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U.S. Labor Party

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The U.S. Labor Party (USLP) was a political party formed in 1973 by the National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC).[1] It served as a vehicle for Lyndon LaRouche to run for President of the United States in 1976, but it also sponsored many candidates for local offices and Congressional and Senate seats between 1972 and 1979. After that the political arm of the NCLC was the National Democratic Policy Committee. The party was the subject of a number of controversies and lawsuits during its short existence.

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  • ✪ The Progressive Era: Crash Course US History #27
  • ✪ The Roaring 20's: Crash Course US History #32
  • ✪ POLITICAL THEORY - Karl Marx


Episode 27: Progressive Era Hi, I’m John Green, this is CrashCourse U.S. history, and today we’re gonna talk about Progressives. No Stan Progressives. Yes. You know, like these guys who used to want to bomb the means of production, but also less radical Progressives. Mr. Green, Mr. Green. Are we talking about, like, tumblr progressive where it’s half discussions of misogyny and half high-contrast images of pizza? Because if so, I can get behind that. Me from the past, your anachronism is showing. Your Internet was green letters on a black screen. But no, The Progressive Era was not like tumblr, however I will argue that it did indirectly make tumblr and therefore JLaw gifsets possible, so that’s something. So some of the solutions that progressives came up with to deal with issues of inequality and injustice don’t seem terribly progressive today, and also it kinda overlapped with the gilded age, and progressive implies, like, progress, presumably progress toward freedom and justice, which is hard to argue about an era that involved one of the great restrictions on freedom in American history, prohibition. So maybe we shouldn’t call it the Progressive Era at all. I g--Stan, whatever, roll the intro. Intro So, if the Gilded Age was the period when American industrial capitalism came into its own, and people like Mark Twain began to criticize its associated problems, then the Progressive era was the age in which people actually tried to solve those problems through individual and group action. As the economy changed, Progressives also had to respond to a rapidly changing political system. The population of the U.S. was growing and its economic power was becoming ever more concentrated. And sometimes, Progressives responded to this by opening up political participation and sometimes by trying to restrict the vote. The thing is, broad participatory democracy doesn’t always result in effective government--he said, sounding like the Chinese national Communist Party. And that tension between wanting to have government for, of, and by the people and wanting to have government that’s, like, good at governing kind of defined the Progressive era. And also our era. But progressives were most concerned with the social problems that revolved around industrial capitalist society. And most of these problems weren’t new by 1900, but some of the responses were. Companies and, later, corporations had a problem that had been around at least since the 1880s: they needed to keep costs down and profits high in a competitive market. And one of the best ways to do this was to keep wages low, hours long, and conditions appalling: your basic house-elf situation. Just kidding, house elves didn’t get wages. Also, by the end of the 19th century, people started to feel like these large, monopolistic industrial combinations, the so-called trusts, were exerting too much power over people’s lives. The 1890s saw federal attempts to deal with these trusts, such as the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, but overall, the Federal Government wasn’t where most progressive changes were made. For instance, there was muckraking, a form of journalism in which reporters would find some muck and rake it. Mass circulation magazines realized they could make money by publishing exposés of industrial and political abuse, so they did. Oh, it’s time for the Mystery Document? I bet it involves muck. The rules here are simple. I guess the author of the Mystery Document. I’m either correct or I get shocked. “Let a man so much as scrape his finger pushing a truck in the pickle-rooms, and all the joints in his fingers might be eaten by the acid, one by one. Of the butchers and floormen, the beef-boners and trimmers, and all those who used knives, you could scarcely find a person who had the use of his thumb; time and time again the base of it had been slashed, till it was a mere lump of flesh against which the man pressed the knife to hold it. ... They would have no nails – they had worn them off pulling hides.” Wow. Well now I am hyper-aware of and grateful for my thumbs. They are just in excellent shape. I am so glad, Stan, that I am not a beef-boner at one of the meat-packing factories written about in The Jungle by Upton Sinclair. No shock for me! Oh Stan, I can only imagine how long and hard you’ve worked to get the phrase “beef-boner” into this show. And you finally did it. Congratulations. By the way, just a little bit of trivia: The Jungle was the first book I ever read that made me vomit. So that’s a review. I don’t know if it’s positive, but there you go. Anyway, at the time, readers of The Jungle were more outraged by descriptions of rotten meat than by the treatment of meatpacking workers: The Jungle led to the Pure Food and Drug Act and the Meat Inspection Act of 1906. That’s pretty cool for Upton Sinclair, although my books have also led to some federal legislation, such as the HAOPT, which officially declared Hazel and Augustus the nation’s OTP. So, to be fair, writers had been describing the harshness of industrial capitalism for decades, so muckraking wasn’t really that new, but the use of photography for documentation was. Lewis Hine, for