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United Freedom Movement

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

United Freedom Movement
AbbreviationUFM
FormationJune 3, 1963; 60 years ago (1963-06-03)
Founded atCleveland, Ohio, U.S.
DissolvedFebruary 1966; 57 years ago (1966-02)
TypeCoalition
PurposeEnding racism through negotiation and protest
Region
Greater Cleveland
Membership
50-60 member groups

The United Freedom Movement (UFM) was a coalition of about 60 African American civic, religious, cultural, and other groups founded in June 1963 to oppose legal and institutional racism in public schools, employment, housing, and other areas. The organization's founding marked a turning point in Cleveland during the civil rights movement by turning away from behind-the-scenes negotiation and toward public protest. It had successes in the area of employment and public school desegregation. It dissolved in 1966.

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  • Civil Rights and the 1950s: Crash Course US History #39
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  • WHEN BLACK PEOPLE UNITED- FREEDOM FIGHTERS
  • The 1960s in America: Crash Course US History #40

Transcription

Episode 39: Consensus and Protest: Civil Rights LOCKED Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course U.S. history and today we’re going to look at one of the most important periods of American social history, the 1950s. Why is it so important? Well, first because it saw the advent of the greatest invention in human history: Television. Mr. Green, Mr. Green! I like TV! By the way, you’re from the future. How does the X-Files end? Are there aliens or no aliens? No spoilers, Me From The Past, you’re going to have to go to college and watch the X-Files get terrible just like I did. No it’s mostly important because of the Civil Rights Movement We’re going to talk about some of the heroic figures like Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks, but much of the real story is about the thousands of people you’ve never heard of who fought to make America more inclusive. But before we look at the various changes that the Civil Rights Movement was pushing for, we should spend a little time looking at the society that they were trying to change. The 1950s has been called a period of consensus, and I suppose it was, at least for the white males who wrote about it and who all agreed that the 1950s were fantastic for white males. Consensus culture was caused first, by the Cold War – people were hesitant to criticize the United States for fear of being branded a communist, and, second, by affluence – increasing prosperity meant that more people didn’t have as much to be critical of. And this widespread affluence was something new in the United States. Between 1946 and 1960 Americans experienced a period of economic expansion that saw standards of living rise and gross national product more than double. And unlike many previous American economic expansions, much of the growing prosperity in the fifties was shared by ordinary working people who saw their wages rise. To quote our old friend Eric Foner, “By 1960, an estimated 60 percent of Americans enjoyed what the government defined as a middle-class standard of living.”[1] And this meant that increasing numbers of Americans had access things like television, and air conditioning, and dishwashers and air travel. That doesn’t really seem like a bonus. Anyway, despite the fact that they were being stuffed into tiny metal cylinders and hurdled through the air, most Americans were happy because they had, like, indoor plumbing and electricity. intro The 1950s was the era of suburbanization. The number of homes in the United States doubled during the decade, which had the pleasant side effect of creating lots of construction jobs. The classic example of suburbanization was Levittown in New York, where 10,000 almost identical homes were built and became home to 40,000 people almost overnight. And living further from the city meant that more Americans needed cars, which was good news for Detroit where cars were being churned out with the expectation that Americans would replace them every two years. By 1960, 80% of Americans owned at least one car and 14% had two or more. And car culture changed the way that Americans lived and shopped. I mean it gave us shopping malls, and drive thru restaurants, and the backseat makeout session. I mean, high school me didn’t get the backseat makeout session. But, other people did! I did get the Burger King drive thru though. And lots of it. Our whole picture of the American standard of living, with its abundance of consumer goods and plentiful services was established in the 1950s. And so, for so for many people this era was something of a “golden age” especially when we look back on it today with nostalgia. But there were critics, even at the time. So when we say the 1950s were an era of consensus, one of the things we’re saying is there wasn’t much room for debate about what it meant to be an American. Most people agreed on the American values: individualism, respect for private property, and belief in equal opportunity. The key problem was that we believed in equal opportunity, but didn’t actually provide it. But some people were concerned that the cookie