To install click the Add extension button. That's it.

The source code for the WIKI 2 extension is being checked by specialists of the Mozilla Foundation, Google, and Apple. You could also do it yourself at any point in time.

4,5
Kelly Slayton
Congratulations on this excellent venture… what a great idea!
Alexander Grigorievskiy
I use WIKI 2 every day and almost forgot how the original Wikipedia looks like.
Live Statistics
English Articles
Improved in 24 Hours
Added in 24 Hours
What we do. Every page goes through several hundred of perfecting techniques; in live mode. Quite the same Wikipedia. Just better.
.
Leo
Newton
Brights
Milds

Tariff of 1833

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Senator Henry Clay
Senator John C. Calhoun

The Tariff of 1833 (also known as the Compromise Tariff of 1833, ch. 55, 4 Stat. 629), enacted on March 2, 1833, was proposed by Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun as a resolution to the Nullification Crisis. Enacted under Andrew Jackson's presidency, it was adopted to gradually reduce the rates following Southerners' objections to the protectionism found in the Tariff of 1832 and the 1828 Tariff of Abominations; the tariffs had prompted South Carolina to threaten secession from the Union. This Act stipulated that import taxes would gradually be cut over the next decade until, by 1842, they matched the levels set in the Tariff of 1816—an average of 20%.[1] The compromise reductions lasted only two months into their final stage before protectionism was reinstated by the Black Tariff of 1842.

YouTube Encyclopedic

  • 1/3
    Views:
    3 719 405
    50 473
    18 575
  • Age of Jackson: Crash Course US History #14
  • History Brief: the Nullification Crisis
  • APUSH Review: Tariffs That You Must Know

