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United Auto Workers

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

United Auto Workers
The International Union, United Automobile, Aerospace and Agricultural Implement Workers of America
United Automobile Workers
United Auto Workers (logo).svg
HeadquartersDetroit, Michigan, United States
391,000 active members; 580,000 retired members (2022)[2]
Key people
Ray Curry, president
AffiliationsAFL–CIO, CLC

The International Union, United Automobile, Aerospace, and Agricultural Implement Workers of America, better known as the United Auto Workers (UAW), is an American labor union that represents workers in the United States (including Puerto Rico) and Canada. It was founded as part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in the 1930s and grew rapidly from 1936 to the 1950s. The union played a major role in the liberal wing of the Democratic Party under the leadership of Walter Reuther (president 1946–1970). It was known for gaining high wages and pensions for auto workers, but it was unable to unionize auto plants built by foreign-based car makers in the South after the 1970s, and it went into a steady decline in membership; reasons for this included increased automation, decreased use of labor, movements of manufacturing (including reaction to NAFTA), and increased globalization.

UAW members in the 21st century work in industries including autos and auto parts, health care, casino gambling, and higher education. The union is headquartered in Detroit, Michigan. As of February 24, 2022, the UAW has more than 391,000 active members and more than 580,000 retired members in over 600 local unions, and holds 1,150 contracts with some 1,600 employers.[2]



The UAW was founded in May 1935 in Detroit, Michigan under the auspices of the American Federation of Labor (AFL).[citation needed] The AFL had focused on organizing craft unions and avoiding large factories. But a caucus of industrial unions led by John L. Lewis formed the Committee for Industrial Organization within the AFL at its 1935 convention, creating the original CIO. Within one year, the AFL suspended the unions in the CIO, and these formed the rival Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), including the UAW.

The UAW rapidly found success in organizing with the sit-down strike, first in a General Motors Corporation plant in Atlanta, Georgia in 1936, and more famously in the Flint sit-down strike that began on December 29, 1936. That strike ended in February 1937 after Michigan's governor Frank Murphy played the role of mediator, negotiating recognition of the UAW by General Motors. The next month, auto workers at Chrysler won recognition of the UAW as their representative in a sit-down strike. By mid-1937 the new union claimed 150,000 members and was spreading through the auto and parts manufacturing towns of Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.[3]

The UAW's next target was the Ford Motor Company, which had long resisted unionization.[4] Ford manager Harry Bennett used brute force to keep the union out of Ford, and his Ford Service Department was set up as an internal security, intimidation, and espionage unit within the company. It was not reluctant to use violence against union organizers and sympathizers (see The Battle of the Overpass). It took until 1941 for Ford to agree to a collective bargaining agreement with the UAW.[5]

Communists provided many of the organizers and took control of key union locals, especially Local 600 which represented the largest Ford plants. The Communist faction controlled some of the key positions in the union, including the directorship of the Washington office, the research department, and the legal office.[6] Walter Reuther at times cooperated closely with the Communists, but he and his allies formed strategically an anticommunist current within the UAW.[7]

The UAW discovered that it had to be able to uphold its side of a bargain if it was to be a successful bargaining agency with a corporation, which meant that wildcat strikes and disruptive behavior by union members had to be stopped by the union itself. According to one writer, many UAW members were extreme individualists who did not like being bossed around by company foremen or by union agents.[8] Leaders of the UAW realized that they had to control the shop floor, as Reuther explained in 1939: "We must demonstrate that we are a disciplined, responsible organization; we not only have power, but that we have power under control.".[9]

World War II

The war dramatically changed the nature of the UAW's organizing. The UAW's Executive Board voted to make a "no strike" pledge to ensure that the war effort would not be hindered by strikes (although vehemently opposed by some UAW executives, such as Tom Di Lorenzo: "Our policy is not to win the war at any cost ..."), and that pledge was later reaffirmed by the membership.[10] As war production ramped up and auto factories converted to tank building, the UAW organized new locals in these factories and airplane manufacturers across the country and hit a peak membership of over a million members in 1944.[3]


The UAW struck GM for 113 days, beginning in November 1945, demanding a greater voice in management. GM would pay higher wages but refused to consider power sharing; the union finally settled with an eighteen-and-a-half-cent wage increase but little more. The UAW went along with GM in return for an ever-increasing packages of wage and benefit hikes through collective bargaining, with no help from the government.[citation needed]

