest American labor organizations of the 19th century, but Powderly was a poor administrator and could barely keep it under control. His small central office could not supervise or coordinate the many strikes and other activities sponsored by union locals. Powderly believed that the Knights were an educational tool to uplift the workingman, and he often cautioned against the use of strikes to achieve workers' goals.

His influence reportedly led to the passing of the alien contract labor law in 1885 and establishment of labor bureaus and arbitration boards in many states. The Knights failed to maintain its large membership after being blamed for the violence of the Haymarket Riot of 1886. It was increasingly upstaged by the American Federation of Labor under Samuel Gompers, which coordinated numerous specialized craft unions that appealed to skilled workers, instead of the mix of unskilled, semiskilled, and skilled workers in the Knights.[2]

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  • The Industrial Economy: Crash Course US History #23
  • Industrialization in the US
  • Knights of Labor and The limits of producerist organizing
  • The Knights of Labor and the Radical Labor Movement
  • 4-3: Organized Labor

Transcription

Episode 23: The Rise of the Industrial Economy Hi I’m John Green this is Crash Course U.S. History and today we’re going to discuss economics and how a generation of- Mr. Green, Mr. Green, is this going to be one of those boring ones no wars or generals who had cool last words or anything? Alright, Me From The Past, I will give you a smidge of Great Man history. But only a smidge. So today we’re gonna discuss American industrialization in the decades after the Civil War, during which time the U.S. went from having per capita about a third of Great Britain’s industrial output to becoming the richest and most industrialized nation on earth. Libertage Meh, you might want to hold off on that Libertage, Stan because this happened mostly thanks to the Not Particularly Awesome Civil War, which improved the finance system by forcing the introduction of a national currency and spurred industrialization by giving massive contracts to arms and clothing manufacturers. The Civil War also boosted the telegraph, which improved communication, and gave birth to the transcontinental railway via the Pacific Railway Act of 1862, all of which increased efficiency and productivity. So thanks, Civil War! Intro If you want to explain America’s economic growth in a nutshell chalk it up to G, D, and L: Gerard, Depardieu, and Lohan. No, Geography, Demography and Law. However, while we’re on the topic, when will Gerard, Depardieu, and Lindsay Lohan have a baby? Stan, can I see it? Yes. Yes. Geographically, the U.S. was a huge country with all the resources necessary for an industrial boom. Like, we had coal, and iron and, later, oil. Initially we had water to power our factories, later replaced by coal. And we had amber waves of grain to feed our growing population which leads to the Demography. America’s population grew from 40 million in 1870 to 76 million in 1900 and 1/3 of that growth was due to immigration. Which is good for economies. Many of these immigrants flooded the burgeoning cities, as America shifted from being an agrarian rural nation to being an industrial, urban one. Like, New York City became the center of commerce and finance and by 1898 it had a population of 3.4 million people. And the industrial heartland was in the Great Lakes region. Chicago became the second largest city by 1900, Cleveland became a leader in oil refining, and Pittsburgh was a center of iron and steel production. And even today, the great city of Pittsburgh still employs 53 Steelers. Last but not least was the Law. The Constitution and its commerce clause made the U.S. a single area of commerce – like a giant customs union. And, as we’ll see in a bit the Supreme Court interpreted the laws in a very business friendly way. Also, the American constitution protects patents, which encourag4B-es invention and innovation, or at least it used to. And despite what Ayn Rand would tell you, the American government played a role in American economic growth by putting up high tariffs, especially on steel, giving massive land grants to railroads and by putting Native Americans on reservations. Also, foreigners played an important role. They invested their capital and involved Americans in their economic scandals like the one that led to a depression in 1893. The U.S. was at the time was seen by Europeans as a developing economy; and investments in America offered much higher returns than those available in Europe. And the changes we’re talking about here were massive. In 1880, for the first time, a majority of the workforce worked in non-farming jobs. By 1890 2/3 of Americans worked for wages, rather than farming or owning their own businesses. And, by 1913 the United States produced 1/3 of the world’s total industrial output. NOW bring out the Libertage, Stan. Libertage Awesome. And even better, we now get to talk about the perennially underrated railroads. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. Although we tend to forget about them here in the U.S., because our passenger rail system sucks, railroads were one of the keys to America’s 19th century industrial success. Railroads increased commerce and integrated the American market, which allowed national brands to emerge, like Ivory Soap and A&P Grocery Stores. But railroads changed and improved our economy in less obvious ways, too: For instance, they gave us time zones, which were created by the major railroad companies to make shipping and passenger transport more standard. Also because he recognized the importance of telling time, a railroad agent named Richard Warren Sears turned a $50 dollar investment in watches into an enormous mail order empire, and railroads made it possible for him--and his eventual partner Roebuck--to ship watches, and then jewelry, and then pretty much everything, including unconstructed freaking houses throughout the country. Railroads were also the first modern corporations. These companies were large, they had many employees, they spanned the country. And that meant they needed to invent organizational methods, including the middle manager--supervisors to supervise supervisors. And for the first time, the owners of a company were not always day-to-day managers, because railroads were among the first publicly traded corporations. They needed a lot of capital to build tracks and stations, so they sold shares in the company in order to raise that money, which shares could then be bought and sold by the public. And that is how railroads created the first captains of industry, like Cornelius “They Named a University after Me” Vanderbilt and Andrew “Me Too” Carnegie (Mellon) and Leland “I Named a University After My Son” Stanford. The Railroad business was also emblematic of the partnership between the national government and industry. The Transcontinental Railroad, after all, wouldn’t have existed without Congressional legislation, federal land grants, and government sponsored bond issues. Thanks, Thought Bubble. Apparently it’s time for the Mystery Document. The rules here are simple. I guess the author of the Mystery Document and if I’m wrong, which I usually am, I get shocked. Alright. “The belief is common in America that the day is at hand when corporations far greater than the Erie – swaying such power as has never in the world’s history been trusted in the hands of mere private citizens, controlled by single men like Vanderbilt...– will ultimately succeed in directing government itself. Under the American form of society, there is now no authority capable of effective resistance.” Corporations directing government? That’s ridiculous. So grateful for federal ethanol subsidies brought to you by delicious Diet Dr. Pepper. Mmm I can taste all 23 of the chemicals. Anyway, Stan, I’m pretty sure that is noted muckraker Ida Tarbell. No! Henry Adams? HOW ARE THERE STILL ADAMSES IN AMERICAN HISTORY? That makes me worry we’ll never escape the Clintons. Anyway, it should’ve been Ida Tarbell. She has a great name. She was a great opponent of capitalism. Whatever. AH! Indeed industrial capitalists are considered both the greatest heroes and the greatest villains of the era, which is why they are known both as “captains of industry” and as “robber barons,” depending on whether we are mad at them. While they often came from humble origins, took risks and became very wealthy, their methods were frequently unscrupulous. I mean, they often drove competitors out of business, and generally cared very little for their workers. The first of the great robber barons and/or captains of industry was the aforementioned Cornelius Vanderbilt who rose from humble beginnings in Staten Island to make a fortune in transportation, through ferries and shipping, and then eventually through railroads, although he once referred to trains as “them things that go on land.” But the poster boy of the era was John D. Rockefeller who started out as a clerk for a Cleveland merchant and eventually became the richest man in the world. Ever. Yes, including Bill Gates. The key to Rockefeller’s success was ruthlessly buying up so many rivals that by the late 1880s Standard Oil controlled 90% of the U.S. oil industry. Which lack of competition drove the price of gasoline up to like 12 cents a gallon, so if you had one of the 20 cars in the world then, you were mad. The period also saw innovation in terms of the way industries were organized. Many of the robber barons formed pools and trusts to control prices and limit the negative effects of competition. The problem with competition is that over time it reduces both prices and profit margins, which makes it difficult to become super rich. Vertical integration was another innovation – firms bought up all aspects of the production process – from raw materials to production to transport and distribution. Like, Philip Armour’s meat company bought its own rail cars to ship meat, for instance. It also bought things like conveyor belts and when he found out that animal parts could be used to make glue, he got into the glue-making business. It was Armour who once proclaimed to use “everything but the squeal.” Horizontal integration was when big firms bought up small ones. The best example of this was Rockefeller’s Standard Oil, which eventually became so big incidentally that the Supreme Court forced Standard Oil to be broken up into more than a dozen smaller oil companies. Which, by the way, overtime have slowly reunited to become the company known as Exxon-Mobil, so that worked out. U.S. Steel was put together by the era’s giant of finance, J.P. Morgan, who at his death left a fortune of only $68 million – not counting the art that became the backbone of the Metropolitan Museum of Art – leading Andrew Carnegie to remark in surprise, “And to think he was not a rich man.”