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Political parties of the Empire of Japan

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Political parties (日本の戦前の政党, seitō) appeared in Japan after the Meiji Restoration, and gradually increased in importance after the promulgation of the Meiji Constitution and the creation of the Diet of Japan. During the Taishō period, parliamentary democracy based on party politics temporarily succeeded in Japan, but in the 1930s the political parties were eclipsed by the military, and were dissolved in the 1940s during World War II.

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  • Samurai, Daimyo, Matthew Perry, and Nationalism: Crash Course World History #34
  • Taisho Democracy | 3 Minute History
  • History of American Political Parties (Part 1)
  • Japanese political system
  • Japan: political history

Transcription

Hi I’m John Green, this is Crash Course World History and today we’re going to talk about Nationalism, the most important global phenomenon of the 19th century and also the phenomenon responsible for one of the most commented upon aspects of Crash Course: my globes being out of date. USSR: not a country. Rhodesia? South Vietnam? Sudan with no South Sudan? Yugoslavia? Okay, no more inaccuracies with the globes. Ugh, the little globes! This one doesn’t know about Slovakia. This one has East frakking Pakistan. And this one identifies Lithuania as part of Asia. Okay, no more globe inaccuracies. Actually, bring back my globes. I feel naked without them. [many people find comfort in inaccuracy] [Intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] So, if you’re into European history, you’re probably somewhat familiar with nationalism and the names and countries associated with it. Bismarck in Germany, Mazzini and Garibaldi in Italy, a nd Mustafa Kemal (aka Ataturk) in Turkey. But nationalism was a global phenomenon, and it included a lot of people you may not associate with it, like Muhammad Ali in Egypt and also this guy. Nationalism was seen in the British Dominions, as Canada, Australia and New Zealand became federated states between 1860 and 1901. I would say independent states instead of federated states, but you guys still have a queen. [and royal Corgies] It’s also seen in the Balkans, where Greece gained its independence in 1832 and Christian principalities fought a war against the Ottomans in 1878, [Christians hate foot wrests? in India where a political party, the Indian National Congress, was founded in 1885, and even in China, where nationalism ran up against the dynastic system that had lasted more than 2000 years. And then of course there are these guys, who in many ways represent the worst of nationalism, the nationalism that tries to deny or eliminate difference in the efforts to create a homogeneous mythologized unitary polity. We’ll get to them later, but it’s helpful to bring them up now just so we don’t get too excited about nationalism. Okay, so, before we launch into the history, let’s define the modern nation state. Definitions are slippery but for our purposes, a nation state involves a centralized government that can claim and exercise authority over a distinctive territory. That’s the state part. It also involves a certain degree of linguistic and cultural homogeneity. That’s the nation part. Mr. Green, Mr. Green! By that definition, wouldn’t China have been nation state as early as, like, the Han dynasty? Dude, Me from the Past, you’re getting smart. Yeah, it could be, and some historians argue that it was. Nationhood is really hard to define. Like, in James Joyce’s Ulysses, the character Bloom famously says that a nation is the same people living in the same place. But, then, he remembers the Irish and Jewish diasporas, and adds, or also living in different places. But let’s ignore diasporas for the moment and focus on territorially bound groups with a common heritage. Same people, same place. So how do you become a nation? Well, some argue it’s an organic process involving culturally similar people wanting to formalize their connections. Others argue that nationalism is constructed by governments, building a sense of patriotism through compulsory military service and statues of national heroes. Public education is often seen as part of this nationalizing project. Schools and textbooks allow countries to share their nationalizing narratives. Which is why the once and possibly future independent nation of Texas issues textbooks literally whitewashing early American history. Still other historians argue that nationalism was an outgrowth of urbanization and industrialization, since new urbanites were the most likely people to want to see themselves as part of a nation. For instance, Prague’s population rose from 157,000 to 514,000 between 1850 and 1900, at the same time that the Czechs were beginning to see themselves as separate from the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Which is a cool idea, but it doesn’t explain why other, less industrialized places like India also saw a lot of nationalism. The actual business of nationalization involves creating bureaucracies, new systems of education, building a large military, and, often, using that military to fight other nation states, since