New leadership

Walter Reuther won the election for president at the UAW's constitutional convention in 1946 and served until his death in an airplane accident in May 1970. Reuther led the union during one of the most prosperous periods for workers in U.S. history. Immediately after the war left-wing elements demanded "30–40": that is, a 30-hour week for 40 hours pay. Reuther rejected 30–40 and decided to concentrate on total annual wages, displaying a new corporatist mentality that accepted management's argument that shorter hours conflicted with wage increases and other job benefits and abandoning the old confrontational syndicalist position that shorter hours drove up wages and protected against unemployment.[11] The UAW delivered contracts for his membership through negotiation. Reuther would pick one of the "Big three" automakers, and if it did not offer concessions, he would strike it and let the other two absorb its sales. Besides high hourly wage rates and paid vacations, in 1950 Reuther negotiated an industry first contract with General Motors known as the "Treaty of Detroit" (Fortune magazine) becoming known as Reuther's Treaty of Detroit. The UAW negotiated employer-funded pensions at Chrysler, medical insurance at GM, and in 1955 supplementary unemployment benefits at Ford. Many smaller suppliers followed suit with benefits.[12]

Reuther tried to negotiate lower automobile prices for the consumer with each contract, with limited success.[9] An agreement on profit sharing with American Motors led nowhere, because profits were small at this minor player. The UAW expanded its scope to include workers in other major industries such as the aerospace and agricultural-implement industries.

The UAW disaffiliated from the AFL–CIO on July 1, 1968, after Reuther and AFL–CIO President George Meany could not come to agreement on a wide range of policy issues or reforms to AFL–CIO governance.[9] On July 24, 1968, just days after the UAW disaffiliation, Teamsters General President Frank Fitzsimmons and Reuther formed the Alliance for Labor Action as a new national trade union center to organize unorganized workers and pursue leftist political and social projects.[13][14][15] Meany denounced the ALA as a dual union, although Reuther argued it was not.[9][16] The Alliance's initial program was ambitious.[17] Reuther's death in a plane crash on May 9, 1970, near Black Lake, Michigan, dealt a serious blow to the Alliance, and the group halted operations in July 1971 after the Auto Workers (almost bankrupt from a lengthy strike at General Motors) was unable to continue to fund its operations.[9]

In 1948, the UAW founded the radio station WDET 101.9 FM in Detroit. It was sold to Wayne State University for $1 in 1952.[citation needed]

Politics and Dissent

The UAW leadership supported the programs of the New Deal Coalition, strongly supported civil rights, and strongly supported Lyndon Johnson's Great Society.[6] The UAW became strongly anti-communist after it expelled its Communist leaders in the late 1940s following the Taft–Hartley Act, and supported the Vietnam war and opposed the antiwar Democratic candidates.[6]

According to Williams (2005) the UAW used the rhetoric of civic or liberal nationalism to fight for the rights of Black workers and other workers of color between the 1930s and 1970s. At the same time, it used this rhetoric to simultaneously rebuff the demands and limit the organizing efforts of Black workers seeking to overcome institutional racial hierarchies in the workplace, housing, and the UAW. The UAW leadership denounced these demands and efforts as antidemocratic and anti-American. Three examples, William argues, show how the UAW's use of working class nationalism functioned as a counter subversive tradition within American liberalism: the UAW campaign at the Ford plant in Dearborn, Michigan, in the late 1930s, the 1942 conflict in Detroit over the black occupancy of the Sojourner Truth housing project, and the responses of the UAW under the conservative leadership of Reuther to the demands of Black workers for representation in UAW leadership between the mid-1940s and the 1960s.[18] See also League of Revolutionary Black Workers and Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement for the history of Black workers who questioned the corrupt leadership of the UAW in the 1960s and the 1970s.


The UAW was the most instrumental outside financial and operational supporter of the first Earth Day in 1970.[19][20][21] According to Denis Hayes, Earth Day’s first national coordinator, "Without the UAW, the first Earth Day would have likely flopped!"[19]

With the 1973 oil embargo, rising fuel prices caused the U.S. auto makers to lose market share to foreign manufacturers who placed more emphasis on fuel efficiency. This started years of layoffs and wage reductions, and the UAW found itself in the position of giving up many[which?] of the benefits it had won for workers over the decades.[citation needed] By the early 1980s, auto producing states, especially in the Midwestern United States and Canada, had been impacted economically from losses in jobs and income. This peaked with the near-bankruptcy of Chrysler in 1979. In 1985 the union's Canadian division disaffiliated from the UAW over a dispute regarding negotiation tactics and formed the Canadian Auto Workers as an independent union. Specifically the Canadian division claimed they were being used to pressure the companies for extra benefits, which went mostly to the American members.[citation needed]