[1] Speaking of people who weren’t rich, let us now praise the unsung heroes of industrialization: workers. Well, I guess you can’t really call them unsung because Woody Guthrie. Oh! Your guitar! And my computer! I never made that connection before. Anyway, then as now, the benefits of economic growth were shared...mmm shall we say...a smidge unevenly. Prices did drop due to industrial competition, which raised the standard of living for the average American worker. In fact, it was among the highest in the world. But due to a growing population, particularly of immigrant workers, there was job insecurity. And also booms and busts meant depressions in the 1870s and 1890s, which hit the working poor the hardest. Also, laborers commonly worked 60 hours per week with no pensions or injury compensation, and the U.S. had the highest rate of industrial injuries in the world: an average of over 35,000 people per year died on the job. These conditions and the uncertainty of labor markets led to unions, which were mostly local but occasionally national. The first national union was the Knights of Labor, headed by Terence V. Powderly which grew from 9 members in 1870 to 728,000 by 1884. The Knights of Labor admitted unskilled workers, black workers, and women, but it was irreparably damaged by the Haymarket riot in 1886. During a strike against McCormick Harvesting Company, a policeman killed one of the strikers and in response there was a rally in Chicago’s Haymarket Square at which a bomb killed seven police officers. Then, firing upon the crowd, the police killed four people. Seven anarchists were eventually convicted of the bombing, and although Powderly denounced anarchism, the public still associated the Knights of Labor with violence. And by 1902, its membership had shrunk considerably--to 0. The banner of organized labor however was picked up by the American Federation of Labor under Samuel L. Gompers. Do all of these guys have great last names? They were more moderate than the anarchists and the socialist International Workers of the World, and focused on bread and butter issues like pay, hours, and safety. Founded in 1886, the same year as the Haymarket Riot, the AFL had about 250,000 members by 1892, almost 10% of whom were iron and steel workers. And now we have to pause to briefly mention one of the most pernicious innovations of the era: Social Darwinism: a perversion of Darwin’s theory that would have made him throw up. Although to be fair, almost everything made him throw up. Social Darwinists argued that the theory of survival of the fittest should be applied to people and also that corporations were people. Ergo, big companies were big because they were fitter and we had nothing to fear from monopolies. This pseudoscience was used to argue that government shouldn’t regulate business or pass laws to help poor people. It assured the rich that the poor were poor because of some inherent evolutionary flaw, thus enabling tycoons to sleep at night. You know, on a big pile of money, surrounded by beautiful women. But, despite the apparent inborn unfitness of workers, unions continued to grow and fight for better conditions, sometimes violently. There was violence at the Homestead Steel Strike of 1892 and the Pullman Rail strike of 1894 when strikers were killed and a great deal of property was destroyed. To quote the historian Michael Lind: “In the late 1870s and early 1880s, the United States had five times as many unionized workers as Germany, at a time when the two nations had similar populations.”[2] Unions wanted the United States and its citizens to imagine freedom more broadly, arguing that without a more equal economic system, America was becoming less, not more, free, even as it became more prosperous. If you’re thinking that this free-wheeling age of fast growth, uneven gains in prosperity, and corporate heroes/villains resembles the early 21st century, you aren’t alone. And it’s worth remembering that it was only 150 years ago that modern corporations began to form and that American industry became the leading driver in the global economy. That’s a blink of an eye in world history terms, and the ideas and technologies of post Civil War America gave us the ideas that still define how we--all of us, not just Americans--think about opposites like success and failure, or wealth and poverty. It’s also when we people began to discuss the ways in which inequality could be the opposite of freedom. Thanks for watching. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Meredith Danko. The associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, Rosianna Halse Rojas, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Café. Each week there’s a new caption for the Libertage. You can suggest captions in comments where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course. Make sure you’re subscribed. And as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be awesome. Industrial Economy - ________________ [1] Brands, American Colossus p 6. [2] Lind, Land of Promise 171

