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Water supply and sanitation in El Salvador

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

El Salvador: Water and Sanitation
Data
Water coverage ('At least basic' definition) 93% (2015) [1]
Sanitation coverage ('at least basic' definition) 91% (2015) [1]
Continuity of supply (%) Low
Average urban water use (liter/capita/day) 118
Average urban water and sewer bill for 20m3 US$6/month
Share of household metering 64%
Share of collected wastewater treated 2%
Annual investment in WSS US$2/capita (2003–2004)
Share of self-financing by utilities 21% (1990–2002), almost zero in 2005
Share of tax-financing 16% (1990–2002)
Share of external financing 63% (1990–2002)
Institutions
Decentralization to municipalities Limited
National water and sanitation company Yes
Water and sanitation regulator No
Responsibility for policy setting Presidency of the Republic
Sector law No
Number of urban service providers 97
Number of rural service providers 800

Access to drinking water and sanitation in El Salvador has been increased significantly. A 2015 conducted study by the University of North Carolina called El Salvador the country that has achieved the greatest progress in the world in terms of increased access to water supply and sanitation and the reduction of inequity in access between urban and rural areas.[2] However, water resources are heavily polluted and the great majority of wastewater is discharged without any treatment into the environment. Institutionally a single public institution is both de facto in charge of setting sector policy and of being the main service provider. Attempts at reforming and modernizing the sector through new laws have not borne fruit over the past 20 years.