The UAW saw a loss of membership after the 1970s. Membership topped 1.5 million in 1979, falling to 540,000 in 2006. With the late-2000s recession and automotive industry crisis of 2008–10, GM and Chrysler filed for Chapter 11 reorganization. Membership fell to 390,000 active members in 2010, with more than 600,000 retired members covered by pension and medical care plans.[citation needed]

21st century

UAW-GM Center for Human Resources
UAW-GM Center for Human Resources

UAW has been credited for aiding in the auto industry rebound in the 21st century and blamed for seeking generous benefit packages in the past which in part led to the automotive industry crisis of 2008–10. UAW workers receiving generous benefit packages when compared with those working at non-union Japanese auto assembly plants in the U.S., had been cited as a primary reason for the cost differential before the 2009 restructuring. In a November 2008, New York Times editoria, Andrew Ross Sorkin claimed that the average UAW worker was paid $70 per hour, including health and pension costs, while Toyota workers in the US receive $10 to $20 less.[22] The UAW asserts that most of this labor cost disparity comes from legacy pension and healthcare benefits to retired members, of which the Japanese automakers have none. The Big Three already sold their cars for about $2,500 less than equivalent cars from Japanese companies, analysts at the International Motor Vehicle Program said.[23] According to the 2007 GM Annual Report, typical autoworkers earned a base wage of approximately $28 per hour. Following the 2007 National Agreement, the base starting wage was lowered to about $15 per hour.[24] A second-tier wage of $14.50 an hour, which applies only to newly hired workers, is lower than the average wage in non-union auto companies in the Deep South.[25]

One of the benefits negotiated by the United Auto Workers was the former jobs bank program, under which laid-off members once received 95 percent of their take-home pay and benefits. More than 12,000 UAW members were paid this benefit in 2005.[26] In December 2008, the UAW agreed to suspend the program as a concession to help U.S. automakers during the auto industry crisis.[27]

UAW Leadership granted concessions to its unions in order to win labor peace, a benefit not calculated by the UAW's many critics.[28] The UAW has claimed that the primary cause of the automotive sector's weakness was substantially more expensive fuel costs[29][irrelevant citation] linked to the 2003-2008 oil crisis which caused customers to turn away from large sport utility vehicles (SUVs) and pickup trucks,[30] the main market of the American "Big Three" (General Motors, Ford, and Chrysler). In 2008, the situation became critical because the global financial crisis and the related credit crunch significantly impaired the ability of consumers to purchase automobiles.[31] The Big Three also based their respective market strategies on fuel-inefficient SUVs, and suffered from lower quality perception (vis-a-vis automobiles manufactured by Japanese or European car makers). Accordingly, the Big Three directed vehicle development focused on light trucks (which had better profit margins) in order to offset the considerably higher labor costs, falling considerably behind in the sedan market segments to Japanese and European automakers.[32]

The UAW has tried to expand membership by organizing the employees outside of the Big Three. In 2010, Bob King hired Richard Bensinger to organize Japanese, Korean, and German transplant factories in the United States.[33][34]

In a representational election following a majority of the workers signing cards asking for UAW representation, in February, 2014 workers at Volkswagen's Chattanooga, Tennessee plant narrowly voted down the union 712 to 626.[35] However, the UAW organized a minority union Local 42,[36] which was voluntary and does not collect dues. After the close vote against the UAW, Volkswagen announced a new policy allowing groups representing at least 15% of the workforce to participate in meetings, with higher access tiers for groups representing 30% and 45% of employees.[37] This prompted anti-UAW workers who opposed the first vote to form a rival union, the American Council of Employees.[38] In December, 2014 the UAW was certified as representing more than 45% of employees.[39]

The union continues to engage in Michigan state politics. President King was a vocal opponent of the right-to-work legislation that passed over the objection of organized labor in December 2012.[40] The UAW also remains a major player in the state Democratic Party.[41]

In March 2020, the Detroit United Auto Workers union announced that after discussion with the leaders of General Motors, Ford, and Fiat Chrysler Automobiles, the carmakers would partially shut down factories on a "rotating" basis to combat the COVID-19 pandemic.[42]