instance, photographed child laborers in factories and mines, bringing Americans face to face with the more than 2 million children under the age of 15 working for wages. And Hine’s photos helped bring about laws that limited child labor. But even more important than the writing and photographs and magazines when it came to improving conditions for workers was Twitter … what’s that? There was no twitter? Still? What is this 1812? Alright, so apparently still without Twitter, workers had to organize into unions to get corporations to reduce hours and raise their pay. Also some employers started to realize on their own that one way to mitigate some of the problems of industrialization was to pay workers better, like in 1914, Henry Ford paid his workers an average of $5 per day, unheard of at the time. . Whereas today I pay Stan and Danica 3x that and still they whine. Ford’s reasoning was that better-paid workers would be better able to afford the Model Ts that they were making. And indeed, Ford’s annual output rose from 34,000 cars to 730,000 between 1910 and 1916, and the price of a Model T dropped from $700 to $316. Still, Henry Ford definitely forgot to be awesome sometimes; he was anti-Semitic, he used spies in his factories, and he named his child Edsel. Also like most employers at the turn of the century, he was virulently anti-union. So, while the AFL was organizing the most privileged industrial workers, another union grew up to advocate for rights for a larger swath of the workforce, especially the immigrants who dominated unskilled labor: The International Workers of the World. They were also known as the Wobblies, and they were founded in 1905 to advocate for “every wage-worker, no matter what his religion, fatherland or trade,” and not, as the name Wobblies suggests, just those fans of wibbly-wobbly-timey-wimey. The Wobblies were radical socialists; ultimately they wanted to see capitalism and the state disappear in revolution. Now, most progressives didn’t go that far, but some, following the ideas of Henry George, worried that economic progress could produce a dangerous unequal distribution of wealth that could only be cured by … taxes. But, more Progressives were influenced by Simon W. Patten who prophesied that industrialization would bring about a new civilization where everyone would benefit from the abundance and all the leisure time that all these new labor-saving devices could bring. This optimism was partly spurred by the birth of a mass consumption society. I mean, Americans by 1915 could purchase all kinds of new-fangled devices, like washing machines, or vacuum cleaners, automobiles, record players. It’s worth underscoring that all this happened in a couple generations: I mean, in 1850, almost everyone listened to music and washed their clothes in nearly the same way that people did 10,000 years ago. And then BOOM. And for many progressives, this consumer culture, to quote our old friend Eric Foner, “became the foundation for a new understanding of freedom as access to the cornucopia of goods made available by modern capitalism.” And this idea was encouraged by new advertising that connected goods with freedom, using “liberty” as a brand name or affixing the Statue of Liberty to a product. By the way, Crash Course is made exclusively in the United States of America, the greatest nation on earth ever. (Libertage.) That’s a lie, of course, but you’re allowed to lie in advertising. But in spite of this optimism, most progressives were concerned that industrial capitalism, with its exploitation of labor and concentration of wealth, was limiting, rather than increasing freedom, but depending on how you defined “freedom,” of course. Industrialization created what they referred to as “the labor problem” as mechanization diminished opportunities for skilled workers and the supervised routine of the factory floor destroyed autonomy. The scientific workplace management advocated by efficiency expert Frederick W. Taylor required rigid rules and supervision in order to heighten worker productivity. So if you’ve ever had a job with a defined number of bathroom breaks, that’s why. Also “Taylorism” found its way into classrooms; and anyone who’s had to sit in rows for 45 minute periods punctuated by factory-style bells knows that this atmosphere is not particularly conducive to a sense of freedom. Now this is a little bit confusing because while responding to worker exploitation was part of the Progressive movement, so was Taylorism itself because it was an application of research, observation, and expertise in response to the vexing problem of how to increase productivity. And this use of scientific experts is another hallmark of the Progressive era, one that usually found its expression in politics. American Progressives, like their counterparts in the Green Sections of Not-America, sought government solutions to social problems. Germany, which is somewhere over here, pioneered “social legislation” with its minimum wage, unemployment insurance and old age pension laws, but the idea that government action could address the problems and insecurities that characterized the modern industrial world, also became prominent in the United States. And the notion that an activist government could enhance rather than threaten people’s freedom was something new in America. Now, Progressives pushing for social legislation tended to have more success at the state and local level, especially in cities, which established public control over gas and water and raised taxes to pay for transportation and public schools. Whereas federally the biggest success was, like, Prohibition, which, you know, not that successful. But anyway, if all that local collectivist investment sounds like Socialism, it kind of is. I mean, by 1912 the Socialist Party had 150,000 members and had elected scores of local officials like Milwaukee mayor Emil Seidel. Some urban progressives even pushed to get rid of traditional democratic forms altogether. A number of cities were run by commissions of experts or