cutter vision of the good life and the celebration of the middle class lifestyle was displacing other conceptions of citizenship. Like the sociologist C. Wright Mills described a combination of military, corporate, and political leaders as a power elite whose control over government and the economy was such as to make democracy an afterthought. In The Lonely Crowd sociologist David Riesman criticized Americans for being conformist and lacking the rich inner life necessary to be truly independent. And John Kenneth Galbraith questioned an Affluent Society that would pay for new cars and new missiles but not for new schools. And we can’t mention the 1950s without discussing teenagers since this was the decade that gave us Rock and Roll, and rock stars like Bill Haley and the Comets, Buddy Holly and the Crickets, and Elvis Presley and his hips. Another gift of the 1950s was literature, much of which appeals especially to teenagers. Like, the Beats presented a rather drug-fueled and not always coherent criticism of the bourgeois 1950’s morals. They rejected materialism, and suburban ennui and things like regular jobs while celebrating impulsivity, and recklessness, experimentation and freedom. And also heroin. So you might have noticed something about all those critics of the 1950s that I just mentioned: they were all white dudes. Now, we’re gonna be talking about women in the 1950s and 1960s next week because their liberation movement began a bit later, but what most people call the Civil Rights Movement really did begin in the 1950s. While the 1950s were something of a golden age for many blue and white collar workers, it was hardly a period of expanding opportunities for African Americans. Rigid segregation was the rule throughout the country, especially in housing, but also in jobs and in employment. In the South, public accommodations were segregated by law, while in the north it was usually happening by custom or de facto segregation. To give just one example, the new suburban neighborhoods that sprang up in the 1950s were almost completely white and this remained true for decades. According Eric Foner, “As late as the 1990s, nearly 90 percent of suburban whites lived in communities with non-white populations less than 1 percent.” And it wasn’t just housing. In the 1950s half of black families lived in poverty. When they were able to get union jobs, black workers had less seniority than their white counterparts so their employment was less stable. And their educational opportunities were severely limited by sub-standard segregated schools. Now you might think the Civil Rights Movement began with Rosa Parks and the Montgomery Bus Boycott or else Brown v. Board of Education, but it really started during WW2 with efforts like those of A. Philip Randolph and the soldiers taking part in the Double-V crusade. But even before that, black Americans had been fighting for civil rights. It’s just that in the 1950s, they started to win. So, desegregating schools was a key goal of the Civil Rights movement. And it started in California in 1946. In the case of Mendez v. Westminster the California Supreme Court ruled that Orange County, of all places, had to desegregate their schools. They’d been discriminating against Latinos. And then, California’s governor, Earl Warren, signed an order that repealed all school segregation in the state. That same Earl Warren, by the way, was Chief Justice when the landmark case Brown v. Board of Education came before the Supreme Court in 1954. The NAACP Legal Defense Fund under the leadership of Thurgood Marshall had been pursuing a legal strategy of trying to make states live up to the ruling in Plessy v. Ferguson that required all public facilities to be separate but equal. They started by bringing lawsuits against professional schools like law schools, because it was really obvious that the three classrooms and no library that Texas set up for its African American law students were not equal to the actual University of Texas’s law school. But the Brown case was about public schools for children. It was actually a combination of 5 cases from 4 states, of which Brown happened to be alphabetically the first. The Board of Education in question incidentally was in Topeka Kansas, not one of the states of the old Confederacy, but nonetheless a city that did restricted schooling by race. Oh, it’s time for the Mystery Document? The rules here are simple. I read the Mystery Document. If I’m wrong, I get shocked. "Segregation of white and colored children in public schools has a detrimental effect upon the colored children. The impact is greater when it has the sanction of the law, for the policy of separating the races is usually interpreted as denoting the inferiority of the negro group. A sense of inferiority affects the motivation of a child to learn. Segregation with the sanction of law, therefore, has a tendency to [retard] the educational and mental development of negro children and to deprive them of some of the benefits they would receive in a racial[ly] integrated school system. [Footnote 10]"[2] Stan, the last two weeks you have given me two extraordinary gifts and I am thankful. It is Earl Warren from Brown v. Board of Education. Huzzah! Justice Warren is actually quoting from sociological research there that shows