nations often construct themselves in opposition to an idea of otherness. A big part of being Irish, for instance, is not being English. So emerging nations had a lot of conflicts, including: The Napoleonic wars, which helped the French become the French. The Indian Rebellion of 1857, which helped Indians to identify themselves as a homogeneous people. The American Civil War. I mean, before the Civil War, many Americans thought of themselves not as Americans but as Virginians or New Yorkers or Pennsylvanians. I mean, our antebellum nation was usually called “these united states,” after it became “the United States.” So, in the US, nationalism pulled a nation together, but often, nationalism was a destabilizing force for multi-ethnic land-based empires. This was especially the case in the Ottoman empire, which started falling apart in the 19th century as first the Greeks, then the Serbs, Romanians and Bulgarians, all predominantly Christian people, began clamoring for and, in some cases, winning independence. Egypt is another good example of nationalism serving both to create a new state and to weaken an empire. Muhammad Ali [nope, not that one] (who was actually Albanian and spoke Turkish, not Egyptian Arabic) and his ruling family encouraged the Egyptian people to imagine themselves as a separate nationality. But okay, so nationalism was a global phenomenon in the 19th century and we can’t talk about it everywhere. So, instead, we’re going to focus on one case study. Japan. You thought I was going to say Germany, didn’t you? Nope. You can bite me, Bismarck. [fingers crossed for Freedonia, actually] Japan had been fragmented and feudal until the late 16th century, when a series of warrior landowners managed to consolidate power. Eventually power came to the Tokugawa family who created a military government or bakufu. [gesundheit] The first Tokugawa to take power was Iyeasu, who took over after the death of one of the main unifiers of Japan, Tyotomi Hideyoshi, sometimes known as “the monkey,” although his wife called him, and this is true, “the bald rat.” [could've been worse, certainly] In 1603 Ieyasu convinced the emperor, who was something of a figurehead, to grant him the title of “shogun.” And for the next 260 years or so, the Tokugawa bakufu was the main government of Japan. The primary virtue of this government was not necessarily its efficiency or its forward thinking policies, but its stability. Stability: Most underrated of governmental virtues. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. The Tokugawa bakufu wasn’t much for centralization, as power was mainly in the hands of local lords called daimyo. One odd feature of the Tokugawa era was the presence of a class of warriors who by the 19th century had become mostly bureaucrats. You may have heard of them, the samurai. [kinda like John McCain, John Kerry and my favorite, Daniel Inouye, etc.] One of the things that made this hereditary class so interesting was that each samurai was entitled to an annual salary from the daimyo called a stipend. This privilege basically paid them off and assured that they didn’t become restless warriors plaguing the countryside —that is, bandits. We tend to think of samurai as noble and honorable, [or as John Belushi on old skool SNL] but urban samurai, according to Andrew Gordon’s book A Modern History of Japan, "were a rough-and-tumble lot. Samurai gang wars – a West Side Story in the shadows of Edo castle – were frequent in the early 1600s.” And you still say that history books are boring. As with kings and lesser nobles anywhere, the central bakufu had trouble controlling the more powerful daimyo, who were able to build up their own strength because of their control over local resources. [like on the Sopranos?] This poor control also made it really difficult to collect taxes, so the Tokugawa were already a bit on the ropes when two foreign events rocked Japan. First was China’s humiliating defeat in the Opium Wars, after which Western nations forced China to give Europeans special trade privileges. It was a wake up call to see the dominant power in the region so humbled. [like when Andre the Giant was sadly bested by Hulk Hogan] But even worse for the Tokugawa was the arrival of Matthew Perry. No, Thought Bubble. Matthew Perry. Yes. That one. The tokugawa are somewhat famous for their not-so-friendly policy toward foreigners— especially western, Christian ones— for whom the penalty for stepping foot on Japanese soil was death. The tokugawa saw Christianity in much the same way that the Romans had: as an unsettling threat to stability. And in the case of Matthew Perry, they had reason to be worried. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So the American naval commodore arrived in Japan in 1853 with a flotilla of ships and a determination to open Japan’s markets. Just the threat of American steam-powered warships was enough to convince the bakufu to sign some humiliating trade treaties that weren’t unlike the ones that China had signed after losing the Opium Wars. And, this only further motivated the daimyo and the samurai who were ready to give the Tokugawa the boot. Within a few years, they would. So what does have to do with nationalism? Well, plenty. First off, even though the Americans and the Japanese didn’t go to war (yet), the perceived threat provided an impetus for Japanese to start thinking about itself differently. It also resulted in the Japanese being convinced that if they wanted to maintain their independence, they would have to re-constitute their country as a modern nation state. This looks a lot like what was happening in Egypt or even in Germany, with external pressures leading to calls for greater national consolidation. So, the Tokugawa didn’t give up w ithout a fight, but the civil war between the stronger daimyo and the bakufu eventually led to the end of the shogunate. And in 1868, the rebels got the newly enthroned Emperor Meiji to abolish the bakufu and proclaim a restoration of the imperial throne. Now, the Emperor didn’t have much real power, but he became a symbolic figure, a representative of a mythical past around whom modernizers could build a sense of national pride. And in place of bakufu, Japan created one of the most modern nation states in the world. After some trial and error, the Meiji leaders created a European style cabinet system of government with a prime minister and, in 1889, promulgated a constitution that even contained a deliberative assembly, the Diet, although the cabinet ministers weren’t responsible to it. Samurai were incorporated into this system as bureaucrats and their stipends were gradually taken away. And soon, the Japanese government developed into, like, something of a meritocracy. Japan also created a new conscript army. Beginning in 1873, all Japanese men were required to spend 3 years in the military. The program was initially very unpopular— [shocker] there were more than a dozen riots in 1873 and 1874 in which crowds attacked military registration centers. But eventually, serving in the army created a patriotic spirit and a loyalty to the Japanese emperor. The Meiji leaders also instituted compulsory education in 1872, requiring both boys and girls to attend four years of elementary school. Oh, it’s time for the Open Letter? [Apparently the chair's back. Replaced it with an evil twin, did you, Stan?] An Open Letter to Public Education. But first, let’s see what’s in the secret compartment today. Oh, it’s a graduation hat. Thanks, Meredith the Intern, for letting me borrow your graduation hat. Dear Public Education, When you were introduced in Japan, you were very unpopular because you were funded by a new property tax. In fact, you were so unpopular that at least 2,000 schools were destroyed by rioters, primarily through arson. Stan, it doesn’t look good when you bring it in close like that. I look like a 90-year-old swimmer. [you do call speedos 'casual wear' @ work] And even though public education has proved extremely successful, lots of people still complain about having to pay taxes for it, so let me explain something. [time to fuel an internet flame war…] Public education does not exist for the benefit of students or for the benefit of their parents. It exists for the benefit of the social order. We have discovered as a species that it is useful to have an educated population. You do not need to be a student or have a child who is a student to benefit from public education. Every second of every day of your life, you benefit from public education. So, let me explain why I like to pay taxes for schools even though I don’t personally have a kid in school. It’s because I don’t like living in a country with a bunch of stupid people. [and that's Jenga] Best Wishes, John Green In Japan, nationalism meant modernization, largely inspired by and in competition with the West. So the Meiji government established a functioning tax system, they built public infrastructure like harbors and telegraph lines, invested heavily in railroads, and created a uniform national currency. But the dark side of nationalism began to appear early on. In 1869, the Meiji rulers expanded Japan’s borders to include the island of Hokkaido. [you know, where the transport apparatus was built in "Contact"] And in 1879, they acquired Okinawa after forcing its king to abdicate. In 1874, Japan even invaded Taiwan with an eye towards colonizing it, although they weren’t successful. And, in these early actions we already see that nationalism has a habit of thriving on conflict. And often the project of creating a nation state goes hand in hand with preventing o thers from doing the same. This failure to imagine the other complexly [i see what you did there] isn’t new, but it’s about to get a lot more problematic as we’ll see next week when we discuss European imperialism. Thanks for watching. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller, our script supervisor is [danica johnson] We’re ably interned by Meredith Danko, and our graphics team is Thought Bubble Also, the show was written by my high school history student John Green and myself, Raoul Meyer. [the man, the myth, the educator] Last week’s phrase of the week was "Bearded Marxist" If you’d like to guess at this week’s phrase of the week or suggest future ones, you can do so in comments, where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course, and as we say in my hometown, Don’t Forget to Break up with your fake high school girlfriend. [outro] [outro]