Corruption and Reform in the UAW

A corruption probe by the Justice Department against UAW and 3 Fiat Chrysler executives was conducted during 2020 regarding several charges such as racketeering, embezzlement, and tax evasion.[43][44][45] It resulted in convictions of 12 union officials and 3 Fiat Chrysler executives, including two former Union Presidents, UAW paying back over $15 million in improper chargebacks to worker training centers, payment of $1.5 million to the IRS to settle tax issues, commitment to independent oversight for six years, and a referendum that reformed the election mode for leadership.[46][47][48] The "One Member One Vote" referendum vote in 2022 determined that UAW members could directly elect the members of the UAW International Executive Board (IEB), the highest ruling body of the UAW.[49]

Technical, Office, and Professional (TOP) Workers

District 65, a former affiliate of the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union that included as a predecessor the United Office and Professional Workers of America, merged into the UAW in 1989.[50]

In 2008, the 6,500 postdoctoral scholars (postdocs) at the ten campuses of the University of California, who, combined, account for 10% of the postdocs in the US, voted to affiliate with the UAW, creating the largest union for postdoctoral scholars in the country: UAW Local 5810.[51]

The expansion of UAW to academic circles, postdoctoral researchers in particular, was significant in that the move helped secure advances in pay that made unionized academic researchers among the best compensated in the country in addition to gaining unprecedented rights and protections.[52]