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Transcription

Hi, I’m John Green and this is Crashcourse World History and today we’re going to talk about our old friend, the rise and fall of civilizations. And we're going to look at it through the lens of War! No, just kidding, resources. Really Mr. Green? Haven’t we MINED that topic enough? JMG: I see what you did there, Me From the Past, and I do like your puns. I don’t like much about you, but I like puns. But we do talk a lot about resources and environmental issues in this series, because, you know, uh, they’re important. you know, because we just have the one planet on which to have history, but today we’re going to switch things up by looking at time periods and regions, and a resource that we haven’t examined before. Rather than like food or animals or precious metals, today we’re going to talk about water, without which we wouldn’t have food or animals. And precious metals would be of very limited use, because we also wouldn’t have humans. And we’re going to travel to the classical Mayan and Khmer civilizations in Central America and South East Asia respectively. Well, we’re not actually going to travel there because we don’t have the budget for a time machine. So, not only would we die of thirst without water, we also need to have enough of it around to raise plants and animals, because, you know, that’s how we eat. Some places get enough rain to support agriculture, but the vast majority don’t, which is why irrigation is often a requirement for building cities and stuff. And then there are places on Earth that get too much water, often because seasonal rains cause rivers to flood. And in these places people need to build dams and levees to control the flooding and also to channel the extra water to places where it can be useful. These kinds of projects, like, reservoirs, wells and cisterns are all examples of water control, or what some people call “hydraulic engineering.” hydraulic engineering was necessary, and people have been remarkably ingenious when it comes to agriculture. So, we know that we need agriculture for cities, and what we call civilization, and in most places, some form of hydraulic engineering is necessary for agriculture, which means it’s necessary for everything that comes after. But water isn’t only for drinking and eating. Like, those of you who remember the Indus Valley episode recall that Mohenjo Daro featured a giant basin that we called the Great Bath, which historians believe had a ritual function. And even if it didn’t, bathing is important for keeping clean. You know, one of the things that we use water for is sanitation and hygiene. And in dry regions the ability to control water can be symbolic of wealth and power. I mean, look at Las Vegas. Why do you think there’s this fountain at the Bellagio hotel in Las Vegas in the middle of a desert? It’s a way of bragging. Look at all of the money we took from you at our casino. But, quite a while before that, the Mayans managed to build a remarkably complex culture in one of the world’s least hospitable regions, and they couldn’t have done it without water management. Mayan culture reached its peak between 250 and 900 CE, and it was centered in the Yucatan peninsula in what is now Mexico and reached into parts of what today are Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador. The Mayans developed complex mathematics primarily used to create calendars that do NOT predict the end of the world. And they also had a writing system, which described their religion and their rulers, the Holy Lords, who were both political and religious leaders. When the Mayan civilization collapsed it was not because all the people died out – you can still find many a Mayan today – but because these Holy Lords lost their authority, At which point the Mayans stopped living in their massive temple complexes. But we should start at the beginning. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. So as we mentioned before, the Yucatan is not an ideal place to build a civilization. Most of it is a karst plain with a bedrock of limestone. The soils are poor and the water table is too low to excavate wells without modern digging equipment. There aren’t many rivers and rainfall is highly seasonal, with torrential downpours during the unpredictable wet season and a long dry season. Much of Mayan agriculture was small scale, but it produced enough surplus to provide tribute for the Holy Lords. Archeological records show that by 1000 BCE people were digging ditches to drain swamps, and settlements were built in such a way to capture rain runoff. Tikal is one of the major Mayan centers that has over 3000 structures in its 16 square kilometer footprint. It took generations to build and it “entirely lacked a natural supply of water: no springs, rivers, or lakes in its immediate vicinity.” So to supply water for the estimated 60,000 people who lived and worked there they created reservoirs. But, a diverse environment meant diverse solutions to water issues. At Edzna they built cisterns to capture rainwater and canals to connect reservoirs to the central ceremonial complex. They were able to collect 2 million cubic meters of water from runoff. At Palenque, in the lowlands of Chiapas, Mexico, they built “aqueducts, dams, channels, drains and a bridge,” to control flooding caused by streams that fed the city. In all these places, water management required a lot of labor. How much of this was cooperative and how much was coerced, we can’t really say. Thanks, Thought Bubble. Another thing we can’t really know for sure is the role that water played in Mayan politics and religion, but we can make some educated guesses. Mayan art features a lot of water motifs, so much so that one scholar has described the Maya as “having a fascination with aquatic iconography.” It is also possible that the authority of the Holy Lords rested largely on their ability to control water. Anthropologist Lisa Lucero suggests that the Holy Lords controlled the reservoirs and distributed water to the people during the dry season in return for tribute in the form of food and labor. If this was true, it was a dangerous game for the Holy Lords, because basing your claim to power on an ability to bring rain can get you in trouble when a drought comes along. And, of course, that’s what happened. Mexico can be particularly vulnerable to drought related to our old historical actor friend El Nino. And scientists, oh it’s time for the Open Letter. But first let’s see what’s in the globe today. Uh-oh, it is a warm swirl of water off the coast of South America. An Open Letter to El Nino. Hey El Nino. Right, so scientists, using tree rings and ice cores have figured out that the Yucatan did suffer a series of droughts that correspond to the decline of Maya power. As impressive as the Maya were, in some ways they pale in comparison to the Khmer culture that flourished between 802 and 1327 CE in what is now Cambodia. The Khmer are best known for building the temples at Angkor, most famously Angkor Wat the largest religious building ever constructed. But almost as impressive were the reservoirs surrounding the temple complex, especially the West Baray which is 8 kilometers long and 2 kilometers wide and at one point held more than 48 million cubic meters of water. The water issues in Cambodia are different from those found in Mexico, but the amount of labor and care that went into dealing with them is the same. And like the use of water in Mayan complexes, the function of the barays is not fully known. On a functional level, it’s not clear if they were used for irrigation during the dry season or flood control during the monsoon. And it’s also possible that they served a religious function, being “an attempt to recreate heaven on earth.” We don’t know a whole lot about the people who lived at Angkor except what we can glean from a few of the relief carvings and a Chinese written account from the 13th century, but most of them were peasant rice farmers. Angkor Wat was built by king Suryavarman II in the 12th century, so it was a relatively late addition, and came after the construction of the West Baray a century earlier. Modern archaeological techniques, including imaging from space have revealed that the barays and moats surrounding the temples, most of which are gone today, were linked by a series of channels. What they don’t reveal is their function. Bernard Philippe Groslier, who characterized Angkor as a “hydraulic city,” thought that the barays were built to catch monsoon water that would be used to irrigate rice during the dry season. He was influenced by Wittfogel and assumed that a great deal of centralized control was needed to provide food and water for a population that he estimated at 1.9 million people. Sounds like a good theory, but it was challenged by anthropologist W.J. van Liere who argued that religious considerations probably determined the layout of the barays because they were not well situated for irrigation. Probably the best answer is that the hydraulic system served multiple functions, controlling floods, providing irrigation, and creating a sacred ritual space. As with the Maya, we don’t know exactly what led to the decline of the Khmer, but environmental factors probably played a role. We know that monsoons weakened in the middle to late 14th century, and also that droughts would sometimes alternate with intensely wet monsoon years. It is likely that the increasingly complex hydraulic system at Angkor just couldn’t keep up with the fluctuations. This may not have directly led to the end of the line of Khmer kings, but it wouldn’t have helped them to maintain their power. Humans can’t survive without water, and just as it was a major concern for classical civilizations, water control remains an issue for the present and, especially the future. One billion people do not have access to safe drinking water and “by 2025 more than half the world’s nations will face shortages of fresh water...” So, if we believe that environmental shifts and failing water control systems led to the collapse of classical civilizations like the Maya and the Khmer, then we might be worried, given our current voracious thirst and poor record of water conservation. One lesson we might draw is that it’s a bad idea to build cities in places that don’t have water, Phoenix. But, a look back at the past might give us reason to be optimistic. After all, the Maya and the Khmer civilizations lasted hundreds of years, and were able to provide water using technology much less sophisticated than what we have at our disposal. And we have something else. As Steven Mithen, the author of the book on which most of this episode was based has written, “we do have knowledge about the ancient world to guide us in the present and future: understanding the past enables us to see the present more clearly.” Now like all fans of history, I'm a bit biased on that subject, but I tend to agree. And so we need to understand that history is not just about humans interacting with each other, but also about the ways that humans interact with the larger world. Thanks for watching. I'll see you next week. Crash Course is filmed here in the Chad and Stacey Emigholz Studio in Indianapolis and it's made possible by our Subbable subscribers, including our lead sponsor for today's video Mrs. Booth, who wants to thank Sunda, Burgoon, and the SCHS World History AP students or being awesome. And co-sponsored by Mike Burns from the Concordia School in Shanghai I want to say a special thank you to all of our Subbable subscribers, especially the educators. And as we say in my hometown, don't forget to be awesome.

