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French conquest of Senegal

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

French conquest of Senegal
Location
Present-day Senegal
Result France conquers territory of present-day Senegal
Establishment of French Senegal
Belligerents

Kingdom of Waalo
Kingdom of Cayor
Kingdom of Jolof
Baol
Kingdom of Sine

Saloum
 France

The French conquest of Senegal started in 1659 with the establishment of Saint-Louis, Senegal, followed by the French capture of the island of Gorée from the Dutch in 1677, but would only become a full-scale campaign in the 19th century.

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Transcription

Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course World History and today we’re going to discuss 19th century Imperialism. So, the 19th century certainly didn’t invent the Empire, but it did take it to new heights. By which we means lows. Or possibly heights. I don’t know. I can’t decide. Roll the intro while I think about it... [Intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] Yeah, I don’t know. I’m still undecided. Let’s begin with China. When last we checked in, China was a thriving manufacturing power about to be overtaken by Europe but still heavily involved in world trade, especially as an importer of silver from the Spanish Empire. Europeans had to use silver because they didn’t really produce anything else the Chinese wanted. And that state of affairs continued through the 18th century. For example, in 1793, the McCartney mission tried to get better trade conditions with China and was a total failure. Here’s the Qianlong emperor’s well-known response to the British: Hitherto, all European nations, including your own country's barbarian merchants, [yowser] have carried on their trade with our Celestial Empire at Canton. Such has been the procedure for many years, although our Celestial Empire possesses all things in prolific abundance and lacks no product within its own borders. But then Europeans, especially the British, found something that the Chinese would buy: opium. By the 1830s British free trade policy unleashed a flood of opium in China, which threatened China’s favorable balance of trade. It also created a lot of drug addicts. [you think?] And then, in 1839, the Chinese responded to what they saw as these unfair trade practices with a stern letter that they never actually sent. [opium: not a productivity aid] Commissioner Lin Zexu drafted a response that contained a memorable threat to cut off trade in “Rhubarb, tea and silk… all valuable products of ours, without which foreigners could not live.” But even if the British had received this terrifying threat to their precious rhubarb supply, they probably wouldn’t have responded, because selling drugs is super lucrative. [newsflash in any era] So the Chinese made like tea partiers, [tri-corn hats and all?] confiscating a bunch of British opium and chucking it into the sea. [This is sounding like a Hunter S. Thompson hallucination…] And then, the British responded to this by demanding compensation and access to Chinese territory where they could carry out their trade. And then, the Chinese were like, “Man, that seems a little bit harsh,” whereupon the British sent in gunships, opening trade with Canton by force. [response: "Yeuup."] Chinese General Yijing made a counterattack in 1842 that included a detailed plan to catapult flaming monkeys onto British ships— STAN, IS THAT TRUE? Alright apparently the plans involved strapping fireworks to monkeys’ backs and were never carried out. But, still... Slightly off-topic, obviously I don’t want anyone to light monkeys on fire. I’m just saying that flaming monkeys lend themselves to a lot of great band names, like the Sizzling Simians, Burning Bonobos, Immolated Marmoset. [Imolated Marmoset???] Stan, sometimes I feel like I should give up teaching World History and just become a band name generator. That’s my real gift. [Seriously, don't quit your day job.] Anyway, due to lack of monkey fireworks, the Chinese counterattacks were unsuccessful. And they eventually signed the Treaty of Nanjing, which stated that Britain got Hong Kong and five other treaty ports, as well as the equivalent of $2 billion in cash. Also, the Chinese basically gave up all sovereignty to European “spheres of influence,” wherein Europeans were subject to their laws, not Chinese laws. In exchange for all of this, China got a hot slice of nothing. You might think the result of this war would be a shift in the balance of trade in Britain’s favor, but that wasn’t immediately the case. In fact, the British were importing so much tea from China that the trade deficit actually rose more than $30 billion. But eventually, after another war (and one of the most destructive civil rebellions in Chinese and possibly world history, the Taiping Rebellion) the situation was reversed and Europeans, especially the British became the dominant economic power in China. Okay, so, but when we think about 19th century imperialism, we usually think about the way that Europe turned Africa from this into this, the so-called Scramble for Africa. Speaking of scrambles and the European colonization of Africa, you know what they say, sometimes to make an omelet, you’ve gotta break a few eggs. And then sometimes, you break a lot of eggs and you don’t get an omelet. [that's a downer of a saying] Europeans had been involved in Africa since the 16th century when the Portuguese used their cannons to take control of cities on coasts to set up their trading post empire. But in the second half of the 19th century, Europe suddenly and spectacularly succeeded at colonizing basically all of Africa. Why? Well, the biggest reason that Europeans were able to extend their grasp over so much of the world was the same reason they wanted to do so in the first