Presidents of the UAW

See also


  1. ^ "UAW History". United Auto Workers.
  2. ^ a b "About". United Auto Workers. Retrieved 24 February 2022.
  3. ^ a b "UAW locals map - Mapping American Social Movements". Retrieved October 7, 2021.
  4. ^ Bernstein, Irving A History of the American Worker 1933–1941: Turbulent Years (1970) pp 499–571
  5. ^ Nevins, Allan and Hill, Frank Ernest Ford: Decline and Rebirth 1933–1962 (1963), p. 140–141, 164–167, 233–242
  6. ^ a b c Boyle, Kevin (1995). The UAW and the Heyday of American Liberalism, 1945–1968. pp. 28–29. ISBN 9780801430640.
  7. ^ Devinatz, Victor G. "Reassessing the Historical UAW: Walter Reuther's Affiliation with the Communist Party and Something of its Meaning - a Document of Party Involvement, 1939." Labour 2002 (49): 223–245. ISSN 0700-3862 Fulltext: in History Cooperative
  8. ^ Nelson Lichtenstein, "Auto Worker Militancy and the Structure of Factory Life, 1937–1955," Journal of American History (1980) 67#2 pp 335–353, in JSTOR Archived 2016-01-13 at the Wayback Machine
  9. ^ a b c d e Lichtenstein, Nelson. The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit: Walter Reuther and the Fate of American Labor. Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 1995. ISBN 978-0-252-06626-9
  10. ^ Herman, Arthur. Freedom's Forge: How American Business Produced Victory in World War II, pp. 60–61, 68, 116–117, 215–217, 281, Random House, New York, NY, 2012. ISBN 978-1-4000-6964-4.
  11. ^ Cutler, Jonathan Labor's Time: Shorter Hours, the UAW, and the Struggle for American Unionism. (2004)
  12. ^ Brinkley, Alan Last of his kind" Archived 2016-03-06 at the Wayback Machine, New York Times, 17 December 1995
  13. ^ Janson, Donald. "U.A.W. and Teamsters Form Alliance." New York Times. July 24, 1968
  14. ^ Stetson, Damon. "2 Biggest Unions Set Up Alliance." New York Times. May 27, 1969.
  15. ^ "Mr. Clean and the Outcast." Time. June 6, 1969. Archived December 14, 2008, at the Wayback Machine
  16. ^ Barnard, John. American Vanguard: The United Auto Workers During the Reuther Years, 1935–1970. (2004)
  17. ^ Stetson, Damon. "New Labor Group Offers Program." New York Times. May 28, 1969.
  18. ^ Williams, Charles "The Racial Politics of Progressive Americanism: New Deal Liberalism and the Subordination of Black Workers in the UAW." Studies in American Political Development 2005 19(1): 75-97. ISSN 0898-588X
  19. ^ a b "Labor and environmentalists have been teaming up since the first Earth Day". Grist. April 2, 2010. Retrieved April 28, 2020.
  20. ^ "Meet 'Mr. Earth Day,' the Man Who Helped Organize the Annual Observance". Time. Retrieved April 28, 2020.
  21. ^ "The Rumpus Interview with Earth Day Organizer Denis Hayes". The April 2, 2009. Retrieved April 28, 2020.
  22. ^ Sorkin, Andrew Ross "A Bridge Loan? U.S. Should Guide G.M. in a Chapter 11" Archived 2017-04-05 at the Wayback Machine, New York Times, 18 November 2008]
  23. ^ Leonhardt, David (December 10, 2008). "$73 an Hour: Adding It Up". The New York Times. Archived from the original on March 31, 2011. Retrieved May 26, 2010.
  24. ^ General Motors Corporation 2007 Annual Report Archived 2009-02-06 at the Wayback Machine, p. 62.
  25. ^ Brenner, Mark and Slaughter, Jane "Cutting Wages Won't Solve Detroit 3's Crisis", Detroit News, 4 December 2008
  26. ^ Hoffman, Bryce G. "Jobs Bank Programs—12,000 Paid Not to Work." Detroit News. October 17, 2005.
  27. ^ Barkholz, David "UAW Agrees to Suspend Jobs Bank, Gettelfinger Says" Archived 2009-05-13 at the Wayback Machine, Automotive News, 3 December 2008]
  28. ^ Ivison, John "Automotive Bailout Must Not Be Free Ride", National Post, 2 March 2009] Archived April 2, 2009, at the Wayback Machine
  29. ^ Tankersley, Jim "No Easy Road for U.S. Auto Industry" Archived 2009-04-12 at the Wayback Machine, Los Angeles Times, 9 April 2009]
  30. ^ "Gas prices put Detroit Three in crisis mode". NBC News. June 2008. Retrieved October 2, 2015.
  31. ^ Vlasic, Bill and Bunkley, Nick "Hazardous Conditions for the Auto Industry" Archived 2017-01-12 at the Wayback Machine, New York Times, 1 October 2008]
  32. ^ Van Praet, Nicolas "CAW Girds For War" Archived February 16, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, Financial Post, 4 June 2008]
  33. ^ Ingrassia, Paul, "The United Auto Workers Test Drive a New Model", Wall Street Journal, 7 February 2011. Archived 2021-12-17 at the Wayback Machine.
  34. ^ Snavely, Brent and Thompson, Chrissie "UAW pickets Hyundai dealerships in support of fired Korean worker" Archived 2015-04-03 at the Wayback Machine, Detroit Free Press, 30 November 2011
  35. ^ Neal E. Boudette (February 15, 2014). "VW Workers in Chattanooga Reject Auto Workers Union". Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on October 4, 2015. Retrieved October 2, 2015.
  36. ^ Atkins, Joe (July 17, 2014). "UAW Local 42 in Chattanooga latest example of creative organizing in the South". Facing South. Retrieved December 6, 2021.
  37. ^ "VW welcomes UAW, other unions in Tenn". Detroit Free Press. November 12, 2014. Archived from the original on October 3, 2015. Retrieved October 2, 2015.
  38. ^ Lydia DePillis (November 19, 2014). "The strange case of the anti-union union at Volkswagen's plant in Tennessee". Washington Post. Archived from the original on October 4, 2015. Retrieved October 2, 2015.
  39. ^ "UAW certified to represent VW workers in Tennessee". Detroit Free Press. December 8, 2014. Archived from the original on October 4, 2015. Retrieved October 2, 2015.
  40. ^ Guyette, Kurt, "King Speaks" Archived 2013-02-11 at the Wayback Machine, metrotimes, 30 January 2013
  41. ^ Gray, Kathleen, "UAW spearheading search for challenger to Michigan Democratic Party chairman Mark Brewer" Archived 2013-02-06 at the Wayback Machine, Detroit Free Press, 5 February 2013
  42. ^ "Ford, GM, Fiat Chrysler, and United Auto Workers union agree to partial shutdown of US plants as coronavirus spreads, despite many in Europe shutting down completely". Business Insider. Retrieved March 18, 2020.
  43. ^ Wayland, Michael (June 3, 2020). "Ex-UAW president pleads guilty to racketeering and embezzlement as part of ongoing probe into union corruption". CNBC. Retrieved July 24, 2020.
  44. ^ Domonoske, Camila (June 3, 2020). "Former UAW President Gary Jones Pleads Guilty To Embezzlement, Racketeering". NPR. Retrieved July 24, 2020.
  45. ^ Naughton, Nora (August 28, 2019). "Federal Agents Search Home of United Auto Workers President". Wall Street Journal. ISSN 0099-9660. Retrieved July 24, 2020.
  46. ^ "UAW Reaches Settlement with Feds in Multiyear Corruption Probe". Wall Street Journal. December 14, 2020.
  47. ^ "The United States Reaches a Settlement with the United Auto Workers Union to Reform the Union and End Corruption and Fraud". December 14, 2020. Retrieved March 25, 2021.
  48. ^ "UAW Reaches Settlement Deal, Bringing Corruption Probe Closer To Completion". The National Law Review. Retrieved March 25, 2021.
  49. ^ "One Member One Vote". One Member One Vote (1M1V). Retrieved July 30, 2022.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  50. ^ Prial, Frank J. (February 26, 1987). "DISTRICT 65 BECOMES UNIT OF THE U.A.W." The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved September 12, 2021.
  51. ^ Hasemyer, David. "UC Labor Union Significant for Postdoctoral Research Archived 2010-06-02 at the Wayback Machine The San Diego Union-Tribune, July 6, 2009.
  52. ^ Benderly, Beryl Lieff "Taken for Granted: The New California Postdoc Contract" Archived 2012-07-14 at the Wayback Machine, Science, 3 September 2010
  53. ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on November 4, 2019. Retrieved November 4, 2019.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  54. ^ Booker, Brakkton (December 5, 2019). "UAW Names Rory Gamble As President, The First African American To Lead Union". NPR. Retrieved December 11, 2019.
  • Barnard, John. American Vanguard: The United Auto Workers During the Reuther Years, 1935–1970. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2004. ISBN 978-0-8143-2947-4.
  • Boyle, Kevin. The UAW and the Heyday of American Liberalism, 1945–1968. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995. ISBN 978-0-8014-8538-1
  • Associated Press. "Drop in U.A.W. Rolls Reflects Automakers' Problems." Associated Press. March 28, 2008. online
  • Lichtenstein, Nelson. The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit: Walter Reuther and the Fate of American Labor. Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 1995. ISBN 978-0-252-06626-9
  • Lichtenstein, Nelson. "Auto Worker Militancy and the Structure of Factory Life, 1937–1955," Journal of American History 67 (1980): 335–353, in JSTOR
  • Thomas, Ken. "UAW Membership, Dues Declined Last Year." Associated Press. April 12, 2007. online