Access

In 2015, 98% of the total population in El Salvador had access to "at least basic" water and 93% had access to "at least basic" sanitation. Nevertheless, there were still, in 2015, 428 thousand people without access to "at least basic" water and 551 thousand without access to "at least basic" sanitation.[3]

[4] Access to water and sanitation in El Salvador remains low by regional standards. Access to improved water source stood at 88 percent in 2010 and access to improved sanitation at 87 percent. Access is lower in rural areas, where about 36 percent of the population lives. In 2010, it stood at 76% for improved water and 83 percent for improved sanitation.

Urban (64% of the population) Rural (36% of the population) Total
Water Improved 98% 83% 93%
Piped on Premises 80% 42% 66%
Sanitation Improved 93% 87% 91%
Sewerage (2006 JMP survey & census data) 62% 2% n/a

Source: Joint Monitoring Program for Water Supply and Sanitation of WHO and UNICEF[1]

Productivity and public health impact of lack of access to water supply and sanitation

The lack of access to water impacts not only the quality of life of the poor, but also productivity and health. According to a survey carried out in 2001 by the Salvadoran think tank FUSADES the rural poor in particular spend a significant share of their productive time collecting water. Families without household access to water spent on average 8.5 percent of their productive time fetching water, while even those with household access spent 4.9 percent of their productive time fetching water. For the structural poor the values were much higher with 13.6 percent and 7.1 percent respectively.[5]

While access has improved the remaining lack of access to water and sanitation in rural areas has a demonstrably adverse effect on infant mortality, child mortality and stunting. The infant mortality rate among households without a house connection is 40 per 1,000 births, compared to 30 for households with a connection. Similarly, the infant mortality rate among households without a toilet is 37, compared to 30 for households with toilets. The toilets have no toilet seats. Most homes do not have baths.