city managers, who would be chosen on the basis of some demonstrated expertise or credential rather than their ability to hand out turkeys at Christmas or find jobs for your nephew’s sister’s cousin. Progressive editor Walter Lippman argued for applying modern scientific expertise to solve social problems in his 1914 book Drift and Mastery, writing that scientifically trained experts “could be trusted more fully than ordinary citizens to solve America’s deep social problems.” This tension between government by experts and increased popular democratic participation is one of the major contradictions of the Progressive era. The 17th amendment allowed for senators to be elected directly by the people rather than by state legislatures, and many states adopted primaries to nominate candidates, again taking power away from political parties and putting it in the hands of voters. And some states, particularly western ones like California adopted aspects of even more direct democracy, the initiative, which allowed voters to put issues on the ballot, and the referendum, which allows them to vote on laws directly. And lest you think that more democracy is always good, I present you with California. But many Progressives wanted actual policy made by experts who knew what was best for the people, not the people themselves. And despite primaries in direct elections of senators it’s hard to argue that the Progressive Era was a good moment for democratic participation, since many Progressives were only in favor of voting insofar as it was done by white, middle class, Protestant voters. Alright. Let’s Go to the Thought Bubble. Progressives limited immigrants’ participation in the political process through literacy tests and laws requiring people to register to vote. Voter registration was supposedly intended to limit fraud and the power of political machines. Stop me if any of this sounds familiar, but it actually just suppressed voting generally. Voting gradually declined from 80% of male Americans voting in the 1890s to the point where today only about 50% of eligible Americans vote in presidential elections. But an even bigger blow to democracy during the Progressive era came with the Jim Crow laws passed by legislatures in southern states, which legally segregated the South. First, there was the deliberate disenfranchisement of African Americans. The 15th amendment made it illegal to deny the right to vote based on race, color or previous condition of servitude but said nothing about the ability to read, so many Southern states instituted literacy requirements. Other states added poll taxes, requiring people to pay to vote, which effectively disenfranchised large numbers of African American people, who were disproportionately poor. The Supreme Court didn’t help: In 1896, it made one of its most famous bad decisions, Plessy v. Ferguson, ruling that segregation in public accommodations, in Homer Plessy’s case a railroad car, did not violate the 14th amendment’s Equal Protection clause. As long as black railroad cars were equal to white ones, it was A-OK to have duplicate sets of everything. Now, creating two sets of equal quality of everything would get really expensive, so Southern states didn’t actually do it. Black schools, public restrooms, public transportation opportunities--the list goes on and on--would definitely be separate, and definitely not equal. Thanks, ThoughtBubble. Now, of course, as we’ve seen Progressive ideas inspired a variety of responses, both for Taylorism and against it, both for government by experts and for direct democracy. Similarly, in the Progressive era, just as the Jim Crow laws were being passed, there were many attempts to improve the lives of African Americans. The towering figure in this movement to “uplift” black southerners was Booker T. Washington, a former slave who became the head of the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, a center for vocational education. And Washington urged southern black people to emphasize skills that could make them successful in the contemporary economy. The idea was that they would earn the respect of white people by demonstrating their usefulness and everyone would come to respect each other through the recognition of mutual dependence while continuing to live in separate social spheres. But Washington’s accommodationist stance was not shared by all African Americans. WEB DuBois advocated for full civil and political rights for black people and helped to found the NAACP, which urged African Americans to fight for their rights through “persistent, manly agitation.” So I wanted to talk about the Progressive Era today not only because it shows up on a lot of tests, but because Progressives tried to tackle many of the issues that we face today, particularly concerning immigration and economic justice, and they used some of the same methods that we use today: organization, journalistic exposure, and political activism. Now, we may use tumblr or tea party forums, but the same concerns motivate us to work together. And just as today, many of their efforts were not successful because of the inherent difficulty in trying to mobilize very different interests in a pluralistic nation. In some ways their platforms would have been better suited to an America that was less diverse and complex. But it was that very diversity and complexity that gave rise and still gives rise to the urge toward progress in the first place. Thanks for watching. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Meredith Danko. The associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, Rosianna Rojas, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Café. Every week there’s a new caption for the libertage. You can suggest captions in comments where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course. If you like it, and if you’re watching the credits you probably do, make sure you’re subscribed. And as we say in my hometown don’t forget to be awesome...That was more dramatic than it sounded. Progressive Era -