that segregation itself is psychologically damaging to black children because they recognize that being separated out is a badge of inferiority. Alright, let’s go to the Thought Bubble. The Brown decision was a watershed but it didn’t lead to massive immediate desegregation of the nation’s public schools. In fact, it spawned what came to be known as “Massive Resistance” in the South. The resistance got so massive, in fact, that a number of counties, rather than integrate their schools, closed them. Prince Edward County in Virginia, for instance, closed its schools in 1959 and didn’t re-open them again until 1964. Except they didn’t really close them because many states appropriated funds to pay for white students to attend “private” academies. Some states got so into the resistance that they began to fly the Confederate Battle flag over their state capitol buildings. Yes, I’m looking at you Alabama and South Carolina. On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks refused to move to the back of a bus in Montgomery, Alabama and got arrested, kicking off the Montgomery Bus Boycott that lasted almost a year. A lot of people think that Parks was simply an average African American working woman who was tired and fed up with segregation, but the truth is more complicated. Parks had been active in politics since the 1930s and had protested the notorious Scottsboro Boys case. She had served as secretary for the NAACP and she had begun her quest to register to vote in Alabama in 1943. She failed a literacy test three times before becoming one of the very few black people registered to vote in the state. And in 1954 she attended a training session for political activists and met other civil rights radicals. So Rosa Parks was an active participant in the fight for black civil rights long before she sat on that bus. The Bus Boycott also thrust into prominence a young pastor from Atlanta, the 26 year old Martin Luther King Jr. He helped to organize the boycott from his Baptist church, which reminds us that black churches played a pivotal role in the Civil Rights Movement. That boycott would go on to last for 381 days and in the end, the city of Montgomery relented. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So that was, of course, only the beginning for Martin Luther King, who achieved his greatest triumphs in the 1960s. After Montgomery, he was instrumental in forming the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, a coalition of black civil rights and church leaders who pushed for integration. And they needed to fight hard, especially in the face of Massive Resistance and an Eisenhower administration that was lukewarm at best about civil rights. But I suppose Eisenhower did stick up for civil rights when forced to, as when Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus used the National Guard to prevent the integration of Little Rock’s Central High School by 9 black students in 1957. Eisenhower was like, “You know, as the guy who invaded Normandy, I don’t think that’s the best use for the National Guard.” So, Eisenhower sent the 101st Airborne Division (not the entirety of it, but some of it) to Little Rock, Arkansas, to walk kids to school. Which they did for a year. After that, Faubus closed the schools, but at least the federal government showed that it wouldn’t allow states to ignore court orders about the Constitution. In your face, John C. Calhoun. Despite the court decision and the dispatching of Federal troops, by the end of the 1950s fewer than two percent of black students attended integrated schools in the South. So, the modern movement for Civil Rights had begun, but it was clear that there was still a lot of work to do. But the emergence of the Civil Rights Movement shows us that the picture of consensus in the 1950s is not quite as clear-cut as its proponents would have us believe. Yes, there was widespread affluence, particularly among white people, and criticism of the government and America generally was stifled by the fear of appearing to sympathize with Communism. But there was also widespread systemic inequality and poverty in the decade that shows just how far away we were from living the ideal of equal opportunity. That we have made real progress, and we have, is a credit to the voices of protest. Next week we’ll see how women, Latinos, and gay people added their voices to the protests and look at what they were and were not able to change in the 1960s. Thanks for watching. I’ll see you then. Crash Course is made with the help of all of these nice people and it’s possible because of your support through Subbable.com. Subbable is a voluntary subscription service that allows you to subscribe to Crash Course at the price of your choosing, including zero dollars a month. But hopefully more than that. There are also great perks you can get, like signed posters. So if you like and value Crash Course, help us keep it free for everyone for ever by subscribing now at Subbable. You can click on my face. Now, my face moved, but you can still click on it. Thanks again for watching Crash Course and as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be awesome. ________________ [1] Foner Give me Liberty ebook version p. 992 [2] http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/347/483/case.html