Transcription

Hi I’m John Green. This is Crash Course U.S. history and today, after last week’s bummer on slavery, we turn to a happier topic: the rise of democratization in the U.S. This was also known as the Age of Jackson, no Stan, not that Jackson. No, no, Stan, come’on seriously. No not, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no. YES. That Jackson. Andrew Jackson. intro ...Sorry, I just had to check my collar. Right, so you’ll recall that the initial democracy of the United States wasn’t terribly democratic—almost all voters were white male land owners. Mr. Green, Mr. Green. That’s just radically unfair. Exactly, Me from the Past. But, between 1820 and 1850, this started to change. State legislatures lowered, or else eliminated, the property qualifications for voting, which allowed many more people to vote, so long as they were, you know, both white and male. Mr. Green, Mr. Green. So, I’d be in, right? Yeah, that seems reasonable. Yeah, Me from the Past, quick privilege check. One of the reasons we study history is so that you can learn that people like you are not actually at the center of history, even though, you know, you’ve been taught that. But, anyway, the whole idea of owning land as a prerequisite for voting is sort of Jeffersonian— an individual who works his own land can be truly independent, because he doesn’t need to rely upon markets to acquire stuff or, God forbid, wages to give him money with which to buy stuff. No, he makes his own stuff and he doesn’t need anybody...except for slaves and also women to make shoes and clothes and to cook food and also make children. But, in light of the Market Revolution, the idea of excluding wage workers seemed very outdated. The idea of excluding women and non-white people, though, still quite popular. But, this defining characteristic of the Age of Jackson really had very little to do with Andrew Jackson himself because, by the time he became President in 1829, every state except for North Carolina, Virginia, and Rhode Island had already gotten rid of their property requirements. In fact, that’s probably why he got elected. Right so you’ll recall that America’s mostly fake victory in the War of 1812 and the subsequent collapse of the Federalist party ushered in the “Era of Good Feelings” which was another way of saying that there was basic agreement on most domestic policies. The American System was a program of economic nationalism built on (1) federally financed internal improvements, like roads and canals, what we would now call “infrastructure” (2) tariffs, to protect new factories and industries, and (3) a national bank that would replace the First Bank of the United States whose charter expired in 1811. You’ll never guess what we called this second bank, unless you guessed that we called it “The Second Bank of the United States.” The main supporters of this American System were our old friend John C. Calhoun and our new friend Henry Clay. Both were Jeffersonian Republicans, which isn’t surprising because that was the only political party, but it’s kind of surprising because the American System had nothing to do with the Agrarian Republic that Jefferson had championed. But whatever, this was the Era of Good Feelings, so we’re gonna go with it. By the way, this nationalism also extended to foreign affairs. And if they did, we would, like, do stuff. This so called “Monroe Doctrine” also said that the U.S. would stay out of European wars. Hahahaha that is hilarious! But, we did live up to the other end of it, you’ll remember that when the British came for the Falkland Islands, we were like, “This shall not stand.” Just kidding. We were like, “Go ahead.” The last Good Feelings era president was John Quincy Adams, who was quite the diplomat and expansionist. He actually wrote the Monroe Doctrine, for instance. But in fact, it turns out that all feelings were not good. There was significant disagreement over three main issues. First, many people felt that the federal government shouldn’t invest in infrastructure. Like, James Madison, who’d initially supported those bills, ended up vetoing one of them that included a big spending increase to finance roads and canals. Now, the roads and canals did get built, but, in the end, most of the financing fell to the states. There were also big problems with the Second Bank of the United States, which you know is why you can’t visit a branch of it these days. But we’ll get to that in a minute! And, lastly, there was the perennial issue of slavery. In this case the problem started, as so many problems do, in Missouri. So, in 1819 Missouri had enough people in it to become a state, but despite the fact that there were already more than 10,000 slaves there, a New York congressman, named James Tallmadge, made a motion to prohibit the introduction of further slaves into the proposed state. It took almost two years to work out the John C. Calhounstorm that blew up after this. Actually, it took more than that. It took until the end of the Civil War basically. But in the short run, Missouri was allowed to enter the union as a slave state, while Maine was carved out of Massachusetts to keep the balance of things. But the Missouri Compromise also said that no state admitted above the 36 30 line of latitude would be allowed to have slaves, except, of course, for Missouri itself, which as you can see, is well above the line. Anyway, this solution to westward expansion worked out magnificently provided that you enjoy Civil Wars. So, Thomas Jefferson, who was by the way was still alive, which gives you some context for how young the nation truly was, wrote that the Missouri Compromise was “like a fire bell in the night that awakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at once the death knell of the union.” Eventually, almost. But in the short term, it did mean the rise of political parties. So, America was becoming more democratic, but