Early life

Powderly was born the 11th of 12 children on January 22, 1849, to Irish parents who had come up from poverty, Terence Powderly and Madge Walsh, who had emigrated to the United States in 1827.[a][1]: 3–5, 8  As a child he contracted the measles, as well as scarlet fever which left him deaf in one ear.[1]: 4 

At the age of 13 he began work for the railroad as a switchman with the Delaware and Hudson Railway, before becoming a car examiner, repairer and eventually a brakeman.[1]: 18–19  On August 1, 1866, at the age of 17, he entered into an apprenticeship as a machinist with the local master mechanic, James Dickson, at which he was employed until August 15, 1869. Dickson himself had apprenticed to George Stephenson.[1]: 20, 23 

On November 21, 1871, Powderly joined the Subordinate Union No. 2 of Pennsylvania, part of the Machinists and Blacksmiths International Union, and a year later was elected as its secretary, before eventually becoming president.[1]: 25, 38  On September 19, 1872, Powderly married Hannah Dever.[1]: 26 [b]

Following the Panic of 1873, Powderly was dismissed from this position at the railroad. In recalling the conversation, Powderly wrote that the master mechanic he worked for had explained to him, "You are the president of the union and it is thought best to dismiss you in order to head off trouble."[1]: 26  He then spent the following winter in Canada working odd jobs.[c] He returned to the US in 1874, working briefly in Galion, Ohio before moving on to Oil City, Pennsylvania for six months, where he joined Pennsylvania Union No. 6.[1]: 29–30, 38  In August of that year, he was elected by No. 6 as a delegate to a district meeting representing Pittsburgh, Oil City, Meadville, and Franklin, and was in turn elected to represent the district at the general convention in Louisville, Kentucky in September.[1]: 38  Powderly was also a member of the Irish nationalist organization Clann na Gael.[3]

Scranton

Powderly ended his travels in Scranton, Pennsylvania, where he found work as a machinist installing coal breakers.[1]: 30  Two weeks after taking the position, he was dismissed after being identified by the same man who had been instrumental in his previous dismissal in 1872. In response, he appealed to William Walker Scranton, who had given him the position to start. After explaining to Scranton that he had been fired originally due to his connection to the union, Powderly recalled:

He asked me if I was president then, I answered in the negative, but in order to be fully understood told him that I was at the time secretary. His next question was "If I reinstate you will you resign from the union?" My answer to that was: "I am insured for one thousand dollars in the union. I cannot afford any other insurance. If I resign and am killed in the employ of this company, will it pay my wife one thousand dollars?" He looked steadily at me a while and said: "Go to the mill and tell Davidson to set you to work."[1]: 30 

Through W. W. Scranton, Powderly went on to work for the Dickson Manufacturing Company, a firm founded by the sons of his apprentice master. He was again dismissed through the involvement of the same individual, and was again reinstated by Scranton, now in charge of the department, where he worked until May 31, 1877, when it closed for lack of work.[1]: 30 

In 1878 following strikes and unrest in 1877, Powderly was elected to the first of three two-year terms as mayor of Scranton, Pennsylvania, representing the Greenback-Labor Party.[4] During the election he proposed financing public works project through low interest government loans as a means of providing work for the many unemployed.[5]: 39  After assuming office, he immediately reorganized the labor force and enacted moderate reforms.[6]: 38–9 

Knights of Labor

Powderly is most remembered for leading the Knights of Labor ("K of L"), a nationwide labor union. He joined the Knights in 1874,[1]: 43  became Secretary of a District Assembly in 1877. He was elected Grand Master Workman in 1879 after the resignation of Uriah Smith Stephens.[6]: 39  At the time the Knights had around 10,000 members. He served as Grand Master Workman until 1893.[citation needed]

Powderly, along with most white labor leaders at the time, opposed the immigration of Chinese workers to the United States. He argued that non- European immigrants took jobs away from native-born Americans and drove down wages. He urged West Coast branches of the Knights of Labor to campaign for the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act.[7] In speaking on nationwide violence against the "Chinese evil", Powderly blamed the "indifference of our law-makers to the just demands of the people for relief."[8]

Powderly worked with Bishop James Gibbons of to persuade the Pope to remove sanctions against Catholics who joined unions. The Catholic Church had opposed the unions as too influenced by rituals of freemasonry. The Knights of Labor removed the words "The Holy and Noble Order of" from the name of the Knights of Labor in 1882 and abandoned any membership rituals associated with freemasonry.[9]

Individually, workingmen are weak, and, when separated, each one follows a different course, without accomplishing anything for himself or his fellow man; but when combined in one common bond of brotherhood, they become as the cable, each strand of which, though weak and insignificant enough in itself, is assisted and strengthened by being joined with others, and the work that one could not perform alone is easily accomplished by a combination of strands.