Service quality

Water supply in most localities served by ANDA is intermittent, varying from 16 hours per day in some areas to less than 4 hours per day or even once every four days, according to a Demographic and Health Survey (called FESAL by its Spanish acronym) carried out in 2002.[6] Most localities, however, seem to receive water at least once a day. The microbiological quality of water is insufficient.

Water resources and pollution

Colonia Escalón in San Salvador

El Salvador's water resources are highly polluted, owing in part to the almost total absence of municipal wastewater treatment. In addition, the country suffers from water scarcity during the dry season and conflicts among users.

It is estimated that 90 percent of the surface water bodies are contaminated. Nearly all municipal wastewater (98 percent) and 90 percent of industrial wastewater is discharged to rivers and creeks without any treatment. The highest priority for pollution abatement is estimated to be in the basins of the Río Acelhuate and Río Sucio, an area that supplies a third of the water supply of the Metropolitan area of San Salvador.

Over the past 20 years the yield of a sample of springs declined by 30 percent due to deforestation. This has reduced water availability for the rural population, in some cases obliging them to rely on more expensive wells pumping from aquifers whose water table has declined by as much as 1 meter per year in some localities.

History

There have been various efforts to reform the water sector and to create a new legal framework since the mid 1990s. The most comprehensive effort was abandoned after the 2001 earthquakes when political and reform priorities shifted. That reform package would have included the setting of tariffs based on the goal of cost recovery, the creation of a regulator and the introduction of private sector participation. The government of Antonio Saca (2005–2009) considered a general water bill and a water and sanitation bill. According to the water and sanitation bill, ANDA would have limited its functions to service provision. None of the bills was passed until Mauricio Funes assumed the Presidency in June 2009.

Responsibility for water supply and sanitation

Service provision

Source: CIA World Factbook[7]

Water supply and sanitation in El Salvador are the responsibility of a large number of diverse service providers.

ANDA

The dominant service provider is the Administración Nacional de Acueductos y Alcantarillados (ANDA), which provides services to 40 percent of the total population of El Salvador in 149 out of the country's 262 municipalities, including the metropolitan area of San Salvador and the country's other two main cities, Santa Ana and San Miguel. As an umbrella institution ANDA defines policies, regulates and provides services. ANDA's Board Chairman has the rank of a Minister and reports directly to the President of the Republic.[8]

Other service providers

Other service providers include municipalities, decentralized service providers, housing developers and rural cooperatives. 83 mostly small municipalities provide services directly. More than 13 decentralized service providers have signed agreements under which ANDA has given them the right to manage their services autonomously. More than 100 housing developers have often built their own autonomous urban water systems because ANDA was unable to connect them. They now operate these systems themselves or have delegated service provision to user associations. In rural areas services are provided by more than 800 community-based organizations, including Juntas de Agua and cooperative development associations (Asociaciones de Desarrollo Comunitario). The latter serve about 30 percent of the population.[8]

Social investment fund

The Social Investment Fund (FISDL) plans and builds water supply systems in the 36 poorest municipalities of El Salvador. This is part of a program called Basic Services Network (Red de Servicios Básicos) which in turn complements the government's Conditional Cash Transfer program Red Solidaria.[9]

Non-governmental organizations

The Water and Sanitation Network of El Salvador (RASES) provides a forum for the exchange of experiences in the sector, in particular concerning rural areas.