if there was only one political party, that democratic spirit had nowhere to go. Fortunately, there was a tiny little magician named Martin Van Buren. They really did call him the “Little Magician,” by the way. Also “The red fox of Kinderhook,” but we remember him as the worst-haired president. So, despite having been President of the United States, Van Buren is arguably more important for having invented the Democratic Party. He was first to realize that national political parties could be a good thing. So, I mentioned that Martin Van Buren was known as the “Little Magician, and I know this sounds a little bit silly, but I think it’s telling. You see, Van Buren was only the second American president with a well-used nickname. And the first was his immediate predecessor, Andrew Jackson, or Old Hickory. Why does this matter? Well when you’re actually having to campaign for office, as all presidential candidates did after the election of 1828, and you’re trying to appeal to the newly enfranchised “common man” what better way to seem like a regular guy than to have a nickname? I mean, if you think this is crazy, just think of the nicknames of some some of our most popular presidents. “Honest Abe,” “The Bull Moose,” “The Gipper.” Even our lesser known presidents had nicknames. “Young Hickory,” “Handsome Frank;” “Old Rough and Ready,” “Big Steve.” James Buchanan, and I am not making this up, was “Old Public Functionary.” Who’re you gonna vote for? Oh, I think the “Old Public Functionary.” He seems competent. As it happens, he wasn’t. So, by now you’re probably wondering, where does Andrew Jackson fit into all of this? When we last caught up with Jackson, he was winning the battle of New Orleans shortly after the end of the War of 1812. He continued his bellicose ways, fighting Indians in Florida, although he was not actually authorized to do so, and became so popular from all of his Indian killing that he decided to run for president in 1824. The election of 1824 was very close. And it went to the House, where John Quincy Adams was eventually declared the winner. And Jackson denounced this as “a corrupt bargain.” So, in 1828, Jackson ran a much more negative campaign—one of campaign slogans was “Vote for Andrew Jackson who can fight, not John Quincy Adams who can write.” Adams’ supporters responded by arguing that having a literate president wasn’t such a bad thing and also by accusing Jackson of being a murderer, which given his frequent habit of dueling and massacring, he sort of was. So as you can see, the quality of discourse in American political campaigns has come a long way. Anyway, Jackson won. Jackson ran as the champion of the common man and in a way he was. I mean, he had little formal schooling and in some ways he was the archetypal self made man. Jackson’s policies defined the new Democratic party, which had formerly been known as the Jeffersonian Democratic Republicans. It’s very complicated, so here, I made you this chart. So who were these new Democrats? Well generally, they tended to be lower to middle class men, usually farmers, who were suspicious of the widening gap between the rich and the poor that was one of the results of the Market Revolution. And they were particularly worried about bankers, merchants and speculators, who seemed to be getting rich without actually producing anything. Stop me if any of this sounds familiar. This vision probably would have carried the day except a new party arose in response to Jackson’s election: the Whigs. No, Stan, the Whigs. Yes. The American Whigs took their name from the English Whigs, who were opposed to absolute monarchy. And the American Whigs felt that Andrew Jackson was grabbing so much power for the executive branch that he was turning himself into “King Andrew.” So, the Whigs were big supporters of the American System and its active federal government. You know, tariffs, infrastructure, etc. Their greatest support was in the Northeast, especially from businessmen and bankers who benefitted from those tariffs and the stability provided by a national bank. And they also thought the government should promote moral character because that was necessary for a person to act as a truly independent citizen. So Jackson’s policies must have been pretty egregious for them to spawn an entire new political party. What did he actually do as president? Well, let’s go to the Thought Bubble. Let’s start with Nullification. So, in 1828, Congress passed the Tariff of 1828 because they were not yet in the habit of marketing their bills via naming them with funny acronyms. Jackson supported this in spite of the fact that it benefitted manufacturers. The tariff raised prices on imported manufactured goods made of wool and iron, which enraged South Carolina because they’d put all their money into slavery and none into industry. Unlike northerners, who could avoid the higher prices by manufacturing sweaters and pants and such at home, South Carolinians would have to pay more. They were so angry at this “Tariff of Abominations” that the South Carolina legislature threatened to nullify it. Jackson didn’t take kindly to this affront to federal power, but South Carolina persisted, and when Congress passed a new tariff in 1832 – one that actually lowered the duties -- the Palmetto State’s government nullified it. Jackson responded by getting Congress to pass the Force Act, which authorized him to use the army and navy to collect taxes. A full blown crisis was averted when Congress passed a new tariff in 1833 and South Carolina relented. This smelled a bit of dictatorship – armed tax collectors and all – and helped to cement Jackson’s reputation as a tyrant, at least among the Whigs. And then we have the Native Americans, much of Jackson’s reputation there was based on killing them, so it’s no surprise that he supported southern states’ efforts to appropriate Indian lands and make the Indians