Early movements

Soon after the Meiji Restoration, various political associations arose. These included groups of disgruntled unemployed samurai seeking either to overthrow the government and return to the days of feudalism, or to invade Korea (see Seikanron), whereby their skills as warriors would be in demand again. These also included urban intellectuals and rural landowners who were part of the liberal Freedom and People's Rights Movement seeking a national assembly and written national constitution.

Both groups were viewed with equal suspicion and disdain by the Meiji oligarchy, who reacted by imposing several repressive laws on public assembly, the press and on political discussion. The Meiji government had come to power by an elite of samurai from certain clans (hanbatsu) and the genrō felt threatened by anything looking ever remotely like republicanism or democracy.

During this period, Itagaki Taisuke and Ōkuma Shigenobu were leading figures in the legitimization of political parties. Itagaki created Japan's first political party, the Aikoku Kōtō, in 1873 in Tokyo to petition for an elected assembly, and a similar regional party based in Osaka, the Aikokusha. These groups were the basis of the Jiyutō (Liberal Party), founded in 1881 as Japan’s first nationally based party. Ōkuma founded the Rikken Kaishintō in 1882, mainly from the urban elites. In reaction, the oligarchs fought back by the creation of their own party the same year, the Rikken Teiseitō.

Meanwhile, the disgruntled former samurai vented their dissatisfaction at the state of affairs in a series of revolts, including the Saga Rebellion of 1872, and others, cumulating in the Satsuma Rebellion. After crushing these revolts by military force, the government also passed the Peace Preservation Law of 1887. The Meiji Constitution was issued two years later in 1889.

Domination by the oligarchs

The creation of the Diet of Japan in November 1890 was marked by intense rivalry between the genrō, who reserved the right to appoint the Prime Minister and the members of the cabinets regardless of what the elected government wanted, and the political parties who were powerless because of their inability to unite and thus control the House of Representatives. The Rikken Kaishintō gradually lost support, and was overtaken by the pro-oligarch until it was reformed as the Shimpotō in 1896.

None of the political parties, whether pro- or anti-oligarch, had any power in the House of Peers, nor did they have significant power in the countryside, as key local officials were appointed directly by the bureaucracy in Tokyo.

Emergence of party government

The Jiyutō and the Shimpotō united in 1898 against Prime Minister Itō Hirobumi's proposed new taxation plans, and formed the Kenseitō, which emerged with a majority of seats in Diet in the subsequent election. Itō resigned, and was replaced by Ōkuma Shigenobu, making the first time that a political party had assumed power. Although the Ōkuma government collapsed within months, a precedent had been set.

The Kenseitō evolved into the Kenseitō Hontō, followed by the Rikken Kokumintō in 1910. Itō Hirobumi joined into the fray, by organizing the Rikken Seiyukai in 1900 to combine elements from the former Jiyutō with elements from the oligarchs and bureaucrats. The more conservative elements rallied around Katsura Taro, and his Rikken Doshikai, which was reconstituted as the Kenseikai in 1916. From 1922 onwards, politics was a rivalry between the Seiyukai and the Kenseikai, rather than political parties and oligarchs.

