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Woodrow W. Jones

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Woodrow Wilson Jones
Senior Judge of the United States District Court for the Western District of North Carolina
In office
February 1, 1985 – November 25, 2002
Chief Judge of the United States District Court for the Western District of North Carolina
In office
1968–1984
Preceded byWilson Warlick
Succeeded byRobert Daniel Potter
Judge of the United States District Court for the Western District of North Carolina
In office
June 28, 1967 – February 1, 1985
Appointed byLyndon B. Johnson
Preceded byJames Braxton Craven Jr.
Succeeded byDavid B. Sentelle
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from North Carolina's 11th district
In office
November 7, 1950 – January 3, 1957
Preceded byAlfred L. Bulwinkle
Succeeded byBasil Lee Whitener
Personal details
Born
Woodrow Wilson Jones

(1914-01-26)January 26, 1914
Rutherfordton, North Carolina
DiedNovember 25, 2002(2002-11-25) (aged 88)
Rutherfordton, North Carolina
Resting placeRutherfordton City Cemetery
Rutherfordton, North Carolina
Political partyDemocratic
EducationMars Hill College (A.A.)
Wake Forest University School of Law (LL.B.)

Woodrow Wilson Jones (January 26, 1914 – November 25, 2002) was a United States Representative from North Carolina and a United States District Judge of the United States District Court for the Western District of North Carolina.

jones was nominated by President Lyndon B. Johnson on June 27, 1967, to a seat vacated by J. Braxton Craven, Jr.. He was confirmed by the United States Senate on June 28, 1967, and received commission the same day. Served as chief judge, 1968-1984. Assumed senior status on February 1, 1985. Jones's service was terminated on November 25, 2002, due to death.

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  • ✪ Revenge of the tribes: How the American Empire could fall | Amy Chua
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Transcription

I think a great example of group blindness in the United States is when Woodrow Wilson said in 1915—in a very famous speech—“There are no groups in America. America doesn’t consist of groups. And if you continue to think of yourself as belonging to a smaller group you’re not American.” It’s astonishing that he could say this—these universalist tones at a time when Native Americans were largely still denied citizenship, Mexican Americans were still being lynched, Asian Americans were barred from owning land, and African Americans were being subjected to violence and degradation virtually every day. And yet he was saying we don’t have any groups here. So that’s an example of almost willful blindness to groups. And sometimes this kind of universalist rhetoric, “Oh we’re all just one people,” is a way of hiding a lot of inequality and smaller kinds of group oppression. So if you look at a country like Libya they’re actually a little bit like the United States. That is, they are a wildly multi-ethnic nation. The problem is they don’t have a strong enough overarching national identity to hold it together. And the goal is a group—or a country, in this case—that has, on the one hand, a very strong overarching national identity: “We’re Americans,” but—importantly—at the same time allows individual, subgroup, and tribal identities to flourish. You should be a country where you can say, “I’m Irish American,” or, “I’m Libyan American,” and yet be intensely patriotic at the same time. So: “I’m Muslim American. I’m Chinese American. I’m Nigerian American.” So, at its best, in America, there should be a certain amount of porousness and fluidity across tribes. It’s when tribalism gets really entrenched that things can get very dangerous. Western democracies at their best—or just any democracies—are when people have crosscutting group identities. So it’s like okay, I’m a Democrat or I’m a Republican but I’m also Asian American or African American or straight or gay, wealthy or not wealthy. Just different ways of dividing yourself so that you don’t get entrenched in just two terrible tribes. It’s sort of like, if I’m talking about sports I’m with you, but if I’m talking about food preferences I’m with you, and you could have different groups that neutralize each other. One of the problems with what we’re seeing in America today is that it seems increasingly that certain tribes are hardening. In particular, you’ve got what is very misleadingly called the “coastal elites”. In a way, that’s misleading because coastal elites are not all coastal and they’re also not all elites in the sense of being wealthy. Often, in this term coastal elites is included professional elites or even students who have no money but they’re well-educated, they’re progressive, they are multicultural and cosmopolitan. And we’re starting to see in America something that I’ve seen in other countries that is not good. We don’t want to go there. We don’t want to get to the point where we look at people on the other side of the political spectrum and we see them not just as people that we disagree with but literally as our enemy, as immoral, “un-American” people. Because once you get to that point you’re just not really one America anymore, and you start to get some of the problems that you historically have seen more in post-colonial developing countries. So when you have one group that is just incredibly dominant—for example whites in the United States for almost 200 years—a group that is dominant economically, politically, and culturally. It can feel very stable, but it’s in an invidious way. That’s because there’s plenty of tribalism and other voices and other people and other groups, they just can’t speak. They can’t express themselves so you don’t hear from them. So when you have a very strong group that is politically and economically dominant you can get a lot of stability, but that’s often because other smaller groups are oppressed. So take China. China is a group with an incredibly strong overarching national identity. Over 90 percent of the population is Han Chinese. Then you have all these minorities—the Uyghurs, the Tibetans, and many, many other smaller groups or tribes—but they have no power economically or politically. They can’t say anything. Their identities are suppressed. In countries where there’s one group just controlling everything politically and economically you can have all kinds of injustice and oppression, but it tends to be stable politically. What happens in other situations is sometimes power gets split. So in many developing countries around the world, economic power is concentrated in the hands of a tiny minority. For example, the three percent Chinese in Indonesia. Although only three percent of the population, the Chinese in Indonesia control roughly 70 percent of the corporate sector—and that’s not an exaggeration—it's almost all of the country’s largest conglomerates. Or take whites in South Africa. Roughly maybe 10 percent of the population for most of that country’s history under apartheid, that tiny white minority controlled everything—all of the wealth, all the diamonds and politics. So these are situations where you have minority controlling an economy. And what happens in this situation is if you then introduce democracy suddenly—majority rule—you’re not going to get peace and prosperity like Americans often expect democracy to bring. Instead, you’re often going to get payback time where the long-resentful and suppressed majority will use their new political power to come after that dominant minority. One recent example is Iraq. Iraq is a country where the Sunnis were actually about 10 to 15 percent of the population but they were economically dominant for many, many generations. Partly—Saddam Hussein himself was a Sunni, so he favored the Sunnis, and under Saddam Hussein’s brutal dictatorship the Sunnis ran the oil wealth, they controlled the political power. Although a minority, the Sunnis were also dominant under the British because the British liked to play groups against each other. And the British favored the Sunni minority. And before that, under the Ottomans, the Sunnis were also dominant. So you’ve got this tiny minority, the Sunnis, about 10 percent of the population, 10 to 15 percent. Suddenly the United States comes in, topples a terrible dictator and says, “Great, we’re going to put in democracy now,” expecting democracy in Iraq to bring freedom and prosperity. That’s not what happened. The newly empowered Shi’ias, about 60 percent of the population, used their new political power to exact revenge on the Sunnis who had basically oppressed them for, really, hundreds of years. So, in that case, democracy is not a vehicle for freedom and prosperity, but democracy can become an engine for ethnonationalism and tribalism.