move. This support was formalized in the Indian Removal Act of 1830, which Jackson supported. The law provided funds to re-locate the Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, Creek and Seminole Indians from their homes in Georgia, North Carolina, Florida, Mississippi, and Alabama. In response, these tribes adopted a novel approach, and sued the government. And then, the Supreme Court ruled that Georgia’s actions in removing the Cherokees violated their treaties with the federal government and that they had a right to their land. To which Jackson supposedly responded by saying, “John Marshall has made his decision. Now let him enforce it.” So, Jackson set the stage for the forced removal of the Cherokees from Georgia to Oklahoma, but it actually took place in the winter of 1838-1839 under Jackson’s successor Van Buren. At least ¼ of the 18,000 Indians died during the forced march that came to be known as the Trail of Tears. Boy, Thought Bubble, you do know how to end on a downer. But, thank you. But Andrew Jackson also changed our banking system. Just as today, banks were very important to the industrial and mercantile development of the U.S. And at the beginning of Jackson’s Presidency, American banking was dominated by the Second National Bank, which you’ll remember, had been established by Congress as part of the American system. Oh it’s time for the Mystery Document? The rules here are simple. When I inevitably fail to guess the author of the Mystery Document, I get shocked with the shock pen. “The powers, privileges, and favors bestowed upon it in the original charter, by increasing the value of the stock far above its par value operated as a gratuity of many millions to its stockholders … Every monopoly and all exclusive privileges are granted at the expense of the public which ought to receive a fair equivalent. The many millions which this act proposes to bestow on the stockholders of the existing bank must come directly or indirectly out of the earnings of the American people … Stan, I know this one! Is it not conceivable. It is not conceivable how the present stockholders can have any claim to the special favor of Government. Should [the bank’s] influence become concentrated, as it may under the operation of such an act as this, in the hands of a self-elected directory … will there not be cause to tremble for the purity of our elections[?]” It is Andrew Jackson’s veto of the charter of the Second Bank of the United States. YES. So in 1832 bank leader Nicholas Biddle persuaded Congress to pass a bill extending the life of the Second US Bank for 20 years. Jackson thought that the Bank would use its money to oppose his reelection in 1836, so he vetoed that bill. In fact, the reason I knew that was from the veto message is because it talks about the bank as an instrument to subvert democracy. Jackson set himself up as a defender of the lower classes by vetoing the bank’s charter. Now, Whigs took exception to the idea that the president was somehow a more democratic representative of the people than the legislature, but in the end Jackson’s view won out. He used the veto power more than any prior president, turning it into a powerful tool of policy. Which it remains to this day, by the way. So the Second Bank of the U.S. expired in 1836, which meant that suddenly we had no central institution with which to control federal funds. Jackson ordered that money should be disbursed into local banks, unsurprisingly preferencing ones that were friendly to him. These so-called “pet banks” were another version of rewarding political supporters that Jackson liked to call “rotation in office.” Opponents called this tactic of awarding government offices to political favorites the spoils system. Anyway, these smaller banks proceeded to print more and more paper money because, you know, free money. Like, between 1833 and 1837 the face value of banknotes in circulation rose from $10 million to $149 million, and that meant inflation. Initially, states loved all this new money that they could use to finance internal improvements. But, inflation is really bad for wage workers. And also, eventually, everyone. So all this out-of-control inflation, coupled with rampant land-speculation eventually lead to an economic collapse, the Panic of 1837. The subsequent depression lasted until 1843. And Jackson’s bank policy proved to be arguably the most disastrous fiscal policy in American history, which is really saying something. It also had a major effect on American politics because business-oriented Democrats became Whigs, and the remaining Democrats further aligned with agrarian interests, which meant slavery. So the Age of Jackson was more democratic than anything that came before and it gave us the beginnings of modern American politics. I mean, Jackson was the first president to really expand executive power and to argue that the president is the most important democratically elected official in the country. One of the things that makes Andrew Jackson’s presidency so interesting and also so problematic is that he was elected via a more democratic process, but he concentrated more power in the executive in a thoroughly undemocratic way. In the end, Andrew Jackson probably was the worst American president to end up on currency, particularly given his disastrous fiscal policies. But the Age of Jackson is still important. And it’s worth remembering that all that stuff in American politics started out with the expansion of democracy. Thanks for watching. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. The script supervisor is Meredith Danko. Our associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Cafe. If you have libertage caption suggestions, please leave them in comments, where you can also leave questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course and as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be awesome...WHAT.