place: industrialization. Nationalism played its part, of course: European states saw it as a real bonus to be able to say that they had colonies, so much so that a children’s rhyme in An ABC for Baby Patriots went: “C is for Colonies, Rightly we boast that of all the great countries, Great Britain has the most.” But it was mostly— not to get all Marxist on you or anything— about controlling the means of production. Europeans wanted colonies to secure sources of raw materials, especially cotton, copper, iron, and rubber, that were used to fuel their growing industrial economies. And in addition to providing the motive for imperialism, European industrialization also provided the means. Europeans didn’t fail to take over territory in Africa until the late 19th century because they didn’t want to; they failed because they couldn’t. This was mostly due to disease. [Disease: History's Frenemy] Unlike in the Americas, Africans weren’t devastated by diseases like smallpox, because they’d had smallpox for centuries and were just as immune to it as Europeans were. Not only that, but Africa had diseases of its own, including yellow fever, malaria, and sleeping sickness, all of which killed Europeans in staggering numbers. Also, nagana was a disease endemic to Africa that killed horses, which made it difficult for Europeans to take advantage of African grasslands, and also difficult for them to get inland because their horses would die as they tried to carry stuff. Also, while in the 16th century, Europeans did have guns, they were pretty useless, especially without horses, so most fighting was done the old fashioned way, with swords. That worked pretty well in the Americas, unless you were the Incas or the Aztecs, but it didn’t work in Africa because the Africans also had swords and spears and axes. So, as much as they might have wanted to colonize Africa in the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, Africa’s mosquitoes, microbes, and people were too much for them. So what made the difference? Technology. First, steam ships made it possible for Europeans to travel inland bringing supplies and personnel via Africa’s navigable rivers. No horses? No problem. Even more important was quinine medicine, sometimes in the form of tonic water mixed into refreshing, quintessentially British gin and tonics. Quinine isn’t as effective as modern anti-malarial medication, and it doesn’t cure the disease, but it does help moderate its effects. But, of course, the most important technology that enabled Europeans to dominate Africa was guns. By the 19th century, European gun technology had improved dramatically, especially with the introduction of the Maxim machine gun, which allowed Europeans to wipe out Africans in battle after battle. Of course, machine guns were effective when wielded by Africans, too— but Africans had fewer of them. Oh, it’s time for the Open Letter? [king triumphantly re-throned] And my chair is back! [must've been in shock last week, eh?] An Open Letter to Hiram Maxim. But first, let’s see what’s in the secret compartment today. Oh, it’s Darth Vader. What a great reminder of imperialism. Dear Hiram Maxim, I hate you. [Best Wishes, John Green?] It’s not so much that you invented the Maxim Machine Gun although obviously that’s a little bit problematic, or even that you look like the poor man’s Colonel Sanders. [sick burn] First off, you’re a possible bigamist. I have a longstanding opposition to bigamy. [quite a bold proclamation there, pal] Secondly, you were born an American but then became a Brit thereby metaphorically machine gunning our founding fathers. But most importantly, among your many inventions was the successful amusement park ride, the Captive Flying Machine. Mr. Maxim, I hate the Captive Flying Machine. The Captive Flying Machine has resulted in many a girlfriend telling me that I’m a coward. I’m not a coward! I just don’t want to die up there. It’s all your fault, Hiram Maxim. And nobody believes your story about the light bulb. Best Wishes, John Green Alright so, here is something that often gets overlooked: European imperialism involved a lot of fighting and a lot of dying. And when we say that Europe came to dominate Africa, for the most part that domination came through wars, which killed lots of Africans (and also lots of Europeans, although most of them died from disease). It’s very, very important to remember that Africans did not meekly acquiesce to European hegemony: they resisted, often violently, but ultimately they were defeated by a technologically superior enemy. In this respect, they were a lot like the Chinese, and also the Indians, and the Vietnamese and, you get the picture. So, by the end of the 19th century, most of Africa, and much of Asia, had been colonized by European powers. I mean, even Belgium got in on it and they weren’t even a country at the beginning of the 19th century. I mean, Belgium has enjoyed, like, 12 years of sovereignty in the last three millenia. Notable exceptions include Japan -- which was happily pursuing its own imperialism— Thailand, Iran, and of course Afghanistan. Because no one can conquer Afghanistan. Unless you are— wait for it— the Mongols. [we missed you, Mongoltage] [Triumphant return #2: best week ever!] Mongoltage It is tempting to imagine Europe ruling their colonies with the proverbial topaz fist, [ouch?] and while there was always the threat of violence, the truth is a lot more complicated. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. In most cases Europeans ruled their colonies with the help of, and sometimes completely through, intermediaries and collaborators. For example, in the 1890s in India, there were fewer than 1000 British administrators supposedly “ruling” over 300 million Indians. The vast majority of British troops at any given time in India— more than two thirds— were in fact Indians under the command of British officers. Because of their small numbers relative to local populations, most European colonizers resorted to indirect rule, relying on the governments that were already there but exerting control over their leaders. Frederick Lugard, who was Britain’s head honcho in Nigeria for a time, called this “rule through and by the natives.” This worked particularly well with British administrators, who were primarily middle class men but had aristocratic pretensions and were often pleased to associate with the highest echelons of Indian or African society. Now, this isn’t to say that indigenous rulers were simply puppets; often they retained real power. This was certainly true in India, where more than a third of the territory was ruled by Indian princes. The French protectorates of Morocco and Tunisia were ruled by Arab monarchs, and the French also ruled through native kings in Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam. For the most part Europeans could almost always rely on their superior military technology to coerce local rulers into doing what the Europeans wanted and they could replace native officials with Europeans if they had to, but in general they preferred to rule indirectly. It was easier and cheaper. Also, less malaria. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So, while we can’t know why all native princes who ruled in the context of European imperialism put up with it, we can make some pretty good guesses. First of all, they were still rulers: They got to keep their prestige and their fancy hats and to some extent their power. Many were also able to gain advantages through their service, like access to European education for themselves and for their children. Mahatma Gandhi, for instance, was the son of an Indian high official, which made it possible for him to study law in England. And we can’t overlook the sheer practicality of it – the alternative was to resist and that usually didn’t work out well. I’m reminded of the famous couplet: “Whatever happens, we have got / the Maxim gun and they have not.” But even with this enormous technological advantage, it wasn’t always easy. For example, it took 25 years, from 1845 to 1870, for the British to fully defeat the Maori on New Zealand, [No John! Think Sister, Sister twins!] because the Maori were kick-ass fighters [and tattooists] who had mastered musketry and defensive warfare. And I will remind you, it is not cursing if you’re talking about donkeys. In fact, it took them being outnumbered three to one with the arrival of 750,000 settlers for the Maori to finally capitulate. And I will remind you that the rule against splitting infinitives is not an actual rule. Those of you more familiar with U.S. history might notice a parallel between the Maori and some of the Native American tribes like the Apaches and the Lakota, a good reminder that the United States did some imperial expansion of its own as part of its nationalizing project in the 19th century. But, back to Africa. Sometimes African rulers were so good at adapting European technology that they were able to successfully resist imperialism. Ethiopia’s Menelik II defeated the Italians in battle, securing not just independence, but an empire of his own. But embracing European style modernization could also be problematic, as Khedive Ismail of Egypt found out during his rule in the late 19th century. The European-style ruler celebrated his imperial success by commissioning an opera, Giuseppe Verdi’s Aida, for the opening of the Cairo opera house in 1871. Giuseppe Verdi, by the way, no relation to John Green. [get it? huh, do you?] And Ismail had ambitions of extending Egypt’s control up the Nile west toward Lake Chad, but to do that, he needed money, and that’s where he got into trouble. His borrowing bankrupted Egypt and led to Britain’s taking control over the country’s finances and its shares in the Suez Canal that Ismail had built (with French engineers and French capital) in 1869. The British sent in 1,300 bureaucrats to fix Egypt’s finances, an invasion of red tape that led to a nationalist uprising. Which brought on full scale British intervention after 1881, in order to protect British interests. This “business imperialism,” as it is sometimes known, is really at the heart of the imperialistic impulse: Industrialized nations push economic integration upon developing nations, and then extract value from those developing nations, just as you would from a mine or a field you owned. And here we see political history and economic history coming together again. As western corporations grew in the latter part of the 19th century, their influence grew as well, both in their home countries and in the lands where they were investing. But ultimately, whether the colonizer is a business enterprise or a political one, the complicated legacy of Imperialism survives. It’s why your bananas are cheap, why your call centers are Indian, why your chocolate comes from Africa, and why everything else comes from China. These imperialistic adventures may have only lasted a century, but it was the century in which the world, as we know it today, began to take shape. Thanks for watching. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Bubble. Oh, our intern! I’m sorry, Meredith the Intern. [vengeance is imminent] Our intern is Meredith Danko. Last week’s phrase of the week was “homogeneous mythologized unitary polity.” Thank you for that suggestion. If you want to guess this week’s phrase of the week or suggest future ones, you can do so in comments where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course. Remember, you can get this shirt, the Mongols shirt, or our poster at DFTBA.com. [back to the capitalism episode, eh?] Speaking of which, as we say in my hometown, don’t forget All Persons, Living and Dead, are Purely Coincidental.