-- Terence Powderly, The Organization of Labor[10]

Powderly was more influenced by the Greenback ideology of producerism than by socialism, a rising school of thought in Europe and the United States. Since producerism regarded most employers as "producers", Powderly disliked strikes.[11] At times, the Knights organized strikes against local firms where the employer might be admitted as a member. The strikes would drive away the employers, resulting in a more purely working-class organization.

Despite his personal ambivalence about labor action, Powderly was skillful in organizing. The success of the Great Southwest railroad strike of 1886 against Jay Gould's railroad more than compensated for the internal tension of his organization. The Knights of Labor grew so rapidly that at one point the organization called a moratorium on the issuance of charters.[12]

The union was recognized as the first successful national labor union in the United States. In 1885-86 the Knights achieved their greatest influence and greatest membership. Powderly attempted to focus the union on cooperative endeavors and the eight-hour day. Soon the demands placed on the union by its members for immediate improvements, and the pressures of hostile business and government institutions, forced the Knights to function like a traditional labor union. However, the Knights were too disorganized to deal with the centralized industries that they were striking against. Powderly forbade them to use their most effective tool: the strike. Powderly intervened in two labor actions: the first against the Texas and Pacific Railroad in 1886 and the second against the Chicago Meatpackinghouse industry. 25,000 workers in the Union Stockyards struck for an 8-hour day in 1886 and to rescind a wage reduction. In both cases, Powderly ended strikes that historians believe that labor could have won. This is when the Knights of Labor began to lose its influence. Powderly also feared losing the support of the Catholic Church, which many immigrant workers belonged to; the church authorities were essentially conservative and feared that the K of L was plotting a "socialist revolution".

Print of the Knights of Labor leaders with Powderly featured prominently

Powderly's insistence on ending both these strikes meant that the companies did not fear the K of L would use strikes as direct action to gain wage and labor benefits. After this, both Jay Gould and the Chicago Packinghouses won complete victories in breaking both strikes.[13][14]

Powederly, during the Knight's 1886 general assembly in Richmond, Virginia purposely invited a Black member to introduce him before his speech. This was intended by Powederly as an attack on Richmond's segregation codes.[15]

Disaster struck the Knights with the Haymarket Square Riot in Chicago on May 4, 1886. Anarchists were blamed, and two of them were Knights. Membership plunged overnight as a result of false rumors linking the Knights to anarchism and terrorism. However the disorganization of the group and its record of losing strike after strike disillusioned many members. Bitter factionalism divided the union, and its forays into electoral politics were failures because Powderly forbade its members to engage in political activity or to field candidates[16]

Many KoL members joined more conservative alternatives, especially the Railroad brotherhoods, and the unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL), which promoted craft unionism over the one all-inclusive union concept. Powderly was defeated for re-election as Master Workman in 1893. As the decline of the Knights continued, Powderly moved on, opening a successful law practice in 1894.[17]

Powderly was also a supporter of Henry George's popular "single tax" on land values.[18]

Later career

Terence Powderly in later life

President William McKinley appointed Powderly as the Commissioner General of Immigration where he served from July 1, 1897, to June 24, 1902.[19] In this role he established a commission to investigate conditions at Ellis Island, which ultimately led to 11 employees being dismissed. After being removed from the post in 1902 by Theodore Roosevelt, he continued to serve as Special Immigration Inspector, studying the causes of European emigration to the United States, where he recommended that officials inspect potential immigrants prior to their arrival in the US, station officers on immigrant-carrying ships, and take steps to more evenly distribute arriving immigrant populations geographically across the country.[19]

Terence Powderly was appointed as the chief of the newly created Immigration Service's Division of Information, with a mission, following his own prior recommendation, to "promote a beneficial distribution of aliens admitted into the United States." Finally, in 1921, three years prior to his death, he was appointed as a member of the Immigration Service's Board of Review.[19]