Further reading

  • Bromsen, Amy. "'They all sort of disappeared': The Early Cohort of UAW Women Leaders," Michigan Historical Review (2011) 37#1 pp 5–39.
  • Goode, Bill. Infighting in the UAW: The 1946 Election and the Ascendancy of Walter Reuther.
  • Kornhauser, Arthur; Sheppard, Harold L.; and Mayer, Albert J. When Labor Votes: A Study of Auto Workers. (1956)
  • Lewis-Colman, David M. Race against Liberalism: Black Workers and the UAW in Detroit (2008) excerpt and text search
  • Lichtenstein, Nelson and Meyer, Stephen, eds. On the Line: Essays in the History of Auto Work. Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 1988. ISBN 9780252060151, OCLC 17509747
  • Lichtenstein, Nelson (1985), "UAW bargaining strategy and shop-floor conflict", Industrial Relations: A Journal of Economy and Society, 24 (3): 360–381, doi:10.1111/j.1468-232X.1985.tb01037.x
  • Sherk, J. "UAW Workers Actually Cost the Big Three Automakers $70 an Hour." December 8, 2008. The Heritage Foundation. online
  • Steigerwald, David. "Walter Reuther, the UAW, and the dilemmas of automation," Labor History (2010) 51#3 pp 429–453.
  • Tillman, Ray M. "Reform Movement in the Teamsters and United Auto Workers." In The Transformation of U.S. Unions: Voices, Visions, and Strategies from the Grassroots.Michael S. Cummings and Ray Tillman eds. (1999) ISBN 978-1-55587-813-9.
  • Williams, Charles. "Americanism and anti-communism: the UAW and repressive liberalism before the red scare," Labor History (2012) 53#4 pp 495–515
  • Williams, Charles. "Reconsidering CIO Political Culture: Briggs Local 212 and the Sources of Militancy in the Early UAW," Labor: Studies in Working Class History of the Americas (2010) 7#4 pp 17–43; focus on Local 212 president Emil Mazey
  • Zieger, Robert H. The CIO, 1935–1955.. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1995. ISBN 978-0-8078-2182-4

Primary sources

  • Christman, Henry M. ed. Walter P. Reuther: Selected Papers. Paperback ed. Whitefish, Mont.: Kessinger Publishing Company, 2007.

External links

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