Financial aspects

Tariffs and cost recovery

ANDA tariffs

ANDA tariffs average US$0.30/m3 and are below levels found in many other Latin American countries. Furthermore, ANDA tariffs are not socially equitable since the subsidies implicit in the low tariffs predominantly benefit the non-poor. First, users without access to the network, which are usually the poorest, do not receive the consumption subsidy. Second, users served by other providers than ANDA do not receive a subsidy for consumption. Third, among users that have ANDA service, the poor receive fewer subsidies than the non-poor as a consequence of the tariff structure. Tariffs are for both water and sewer services. As a result, there is a cross-subsidy from users without sewer connection to those with a sewer connection who are usually better off.[8]

For political reasons, adjustments of ANDA water tariffs have been infrequent. Between 1994 and 2006 ANDA tariffs were only adjusted twice, in 1994 and 2001. The inflation-adjusted tariff, however, barely changed.[8]

Tariffs by other service providers

Tariffs paid by water users in rural areas do recover financial operating costs, since no direct subsidies are available. They are often much higher than tariffs paid by ANDA customers. Some rural water users in pumped systems receive a subsidy through the Fondo de Inversión Nacional en Electricidad y Telefonía (FINET), which subsidizes electricity tariffs.[8]

Cost recovery of ANDA

The financial situation of service providers in 2006 did not provide any more for self-financing of investments. ANDA's working ratio was close to 1, indicating that the company barely covers its operating and routine maintenance costs. The reason for the reduced self-financing capacity is a significant increase in the unit costs of ANDA from US$0.21/m3 in 1994 to US$0.46/m3 in 2001, and US$0.63/m3 in 2004. The reason for the important increase of the unit cost in 2004 is not clear, but it could be due to the inauguration of the energy-intensive Río Lempa system that pumps water from the Rio Lempa to San Salvador in that year.[8]

Investment

Investment levels in water and sanitation in El Salvador stood at about US$20–40m/year from 1995 to 2001, but declined significantly to less than US$10m/year in 2003-04, compared to annual investment needs of US$50–100m to achieve the Millennium Development Goals.[8]

Financing

In 1990-2002, 63 percent of investments were financed through international loans and grants, 21 percent through self-financing by ANDA, 16 percent with government resources and 0 percent through commercial financing.[8]

External Support

Inter-American Development Bank (IDB)

The Inter-American Development Bank approved a five-year (2010-2014) rural water and sanitation improvement program for El Salvador totaling $44 million where $20 million is provided by the IDB and the remaining $24 million is on loan from the Spanish Cooperation Fund for Water and Sanitation in Latin America and the Caribbean. The primary objective is to improve living conditions by means of better water and sanitation services. The program is building 85 water systems and will benefit 6,000 households. Additionally, water coverage will increase to 80% in the country's 100 poorest towns. This program is being executed by three agencies: the Social Investment Fund for Local Development, El Salvador's Ministry of the Environment and Natural Resources, and ANDA.[10]

See also

References

  1. ^ a b c Joint Monitoring Program for Water Supply and Sanitation, 2010 Estimates
  2. ^ The Water Institute, University of North Carolina (ed.). "The WASH Performance Index Report".
  3. ^ "WASHwatch.org - El Salvador". washwatch.org. Retrieved 2017-04-12.
  4. ^ "WHO / UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme: Documents". www.wssinfo.org. Retrieved 2017-04-12.
  5. ^ Fundación Salvadoreña para El Desarrollo Económico y Social
  6. ^ Encuesta Nacional de Salud Familiar FESAL
  7. ^ Colombia Maps - Perry–Castañeda Map Collection - UT Library Online
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h World Bank:El Salvador - Recent economic developments in infrastructure - strategy report, 2006, Water and Sanitation Chapter, pp. 172ff.
  9. ^ Fondo de Inversión Social para el Desarrollo Local (FISDL)
  10. ^ Inter-American Development Bank (2010). "Rural water and sanitation improvement program". Retrieved 2012-06-04.

Further reading

External links

This page was last edited on 13 December 2021, at 03:12
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