Party objectives and ideology

At first the party was leftist, "preaching Marxist revolution."[2][3] A state leader described the aims of the party and its organ, New Solidarity, as supporting the working class against capitalism, Nelson Rockefeller, and Leonard Woodcock, head of the United Auto Workers.[4] The USLP predicted collapse of the monetary system by November 1976 and thermonuclear war by 1977.[1] It opposed the Rockefeller family and had a reputation for harassing the Communist Party, the United Auto Workers, and other political foes.[1] In a 1974 interview, the USLP candidate for Governor of Michigan characterized the Watergate scandal as a "deliberate attempt" to discredit Richard Nixon and weaken the presidency.[5] By 1977 the party had shifted from the left to politics of the extreme right.[2]



The U.S. Labor Party was noted for its controversial campaign tactics, and its invective against other politicians.[6] Nelson Rockefeller, the former Governor of New York who was nominated to be vice president by Gerald Ford in 1974, was an early target of the USLP's attention. During the Senate's confirmation hearings, LaRouche appeared on behalf of the USLP as a witness against Rockefeller's nomination. He testified that a USLP survey showed 90 percent of U.S. workers and the unemployed hated Rockefeller.[7]

In 1974 the Wisconsin branch of the Labor Party took out a newspaper advertisement announcing that it had filed for an injunction to prevent the CIA, FBI, and the New York Police Department from arresting Lyndon LaRouche (then known as Lyn Marcus) or anyone involved in the movement's kidnapping of Christopher White, who had married LaRouche's former common-law wife. According to detailed descriptions by LaRouche, White had been brainwashed by the CIA and KGB to kill him.[8] The advertisement further reported that the movement had found a cure for psychosis and encouraged mental health professionals to contact them to develop this discovery.[9] USLP member Harley Schlanger, a candidate for the House of Representatives, sued the Mecklenburg County, North Carolina, ABC liquor board in August 1976, for prohibiting campaigning on their property, which he contended was public property. The North Carolina ACLU joined the suit.[10] The district court judge decided that the activity was protected free speech that could not be prohibited so long as activists did not block doorways.[11]