During this period, a bewildering array of parties advocating socialism, Marxism or agrarianism appeared. All provoked hostility from the mainstream political parties, oligarchs and military alike, and many were either banned or went underground soon after formation. Following the successful Bolshevik Revolution in Russia and the emergence of labor unions in Japan, the Nihon Shakai Shugi Domei (1920), Japan Communist Party (1922), and other left-wing parties emerged.

Ascendancy of the military

The main threat to representative democracy in Japan proved to be the Japanese military, rather than the left-wing parties. Under the Meiji Constitution, the Minister of the Army (who served as Minister of War) and Minister of the Navy were appointed by their respective services, and not by the Prime Minister. The military was also directly answerable only to the Emperor, and not to the elected government. In 1912, a law restricting the eligibility to Minister of the Army or Navy to active duty generals or admirals had the unforeseen effect of giving the military a trump card over the government when Prime Minister Uehara Yusaku resigned over failure of the Diet to pass his budget requesting funds for two additional army divisions. The Army's refusal to appoint a successor brought down the government.

Taishō democracy

The military did not immediately utilize its prerogative to control the formation of the Cabinet, so in the Taishō period, several administrations from 1918–1922 and 1924–1932 operated largely free from military intervention. In 1927, the Kenseikai reorganized itself as the Rikken Minseitō, which from 1927 to 1932 alternated power with the Seiyukai. Prime Ministers continued to be chosen by genrō Saionji Kinmochi (Itō Hirobumi’s protégé), but his choices during his period reflected political party strength in the Diet. These included the premiership of Hara Takashi, Takahashi Korekiyo, Kiyoura Keigo, Katō Takaaki, Wakatsuki Reijirō, Tanaka Giichi, Hamaguchi Osachi, and Inukai Tsuyoshi.

Shōwa military rule

The number of voters increased fourfold after the passage of universal male suffrage in 1925, and with the increase in expenses required for election, the influence of the zaibatsu on the political parties also increased. At the beginning of the Shōwa era, this collusion between politicians and government officials, led to an increase in high-profile corruption scandals and increasing dissatisfaction with the elected government by the public in general and by the military in particular. Some military used this dissatisfaction to denounce the London Naval Treaty and promote a Shōwa Restoration.

The assassination of Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi in the May 15 Incident (1932) at the hands of young Navy radicals proclaiming the need for political reform, started the rapid decline in the power and influence of the political party in Japan. After the assassination of Inukai, every subsequent Prime Minister was either from the military, or was someone with militaristic and/or ultranationalistic credentials. As the military influence on society increased towards the end of the 1930s, the Imperial General Headquarters launched a large scale invasion of China. Pressure then mounted from the military leadership for the remaining political parties to merge into a single organization, thus giving the government a single voice, referred to as Hakkō ichiu ("eight crown cords, one roof"). This change to a one-party state was effected in 1940 under Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe, when all remaining political parties joined the Imperial Rule Assistance Association.

Timeline

Alphabetical listing of pre-war political parties

This is a partial listing of political parties in pre–World War II Empire of Japan

Note that this list does not include the ultranationalist organizations, which (although they had a political agenda) did not participate directly in the electoral process by running their own candidates for public office. Likewise, this list does not include the political factions within the Japanese military, which also were not true political parties.

References

  • Banjo, Junji (2002). The Establishment of the Japanese Constitutional System. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-13475-7.
  • Sims, Richard (2001). Japanese Political History Since the Meiji Renovation (1868-2000). Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-312-23915-7.
  • Thomas, Julia Adney (2002). Reconfiguring Modernity: Concepts of Nature in Japanese Political Ideology (Twentieth-Century Japan). University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-22854-5.
  • Young, A Morgan (2007). Imperial Japan 1926-1938. Borah Press. ISBN 978-1-4067-1127-1.
This page was last edited on 23 October 2022, at 05:30
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