First establishments

According to some historians[who?], French merchants from the Normandy cities of Dieppe and Rouen traded with the Gambia and Senegal coasts, and with the Ivory Coast and the Gold Coast, between 1364 and 1413.[1][2] Probably, as a result, an ivory-carving industry developed in Dieppe after 1364.[3] These travels, however, were soon forgotten with the advent of the Hundred Years War in France.[3]

Monument near the Maison des Esclaves on Gorée Island
Saint-Louis in 1780

Various European powers, such as Portugal, the Netherlands, and England then competed for trade in the area of Senegal from the 16th century onward. The island was captured by the Dutch in 1588, where they established defensive forts and developed trade further.[4]

In 1659, France established the trading post of Saint-Louis, Senegal. The European powers continued contending for the island of Gorée, until in 1677, France led by Jean II d'Estrées during the Franco-Dutch War (1672–1678) ended up in possession of the island, which it would keep for the next 300 years.[4] In 1758 the French settlement was captured by a British expedition as part of the Seven Years' War, but was later returned to France in 1783, following French victory in the American Revolutionary War.

The states of the Wolof and Sereer, neighbouring the two colonial outposts, were particularly involved with the slave trade, having strong military organizations geared to supplying slaves to the Europeans.[5] According to historians such as Professor François G. Richard and Professor Martin A. Klein, the Serer states such as Sine and Saloum were not heavily involved in the slave trade. François G. Richard posits that:

The Kingdom of Sine remained a modest participant in the Atlantic system, secondary to the larger Wolof, Halpulaar [speakers of the Pulaar language i.e. the Fula and Toucouleur people] or Mandinka polities surrounding it on all sides... As practices of enslavement intensified among other ethnic groups during the 18th century, fueling a lucrative commerce in captives and the rise of internal slavery, the Siin may have been demoted to the rank of second player, in so far as the kingdom was never a major supplier of captives.