Death

Powderly, a resident of the Petworth neighborhood in Washington, D.C., in the last years of his life, died at his home there on June 24, 1924.[20] He is buried at nearby Rock Creek Cemetery. A second autobiography by Powderly, The Path I Trod, was published posthumously in 1940. Powderly's papers are available for use at more than a dozen research libraries across the United States. He was survived by his second wife, Emma (Fickensher), who was his late wife's cousin and a former work associate, who he had married in 1919.[21]

Legacy

Powderly was inducted into the U.S. Department of Labor Hall of Honor in 1999. The citation reads as follows:

As leader of the Knights of Labor, the nation's first successful trade union organization, Terence V. Powderly thrust the workers' needs to the fore for the first time in U.S. history. In the 1800s, far in advance for the period, he sought the inclusion of blacks, women and Hispanics for full-fledged membership in his trade union. With labor struggling for a place at America's economic table, Powderly achieved national stature as the recognized spokesman for the workers' interest and for the first time made organized labor a political force to be reckoned with.[22]

Writing in Dubofsky and Van Tine's Labor Leaders in America, Richard Oestreicher described Powderly as "the first labor leader in American history to become a media superstar". Oestreicher continues:

No other worker in these years, not even his rival Samuel Gompers, captured as much attention from reporters, from politicians, or from industrialists. To his contemporaries Powderly was the Knights of Labor.[5]: 30 [d][e]


Powderly's Scranton home in 2007

Oestreicher characterizes Powderly's legacy as leader of the Knights as generally one of failure to preserve the organization and its mission through the labor upheavals of the late 19th Century. However, he continues to describe him as an "energetic and capable organizer," and is quick to point out the practical challenges both he and the Knights faced, and that in comparison to his heirs and contemporaries, "quite simply, no one else did much better [than they did] over the next forty years."[5]: 57–9 

In 1966 Powderly's long time home at 614 North Main Street in Scranton was designated by the National Park Service as a National Historic Landmark.[23][24] On November 18, 1947, a historical maker was placed in Scranton honoring Powderly.[25][f]

Works

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Although tongue-in-cheek, Powderly himself claims to have been found in an old log by a doctor, and left with his mother, who happened to have the home in closest proximity.[1]: 8 
  2. ^ Reflecting on his marriage to Denver, Powderly wrote, "That union followed an understanding that perfect equality should exist between us, there would be but one treasury, that each should have equal right to it, that liberty of action and speech should always prevail between us. For nearly thirty years we lived up to that compact."[1]: 26 
  3. ^ As Powderly himself wrote: "Occasionally I earned a quarter or half dollar, shoveling snow … Once I earned Seventy five dollars for chaperoning a drove of pigs – I know I earned seventy-five dollars, but received only seventy-five cents. My intimate association with pigs on that occasion was an education. I learned to know that not only has a pig a will of his own but several of them, and each separate will influences him to start, regardless of destination, in different directions at one and the same time."[1]: 27 
  4. ^ Emphasis in original
  5. ^ See also Samuel Gompers
  6. ^ The marker is located at 41°25′10″N 75°40′28″W / 41.419479°N 75.674440°W / 41.419479; -75.674440