Founding of the organization

The United Freedom Movement was founded on June 3, 1963,[1] by the Cleveland chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) to bring together the city's African American community groups in a united front.[2][3][4] Previously, these groups had been divided by socio-economic class and ideology. Middle class, educated African Americans looked to clergy, the NAACP, and the National Urban League for leadership; these individuals and groups tended to work behind the scenes for incremental change. Poor, less-educated African Americans (by far the majority of blacks in Cleveland) looked to more militant groups like the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), which engaged in public protest and demanded immediate, radical change.[2]

Although the moderate NAACP issued the call to form the UFM, more militant groups and leaders joined the organization for fear that the UFM would co-opt the rapidly growing civil rights movement in Cleveland.[1] The UFM had between 50[5] and 60 member organizations.[6] Four individuals were elected co-chairs of the organization: Carriebell J. Cook, administrator of the Office of Job Retraining and Manpower for the city of Cleveland; Clarence Holmes, president of the Cleveland NAACP; Reverend Isaiah Pogue Jr., pastor of the St. Mark's Presbyterian Church; and Reverend Paul Younger, pastor of Fidelity Baptist Church. Harold B. Williams, executive secretary of the Cleveland NAACP, was named "coordinator" of the new organization.[7] The organization was guided by a 12-member executive committee.[8]

Major campaigns

1963 Cleveland Convention Center labor dispute

The UFM sought to end racism and discrimination against African Americans in the areas of education, employment, health and welfare, housing, and voting.[1] Its first major battle was the Cleveland Convention Center labor dispute of 1963. Many local labor unions refused to admit African Americans as members, or did so only by admitting them as apprentices and then actively discriminating against them in training and hiring preference. On June 24, the UFM announced it would begin mass picketing of the Cleveland Convention Center construction site. It accused four unions working at the site of barring blacks from membership.[9] The dispute threatened several important bond levies[10] and federal aid flowing to construction projects in Cleveland,[11] and imperiled construction on the convention center[12] as well as other large projects in the area.[13] An agreement signed by federal government representatives, local labor leaders, representatives from the African American community, and others brought the dispute to a close.[14] Government officials and the NAACP hailed the agreement as nationally important.[15]

1963 Cleveland Freedom March

The UFM was the primary sponsor of the Cleveland Freedom March (originally called the United Freedom Movement March) of July 14, 1963.[16] The march drew 15,000 participants and 2,000 onlookers, while 25,000 people attended a post-march rally at Cleveland Stadium, where they listened to speeches by Roy Wilkins, executive secretary of the national NAACP, and James Farmer, national chairman of the Congress of Racial Equality.[17]

1963 to 1964 public schools dispute

Rev. Bruce Klunder lies dead after being crushed by a bulldozer during the UFM school segregation protest on April 7, 1964.

As the labor dispute was coming to a close, the UFM turned its attention to racial desegregation of Cleveland's public schools. A significant influx of African Americans, many of them poor, into Cleveland in the 1950s had left schools in black neighborhoods dangerously overcrowded. Cleveland Mayor Ralph S. Locher, who was white, dismissed their concerns.[18][a]

The school district eventually agreed to bus black students to white schools to alleviate the problem. African American parents were outraged when they discovered that the city continued to segregate students by race in these schools, and were denying black children the right to participate in extra-curricular and after-school activities.[19] In January 1964, the UFM decided to march on the Murray Hill School in the city's Little Italy neighborhood. When city leaders learned that local white residents intended to stop the march, they feared a riot would break out. The UFM was persuaded to cancel its protest. But the white mob still formed, and throughout the day on January 30, 1964, white citizens threw rocks and bottles and assaulted any African American person they found on the streets. The Cleveland Police made no arrests.[20]