Background

The Tariff of 1828

The Tariff of 1828, enacted on May 19, 1828, was a protective tariff passed by the U.S. Congress. It was the highest tariff in U.S. peacetime history up to that point, enacting a 62% tax on 92% of all imported goods. The goal of the tariff was to protect northern U.S. industries by placing a tax on low-priced imported goods, which had been driving northern industries out of business. Nevertheless, the South strongly resisted the Tariff of 1828 for several reasons. Firstly, they were forced to pay higher prices on goods that the region did not produce, and secondly, the reduced importation of British goods made it difficult for the British to pay for cotton imported from the South. In essence, the South was simultaneously forced to pay more for goods and to face reduced income from sales of raw materials.[2] These unfortunate results caused many in the South to refer to the Tariff of 1828 as the Tariff of Abominations.

Vice-President John C. Calhoun opposed the tariff and anonymously authored a pamphlet called the South Carolina Exposition and Protest, in when 1828, since many figured the tariff would be reduced.[3]

The Tariff of 1832

Nevertheless, Andrew Jackson's administration did not address the tariff concerns until July 14, 1832, when Jackson signed into law the Tariff of 1832. This tariff, written mostly by former President John Quincy Adams, reduced tariffs to resolve the conflict created by the Tariff of 1828. However, while Northerners essentially saw the tariff as a settlement, many Southerners mostly saw it as unsatisfactory and needing improvement. [citation needed] In particular, the state of South Carolina vehemently opposed the tariff, leading to the Nullification Crisis.

The Nullification Crisis

Disappointed by the Tariff of Abominations and the Tariff of 1832, the South Carolina government declared that the Tariff of 1828 and the Tariff of 1832 were unconstitutional and therefore unenforceable within the state of South Carolina. Jackson issued the Proclamation to the People of South Carolina, in which he called the positions of the nullifiers as "impractical absurdity." He provided this concise statement of his belief:

"I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United States, assumed by one State, incompatible with the existence of the Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the Constitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which It was founded, and destructive of the great object for which it was formed."[4]

Jackson went on to warn nullifiers that their actions could lead to war:

"But the dictates of a high duty oblige me solemnly to announce that you cannot succeed. The laws of the United States must be executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject – my duty is emphatically pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their execution, deceived you – they could not have been deceived themselves. They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they know that such opposition must be repelled. Their object is disunion, but be not deceived by names; disunion, by armed force, is TREASON. Are you really ready to incur its guilt? If you are, on the head of the instigators of the act be the dreadful consequences – on their heads be the dishonor, but on yours may fall the punishment – on your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils of the conflict you force upon the government of your country. "[5]

The state, ready to defend itself from the government, began making military preparations to resist federal enforcement.[6] Meanwhile, Congress passed the Force Bill, which granted Jackson the ability to use whatever force necessary to enforce federal tariffs.[7]

The Tariff of 1833

Shortly after the Force Bill was passed through Congress, Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun proposed The Tariff of 1833, also known as the Compromise Tariff, to resolve the Nullification Crisis. The bill was very similar to the Tariff of 1832, but with a few exceptions. Most importantly, the Tariff of 1833 guaranteed that all tariff rates above 20% would be reduced by one tenth every two years with the final reductions back to 20% coming in 1842. This essentially forced import tariffs to gradually drop over the next decade, pleasing South Carolina and other Southern states that depended on cheap imports.[8]

In addition, the Tariff of 1833 had some other notable impacts. First, it allowed many raw materials used by American industry to be admitted completely free of duty. In addition, it stated that all duties must be paid in cash, with no credit allowed the importing merchant. Some claimed that this was equivalent to an additional 5 percent on tariff rates.