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Powderly, Terence (1940). 'The Path I Trod: The Autobiography of Terence V. Powderly. Columbia University Press. ISBN 9781163178164.
  2. ^ Robert Muccigrosso, ed., Research Guide to American Historical Biography (1988) 3:1255-8
  3. ^ Schneirov, Richard (1998). Labor and Urban Politics Class Conflict and the Origins of Modern Liberalism in Chicago, 1864-97. University of Illinois Press. p. 125.
  4. ^ see Bio: Terence Powderly Archived May 10, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, US Dept. of Labor
  5. ^ a b c Melvyn Dubofsky and Warren R. Van Tine, ed. (1987). Labor Leaders in America. University of Illinois Press. pp. 30–. ISBN 9780252013430.
  6. ^ a b Stepenoff, Bonnie (1999). Their Fathers' Daughters: Silk Mill Workers in Northeastern Pennsylvania, 1880–1960. Susquehanna University Press. pp. 24–25. ISBN 1-57591-028-4.
  7. ^ Robert H. Zieger, For Jobs and Freedom: Race and Labor in America since 1865 (2000) p. 66
  8. ^ Powderly, Terence Vincent (2017). Thirty Years of Labor, 1859-1889 In which the history of the attempts to form organizations of workingmen for the discussion of political, social, and economic questions is traced. The National Labor Union of 1866, the Industrial Brotherhood of 1874 (Nachdruck der Ausgabe von 1890 ed.). Norderstedt. ISBN 978-3-337-07184-4. OCLC 1189867127.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  9. ^ Robert E. Weir, Beyond Labor's Veil: The Culture of the Knights of Labor (1996) p. 94
  10. ^ "The Organization of Labor," North American Review, vol. 135, no. 2, whole no. 309 (August 1882), pp. 118–127.
  11. ^ Craig Phelan, Grand Master Workman: Terence Powderly and the Knights of Labor (2000), p 65
  12. ^ Theresa Ann Case, The Great Southwest Railroad Strike and Free Labor (2010), p 14
  13. ^ Philip S. Foner, The History of the Labor Movement in the United States Volume 2 : pp. 82–88
  14. ^ Phelan, Grand Master Workman: Terence Powderly and the Knights of Labor p. 184
  15. ^ Sanders, Elizabeth (1999). Farmers, Workers, and the American State, 1877-1917. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. p. 40. ISBN 9780226734774.
  16. ^ Weir, Beyond labor's veil: the culture of the Knights of Labor p. 170
  17. ^ Phelan, Grand Master Workman: Terence Powderly and the Knights of Labor, p. 4
  18. ^ Powderly, Terence Vincent (1889). Thirty Years of Labor. 1859-1889. Excelsior publishing house. Retrieved December 8, 2014. "It would be far easier to levy a "single tax," basing it upon land values." "It is because [...] a single land tax would prove to be the very essence of equity, that l advocate it.
  19. ^ a b c "Terence V. Powderly". US Citizenship and Immigration Services. Retrieved April 15, 2017.
  20. ^ "Terence Powderly of Labor Fame Dead". The Boston Globe. Washington, D.C. June 25, 1924. p. 6. Retrieved March 15, 2020 – via Newspapers.com.
  21. ^ Phelan, Craig (2000). Grand Master Workman: Terence Powderly and the Knights of Labor. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 154, 269.
  22. ^ "Hall of Honor Inductee: Terence V. Powderly". US Department of Labor. Retrieved April 13, 2017.
  23. ^ "Terence V. Powderly House". Archived from the original on June 6, 2011. Retrieved February 7, 2008.
  24. ^ "Terence V. Powderly House". Retrieved February 7, 2008.
  25. ^ "Terence V. Powderly Historical Marker". explorepahistory.com. Retrieved April 14, 2017.

Further reading

  • Carman, Harry J. "Terence Vincent Powderly -An Appraisal," Journal of Economic History Vol. 1, No. 1 (May, 1941), pp. 83–87 in JSTOR
  • Falzone, Vincent J. Terence V. Powderly: Middle Class Reformer. Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1978.
  • Falzone, Vincent J. "Terence V. Powderly: Politician and Progressive Mayor of Scranton, 1878-1884," Pennsylvania History, vol. 41 (1974), pp. 289–310.
  • McNeill, George E. (ed.), The Labor Movement: The Problem of To-day. New York: M.W. Hazen Co., 1889.
  • Oestreicher, Richard. "Terence Powderly, the Knights of Labor, and artisanal republicanism." in Labor Leaders in America (1987): 30–61. online
  • Phelan, Craig. Grand Master Workman: Terence Powderly and the Knights of Labor (Greenwood, 2000), scholarly biography online
  • Voss, Kim. The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century. (Cornell University Press, 1994).
  • Walker, Samuel. "Terence V. Powderly, Machinist: 1866-1877," Labor History, vol. 19 (1978), pp. 165–184.
  • Ware, Norman J. The Labor Movement in the United States, 1860 - (Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996) online edition
  • Weir, Robert E. Knights Unhorsed: Internal Conflict in Gilded Age Social Movement (Wayne State University Press, 2000)
  • Wright, Carroll D. "An Historical Sketch of the Knights of Labor," Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 1, no. 2 (January 1887), pp. 137–168. in JSTOR

External links

Trade union offices
Preceded by General Worthy Foreman of the Knights of Labor
1879
Succeeded by
Preceded by General Master Workman of the Knights of Labor
1879–1893
Succeeded by
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