The Murray Hill riot did not deter the UFM, which picketed schools in late January 1964 where black children were being bused.[21] A sit-in occurred at the Cleveland Board of Education offices from January 31 to February 2,[22] and again from February 3 to February 4. The pickets and sit-ins ended when the school board agreed to integrate classes in schools where black students were being bused.[23]

At the end of February 1964, the UFM began protesting the construction of new schools. The school board had decided to alleviate overcrowding in schools in black neighborhoods by building new schools. But African American parents saw this as a strategy to reinforce racial segregation.[24] The board of education rejected any delays in the building project.[25] Protests erupted at several school construction sites in Cleveland. The most serious was at the Stephen E. Howe Elementary School site on Lakeview Road. On April 6, UFM protestors attempted to halt construction by blocking entrances, lying on the ground in front of vehicles, and throwing themselves into construction ditches. Police in riot gear forcibly dragged protestors away.[26] The protests occurred again on April 7. That day, several protestors tried to stop a bulldozer from clearing the site by laying down in front of it. Reverend Bruce W. Klunder lay down behind it. The bulldozer driver, not seeing Klunder, backed up, and killed the clergyman. A four-hour riot occurred in the wake of Klunder's death, and Cleveland Division of Police were forced to use tear gas to disperse the mob.[27] Klunder's death brought the construction protests to a halt.[28]

On April 21, the UFM sponsored a boycott of the public schools. The boycott, which had been planned since early February,[29] saw 60,000 African American students refuse to attend school.[30]

The boycott largely ended the protests, however. While the school desegregation protests were Cleveland's first large, lengthy racial protests,[2] they failed to achieve significant progress.[31]

Dissolution

Despite the large size of its membership, the UFM made decisions swiftly—which often left politicians and governmental organizations angry, as they had little time to discuss and debate UFM's demands.[32] Mayor Locher and Cleveland Board of Education president Ralph McAllister repeatedly refused to meet with UFM representatives.[1]

Tensions between moderates and militants within the UFM existed from the organization's founding, but by the fall of 1965 these had grown much worse. Militants within the group proposed endorsing African American Carl Stokes, who was challenging incumbent white Mayor Ralph S. Locher in the Democratic primary. When a CORE-led group on the executive committee voted to recommend that the UFM membership vote to allow political endorsements, UFM's president, vice president, and treasurer resigned. Arthur Evans, former chairman of the Cleveland chapter of CORE, was named acting president.[8] The recommendation caused a major split among UFM's membership, and the organization never did endorse any candidate for office.[33]

The split caused the NAACP to withdraw from the UFM in February 1966, effectively dissolving the group.[1]

Leadership

  • Harold B. Williams - Coordinator, June 1963 to November 1963[7]
  • Clarence Holmes - President, November 1963 to November 1964[34]
  • Rev. Sumpter M. Riley Jr. - President, November 1964 to September 1965 (resigned)[8]
  • Arthur Evans - Acting President, September 1965 to February 1966[8]