— François G. Richard[6]

In his 1968 publication: Islam and Imperialism in Senegal: Sine-Saloum, 1947-1914, Professor Martin A. Klein notes that, although slavery had existed in Wolof and Serer culture, as well that of their neighbors, the institution of slavery did not exist among the Serer Noon, Serer N'Diéghem, and the Jola people, "who had egalitarian social structures and simple political institutions."[7] Klein also notes that: "In times of peace, the Kingdom of Siin more readily supplied grain, cattle and other basic necessities to the French." According to Professor Mamadou Diouf and Profssor Mara Leichtman (2009), the Serer Saafi were also purely egalitarian and rejected all forms of centralised government, the caste system, Islam and slavery.[8]

Conflicts erupted with the Muslims to the north, as when Marabout Nasr al Din attacked Mauritania and the Wolof across the border in 1673, but he was defeated through an alliance between local forces and the French.[5]

19th-century territorial conquests

The Senegal River area, 1853

During the Napoleonic Wars, Great Britain captured Gorée in 1803 and Saint-Louis in 1809, and proclaimed the abolition of the slave trade in 1807, to which the French had to agree upon recovering the two posts.[5] The 19th century thus saw a decline in the slave trade, and the rise of commodity production instead.[5] The trade of acacia gum, used for dyes for high-quality textiles and for medicine production, became paramount.[5] Peanut cultivation also proved to be a valuable resource for the area.[9]

Moorish tribes meet to trade gum arabic at Bakel on the Senegal river, 1890

In the Franco-Trarzan War of 1825, the French started to assert control of the mouth of the Senegal river against the rival state of Trarza.

In the 1850s the French, under the governor Louis Faidherbe, began to expand their foothold onto the Senegalese mainland at the expense of the native kingdoms. From 1854 Faidherbe started to establish a series of inland forts up the Senegal River. In 1855 he conquered the Kingdom of Waalo defeating Queen Ndaté Yalla Mbodj (the reigning Lingeer of Waalo at the time) and her husband Marosso Tassé Diop (commander of her army[10]). A counter-attack by the Toucouleur in 1857 led to the Siege of Medina Fort in which the Toucouleur failed. In 1859, the Serers of Sine, led by their king - Maad a Sinig Kumba Ndoffene Famak Joof launched an attack against the French and their ally forces, resulting in the Battle of Logandème. Although defeated at Logandème in Fatick, and one of his principalities (Fatick) burned to the ground under the orders of Faidherb, Kumba Ndoffene spent the next few years of his life destroying French infrastructure and their economic base in Senegal, as well as defending his country from another threat - Islamic jihad by the Muslim marabouts of Senegambia.[11][12] In 1871 he was assassinated by the French.[13] The precolonial monarchies of Sine and Saloum continued up to 1969 without interruption, despite the French conquest of Senegal.

West Africa circa 1875

By 1860, the forts built between Médine and St. Louis allowed Faidherbe to launch missions against the Trarza Moors in Waalo (north of the Senegal river), who had previously collected taxes on goods coming to Saint-Louis from the interior. Faidherbe also started the westernization of the area by developing banks, civil administration, and also established an accord with Senegal's religion, Islam.[14]

In 1902, Dakar became the capital of French West Africa.