One of the U.S. Labor Party's strategies focused on disrupting other left-wing groups, with questionable success. William Chapman wrote in The Washington Post in September 1976 that several public figures on the left had reported threats and intimidation, and said those responsible had identified themselves as members of LaRouche's NCLC or U.S. Labor Party. The linguist and political activist Noam Chomsky was accused of working for the CIA and being a tool of the Rockefellers; meetings he addressed were disrupted, and threats were made. The philosopher Paul Kurtz, editor of The Humanist, was asked during his lectures at the State University of New York why he was practicing genocide. According to Chapman, sociologists Richard Cloward and Frances Fox Piven, specialists on urban poverty, were followed around the country having their speaking tours disrupted. Environmentalist Lester Brown was accused of genocide and told he would be hanged from a lamppost. LaRouche was asked how he expected a party with a five-year record of harassment and threats to win the election; he did not deny the incidents, but replied, "We are only engaged in an open political attack. We just want to challenge them in debate." He denied however that anyone had been threatened with physical harm: "Sure, we're going to get them – but politically."[6]

The U.S. Labor Party was well financed, operating from the top floor of a building in New York's garment district. A teletype network connected the New York office to branches in a further 13 U.S. cities, and also included a two-way, 24-hour link to Wiesbaden, Germany. Membership was small, ranging from 20 to 100 people per city, with a core of 1,000 to 1,800 members; according to LaRouche, these were complemented by another 13,000 part-time party organizers. LaRouche said the party was funded by members' dues, other small contributions, and the sale of publications like The Campaigner and New Solidarity – one a theoretical journal, the other a twice-weekly newspaper. The party fielded candidates in local and congressional elections, generally garnering only insignificant percentages of the popular vote; but there were exceptions – in Seattle, a Labor Party member running for the city council won 27 percent of the vote, with another candidate who ran for city treasurer garnering 20 percent.[6]

Presidential campaign

In an appearance on Meet the Press with other minor party candidates in October 1976, LaRouche predicted monetary collapse followed by thermonuclear war before summer if Jimmy Carter were elected.[12] LaRouche also described Carter as "a nitwit to begin with, an empty slop jar into which bad lemonade is being poured."[6] However, conservative Republicans like President Ford fared better, incongruously so, given the Labor Party's stated left-wing stance. "I call them honest Americans", LaRouche said.[6] He described Ford as "weak but well-meaning"[13] and "a known quantity we can live with".[6]

On November 1, the eve of the election, the USLP purchased a half-hour block of time on NBC, the first of many national broadcasts by LaRouche that would follow in election years to come. The time was purchased over the objection of the network which unsuccessfully appealed the last-minute purchase to the Federal Election Commission. During the broadcast, which ran opposite a similar advertisement from Carter on another network, LaRouche said that Carter would have the U.S "irreversibly committed to nuclear war by no later than November of 1977" if elected. According to LaRouche's autobiography, he

...blew the policy of James R. Schlesinger, for an early nuclear confrontation with Moscow, and exposed the genocidal policies which key Carter backers, such as George Ball, had publicly demanded as measures for drastic population reduction of nations such as Mexico. More broadly, I presented a policy of international monetary reform, as alternative to a deepening crisis in the developing sector...[14]

NBC reported receiving hundreds of calls protesting the broadcast.[15]

LaRouche's name was on the ballot in 23 states plus the District of Columbia on November 2, 1976. He received 40,043 votes (0.05%). U.S. Labor Party candidates sometimes received unusually high vote totals in comparison with those garnered by other small ideologically-based parties.[16]

Following the election, the USLP brought lawsuits in three states challenging Carter's victory. The Republican Party joined the suits in Ohio and New York. Regional coordinator Paul Greenberg sought a recount in Milwaukee, saying "the election has actually been stolen — the actual winner was probably Jerry Ford."[17]

For more information on LaRouche's 1976 presidential campaign and the movement's legal disputes with the FEC, see Lyndon LaRouche U.S. Presidential campaigns.


In August 1977, the USLP said that the Federal Election Commission (FEC) was intentionally harassing the group as a result of a determination that forgiven debts were the equivalent of campaign contributions.[18] The same month the USLP hired a former OSS and CIA operative, mercenary, firearms engineer and arms dealer, Colonel Mitch WerBell, to protect LaRouche. They said that LaRouche, then living in Wiesbaden, Germany, was being targeted for assassination by the "Baader-Meinhof Gang", allegedly on behalf of the Carter administration. Werbell in turn recruited the chief of police from his town, Powder Springs, Georgia, to set up the security.[19]

In 1978, LaRouche began a vigorous USLP campaign for the presidency in 1980, targeting farmers, small businessmen and Teamsters Union members in the Heartland states.