References

Notes
  1. ^ This was not unusual: The political culture of Cleveland had long been dominated by the mayor, city council, big business, the larger newspapers, and a few powerful white ethnicities. The city had a long history of ignoring social ills, while favoring low taxes and small government. African American protests in the past had been small and died out swiftly, and progress (what little there was of it) was generally achieved through traditional behind-the-scenes deal-making.[2]
Citations
  1. ^ a b c d e "United Freedom Movement (UFM)". The Encyclopedia of Cleveland History. July 1, 2013. Retrieved December 26, 2016.
  2. ^ a b c d Moore 2002, p. 32.
  3. ^ Tittle 1992, p. 119.
  4. ^ Sabath, Donald (June 25, 1963). "$371,999 Is Sought for Beautifying Mall". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A5.
  5. ^ Gaumer, Thomas H. (September 1, 1976). "A Century of Struggle". The Plain Dealer. p. A14.
  6. ^ Sabath, Donald (June 29, 1963). "Rights Group Delays Picketing at Mall". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A4.
  7. ^ a b Davis 1972, p. 379.
  8. ^ a b c d "CORE Dominant in UFM Hassle". The Plain Dealer. September 11, 1965. pp. A1, A8.
  9. ^ "Negroes Plan Picketing of Mall Project". The Plain Dealer. June 25, 1963. p. A5.
  10. ^ "Meany Aide to Sit in on Mall Parleys". The Plain Dealer. July 19, 1963. p. A8.
  11. ^ Rees, John W. (July 25, 1963). "UFM Out to End Bias in All Unions". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A8.
  12. ^ Melnick, Norman (August 1, 1963). "Two Negro Plumbers Asked to Become Apprentices". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A8.
  13. ^ "Plumbers' 'Holiday' in Doubt". The Plain Dealer. July 28, 1963. pp. A1, A11.
  14. ^ Melnick, Norman (August 5, 1963). "Pact Ends Mall Job Crisis". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A9; "Plan to Solve Mall Dispute is Up Today". The Plain Dealer. August 4, 1963. pp. A1, A11.
  15. ^ Pomfret, John D. (August 9, 1963). "N.A.A.C.P. Offers A Pact to Builders to Calm Protests". The New York Times. pp. A1, A8.
  16. ^ "Locher Declines Bid to March in Sunday Parade". The Plain Dealer. July 9, 1963. p. A18; "Join Rights March, Women Here Urged". The Plain Dealer. July 1, 1963. p. A26.
  17. ^ "25,000 Rally for Equality". The Plain Dealer. July 15, 1963. pp. A1, A8.
  18. ^ Moore 2001, p. 82.
  19. ^ Tittle 1992, pp. 119–120.
  20. ^ Masotti & Corsi 1969, p. 33.
  21. ^ Skinner, Ann (January 30, 1964). "School Board Won't Yield". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A9; Robertson, Don (January 31, 1964). "Board Faces Picketing, Sit-Ins". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A8.
  22. ^ Robertson, Don; Barnard, William C. (February 1, 1964). "41 Stage All-Night Sit-In At School Board Building". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A8; Mollenkopf, Fred (February 2, 1964). "17 Continue Sit-In; Others Map Boycott". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A8.
  23. ^ Robertson, Don (February 4, 1964). "UFM Vetoes Integration Lag". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A7; Robertson, Don (February 5, 1964). "Mixed Classes Now, Is Board's Promise". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A8.
  24. ^ "UFM Puts Ultimatum to Schools". The Plain Dealer. February 28, 1964. pp. A1, A8.
  25. ^ Skinner, Ann (March 1, 1964). "Board Rejects Delay in Building". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A8.
  26. ^ "Schools Set to Ask Court to Halt Strife". The Plain Dealer. April 7, 1964. pp. A1, A8.
  27. ^ Barmann, George J. (April 8, 1964). "City's Worst Rights Violence Erupts After Minister's Death". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A9; Segal, Eugene (April 8, 1964). "'Dozer' Driver Cleared, Cries: 'I didn't see him'". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A8.
  28. ^ Barmann, George J. (April 8, 1964). "Truce Halts Schools Siege". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A10.
  29. ^ Robertson, Don; Melnick, Norman (February 2, 1964). "UFM Readies School Boycotts". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A8.
  30. ^ Skinner, Ann (April 22, 1964). "Clergyman Ask Board to Quit". The Plain Dealer. pp. A1, A10.
  31. ^ Moore 2002, p. 38.
  32. ^ Bell 2014, p. 79.
  33. ^ "UFM Split Called Temporary". The Plain Dealer. September 12, 1965. p. A29; "No Endorsement Planned by UFM". The Plain Dealer. September 19, 1965. pp. A1, A8.
  34. ^ "Act Is Blow to Negroes of Cleveland". The Plain Dealer. November 23, 1963. p. A8.

Bibliography

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