Contents

Education and career

Born on January 26, 1914, in Rutherfordton,[Note 1] Rutherford County, North Carolina, Jones attended the public schools of Rutherford County. He received an Associate of Arts degree from Mars Hill College in 1934. He received a Bachelor of Laws from Wake Forest University School of Law in 1937. He was in private practice of law in Rutherfordton from 1937 to 1944. He was City Attorney of Rutherfordton from 1940 to 1943. He was prosecuting attorney of the Rutherford County Recorder's Court from 1941 to 1943. He was a United States Naval Reserve Lieutenant (j.g.) from 1944 to 1946. He was in private practice of law in Rutherfordton from 1946 to 1950. He was a Member of the North Carolina House of Representatives from 1947 to 1949. He was a United States Representative from North Carolina from 1950 to 1957. He was in private practice of law in Rutherfordton from 1956 to 1967.[1][2]

  1. ^ FJC Bio indicates he was born in Rutherfordton, while Cong Bio indicates he was born in the adjacent Green Hill Township.

Congressional and subsequent political service

Jones was elected as a Democrat to the 81st Congress to fill the vacancy caused by the death of United States Representative Alfred L. Bulwinkle. He was reelected to the three succeeding Congresses, serving from November 7, 1950, to January 3, 1957, but was not a candidate for renomination to the 85th Congress in 1956. He was a delegate to all Democratic State Conventions from 1940 to 1960 and was a delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1960. He was the Chairman of the North Carolina Democratic Party Executive Committee from 1958 to 1960. He was appointed by Governor Luther Hodges as a member of state constitution commission from 1958 to 1960.[1]

Jones was a signatory to the 1956 Southern Manifesto that opposed the desegregation of public schools ordered by the Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education.

Federal judicial service

Jones was nominated by President Lyndon B. Johnson on June 27, 1967, to a seat on the United States District Court for the Western District of North Carolina vacated by Judge James Braxton Craven Jr. He was confirmed by the United States Senate on June 28, 1967, and received his commission the same day. He served as Chief Judge from 1968 to 1984. He assumed senior status on February 1, 1985. His service was terminated on November 25, 2002, due to his death in Rutherfordton. He was interred in the Rutherfordton City Cemetery in Rutherfordton.[1][2]

References

  1. ^ a b c United States Congress. "Woodrow W. Jones (id: J000263)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.
  2. ^ a b "Jones, Woodrow Wilson - Federal Judicial Center". www.fjc.gov.

External links

 This article incorporates public domain material from the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress website http://bioguide.congress.gov.

U.S. House of Representatives
Preceded by
Alfred L. Bulwinkle
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from North Carolina's 11th congressional district

1950–1957
Succeeded by
Basil Lee Whitener
Legal offices
Preceded by
James Braxton Craven Jr.
Judge of the United States District Court for the Western District of North Carolina
1967–1985
Succeeded by
David B. Sentelle
Preceded by
Wilson Warlick
Chief Judge of the United States District Court for the Western District of North Carolina
1968–1984
Succeeded by
Robert Daniel Potter
This page was last edited on 8 August 2019, at 18:39
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