Expansion continued under Governor Louis Brière de l'Isle from 1876 to 1881. Through diplomatic and military efforts, Briere reinforced French control on the Senegal river, the "Peanut Basin" and the Guinea Coast in favour of the development of millet, peanut and cotton trade.[15] He also developed railroad projects that would facilitate further expansion as far as French Sudan (modern Mali).[15]

From 1880, France endeavoured to build a railway system, centered around the Saint-LouisDakar line that involved taking military control of the surrounding areas, leading to the military occupation of mainland Senegal.[16] The construction of the Dakar-Niger Railway also began at the end of the 19th century under the direction of the French officer Gallieni. However, there was much opposition of the railroads being built from the natives. This was especially true with Muslim leader Lat Jor and his following.[17]

The first Governor General of Senegal was named in 1895, overseeing most of the territorial conquests of Western Africa, and in 1904, the territories were formally named French West Africa (AOF: "Afrique Occidentale Française"), of which Senegal was a part and Dakar its capital.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ African glory: the story of vanished Negro civilizations by John Coleman De Graft-Johnson p.121 [1]
  2. ^ Carter G. Woodson: a historical reader by Carter Godwin Woodson p.43 [2]
  3. ^ a b African glory: the story of vanished Negro civilizations by John Coleman De Graft-Johnson p.122 [3]
  4. ^ a b International Dictionary of Historic Places: Middle East and Africa by Trudy Ring p.303 [4]
  5. ^ a b c d e Encyclopedia of African history Kevin Shillington p.541
  6. ^ Richard, François G., Recharting Atlantic encounters. Object trajectories and histories of value in the Siin (Senegal) and Senegambia. Archaeological Dialogues 17(1)1–27. Cambridge University Press (2010) [5]
  7. ^ Klein, Martin A., Islam and Imperialism in Senegal: Sine-Saloum, 1847-1914, Leland Stanford Junior University (Edinburgh University Press) (1968), p. 165, ISBN 9780804706216
  8. ^ Diouf, Mamadou; and Leichtman, Mara; New Perspectives on Islam in Senegal: Conversion, Migration, Wealth, Power, and Femininity, Springer (2009), p 93, ISBN 9780230618503 [6] (Retrieved 11 July 2019)
  9. ^ Klein, M. (2007). France's African Colonies. In T. Benjamin (Ed.) Encyclopedia of Western Colonialism since 1450, (Vol. 2). (pp. 490) Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA.
  10. ^ Adandé, Alexis; and Arinze, Emmanuel; The place of Women in the Museum of Saint-Louis, [in] "Museums & urban culture in West Africa", Published on behalf of the West African Museums Programme in association with the International African Institute [by] James Currey (2002), pp. 145-146, ISBN 9780852552766
  11. ^ Diouf, Cheikh, "Fiscalité et Domination Coloniale: l'exemple du Sine: 1859-1940", Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar (2005)
  12. ^ Klein, Martin A., Islam and Imperialism in Senegal Sine-Saloum, 1847–1914, p. 46. Published by Edinburgh University Press (1968). ISBN 0-85224-029-5
  13. ^ Klein, Martin A., Islam and Imperialism in Senegal Sine-Saloum, 1847–1914, p. 106. Published by Edinburgh University Press (1968). ISBN 0-85224-029-5
  14. ^ Klein, M. (2007). France's African Colonies. In T. Benjamin (Ed.)Encyclopedia of Western Colonialism since 1450, (Vol. 2). (pp. 493) Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA.
  15. ^ a b Slavery and colonial rule in French West Africa Martin A. Klein p. 59 [7]
  16. ^ Klein, Martin A. (28 July 1998). Slavery and Colonial Rule in French West Africa. Cambridge University Press. p. 59. ISBN 9780521596787.
  17. ^ Connolly, Sean (5 November 2015). Senegal. Bradt Travel Guides. p. 1. ISBN 9781841629131.

Further reading

  • Kanya-Forstner, A.S. (1969). The Conquest of the Western Sudan: A Study in French Military Imperialism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-10372-5..
  • Saint-Martin, Yves-Jean (1989). Le Sénégal sous le second Empire: Naissance d'un empire colonial (1850-1871) (in French). Paris: Karthala. ISBN 2-86537-201-4.
  • Webb, L.A. (1985). "The trade in gum arabic: prelude to French conquest in Senegal". Journal of African History. 26 (2–3): 149–168. doi:10.1017/s0021853700036914. JSTOR 181721. S2CID 162162993.
This page was last edited on 19 February 2024, at 05:10
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