Ultimately, South Carolina and the rest of the United States would accept the Tariff of 1833, and warfare between the South Carolina army and the Union was avoided. Both sides received some benefit from the deal. South Carolina now had a much more agreeable tariff and did not have to risk lives to protect its economy, and the United States government, through the Force Act, was given the power to use force to enforce tariffs.

Many believe that were it not for the Force Act, South Carolina may have continued its Nullification policies because the Force Act gave the United States government the ability to use military force to enforce tariffs and other economic policies, which posed a clear threat to South Carolina. Though the exact impact of the Force Act on South Carolina's decision to accept the Tariff of 1833 cannot be measured, undoubtedly, it made fighting for nullification a potentially devastating choice. Ultimately, the House passed the Tariff of 1833 by a vote of 119–85 and the Senate passed it by a vote of 29–16.[9]


House Vote on Tariff of 1833[10] For Against
New England (Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Vermont, New Hampshire, Maine) 36 1
Middle States (New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware) 53 6
West (Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Kentucky) 22 5
South (South Carolina, Mississippi, Louisiana, Georgia, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Maryland) 38 35
Total 149 47
Free States 102 8
Slave States 47 39

Aftermath

The Tariff of 1833 was ultimately abandoned in favor of the Black Tariff of 1842, and protectionism was reinstated. Average tariff rates nearly doubled from the initial 20% target for 1842 to about 40%, and the percentage of dutiable goods jumped from about 50% of all imports to over 85% of all imports. For some goods, such as those made with iron, the import tax constituted about two-thirds of the overall price of the goods. Unsurprisingly, the impact of the Black Tariff of 1842 was immediate; as the cost of imports jumped, a sharp decline in international trade occurred in 1843.

See also

References

  1. ^ David and Jeanne Heidler, Henry Clay: The Essential American p. 253
  2. ^ "1816–1860: The Second American Party System and the Tariff", Tax History Museum. "1816–1860: The Second American Party System and the Tariff". Archived from the original on October 15, 2009. Retrieved October 27, 2009.
  3. ^ John C. Calhoun and the Price of Union, pp. 135–137, William W., Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Crisis in South Carolina 1816–1836, p. 143 (1965) ISBN 0-19-507681-8
  4. ^ Ellis pp. 83–84. Full document available at: "The Avalon Project : President Jackson's Proclamation Regarding Nullification, December 10, 1832". Archived from the original on August 24, 2006. Retrieved August 10, 2006.
  5. ^ Ellis pp. 83–84. Full document available at: "The Avalon Project : President Jackson's Proclamation Regarding Nullification, December 10, 1832". Archived from the original on August 24, 2006. Retrieved August 10, 2006.
  6. ^ Freehling, Prelude to Civil War pp. 1–3. Freehling writes, "In Charleston Governor Robert Y. Hayne ... tried to form an army which could hope to challenge the forces of 'Old Hickory.' Hayne recruited a brigade of mounted minutemen, 2,000 strong, which could swoop down on Charleston the moment fighting broke out, and a volunteer army of 25,000 men which could march on foot to save the beleaguered city. In the North Governor Hayne's agents bought over $100,000 worth of arms; in Charleston Hamilton readied his volunteers for an assault on the federal forts."
  7. ^ Text of the Force Bill, Wikisource
  8. ^ "Tariff Protection and Production in the early U.S. Cotton Textile Industry." Journal of Economic History. Cambridge University Press. Vol. 44, No. 4, Dec. 1984. JSTOR 2122117
  9. ^ Peterson, Merrill D. The Great Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun
  10. ^ "To Pit the Main Question on Passage of H.R. 584. – House Vote #246 – Jun 28, 1832". GovTrack.us. Retrieved May 9, 2019.

Further reading

  • Taussig, Frank. Tariff History of the United States (1912) online
This page was last edited on 9 February 2024, at 22:38
Basis of this page is in Wikipedia. Text is available under the CC BY-SA 3.0 Unported License. Non-text media are available under their specified licenses. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc. WIKI 2 is an independent company and has no affiliation with Wikimedia Foundation.