In May 1978, USLP Steering Committee member Elliott Eisenberg campaigned in a Chicago suburb, saying that "the reason we picked Schaumburg is because it's a relatively conservative area ... There's more of a tendency for people to support nuclear power."[20]

The USLP vice-presidential candidate, Khushro Ghandhi, campaigned in June 1979 and predicted victory based on support from the Teamsters (a faction of the union had ties to LaRouche). Running on a pro-nuclear power platform, Ghandhi said that the recent Three Mile Island accident was ordered by Energy Secretary James R. Schlesinger in order to create a false energy crisis.[21]

By late summer of 1979 the NCLC and LaRouche had decided to join the Democratic Party so that LaRouche could run for that party's presidential nomination, and the U.S. Labor Party was disbanded. In 1982 the USLP was sued for $1.5 million in damages by U.S. News & World Report when one of its employees allegedly impersonated a reporter.[22] The magazine won an injunction against the party publications. Lyndon LaRouche, when asked about the matter, said, "I don't know anything about it and I never looked into it, but I do know that the liberal press uses undercover press practices that are abhorrent and beneath description."[23]

Far-right contacts

The U.S. Labor Party had contacts with several notable figures on the extreme right wing of American politics. By the late 1970s, members were exchanging almost daily information with Roy Frankhouser, a government informant and infiltrator of both far right and far left groups who was involved with the Ku Klux Klan and the American Nazi Party.[24][25] The LaRouche organization believed Frankhouser to be a federal agent who had been assigned to infiltrate right-wing and left-wing groups, and that he had evidence that these groups were actually being manipulated or controlled by the FBI and other agencies.[26][27] LaRouche and his associates considered Frankhouser to be a valuable intelligence contact, and took his links to racist and anti-Semitic groups to be a cover for his intelligence work.[28] Frankhouser played into these expectations, misrepresenting himself as a conduit for communications to LaRouche from "Mr. Ed", an alleged CIA contact, who did not exist.[29] Frankhouser was convicted in 1975 of conspiring to sell half a ton of dynamite in connection with a school bus bombing that left one man dead, and had marched on Fifth Avenue in New York wearing a Gestapo uniform. LaRouche had organized his defense campaign regarding the dynamite charges. Frankhouser asserted he was working for the government and was sentenced to five years of probation instead of the decades in prison he could have received.[30]

Frankhouser warned LaRouche in 1977 that, according to his claimed CIA contact "Mr. Ed", he was being considered for assassination, and introduced him to Mitchell WerBell III, a noted Office of Strategic Services (OSS) and Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) operative, mercenary, operator of a counterterrorism school, accused drug trafficker, firearms engineer, and arms dealer who said he had an ongoing connection to the CIA.[24][31] LaRouche developed close ties with WerBell, hiring him as a security consultant for protection against the assumed assassination threat and to train his security staff.[32][33][34] It was WerBell who arranged for LaRouche movement members to undergo anti-terrorist training. John George and Laird Wilcox say WerBell learned that the way to keep "LaRouche on the hook was to feed his monstrous ego while jerking his paranoia chain".[35]

Frankhouser cultivated a contact with a media source in New York, enabling him to tip off LaRouche about upcoming stories before they became public.[24] In 1979, Frankhouser was also placed on the payroll as a security consultant, having convinced LaRouche that he was actively connected to U.S. intelligence agencies. A government official later said that Frankhouser was one of the few people who could call LaRouche directly.[36] Forrest Lee Fick, an associate of Frankhouser from the KKK, was added as a consultant in 1982.[36] Fick helped Frankhouser, who was not a competent writer, to compose the memos from "Mr. Ed"; they appeared so authentic that when news about them began to leak out via defectors from LaRouche's security organization, journalists began to speculate about the identity of "Mr. Ed".[24] Frankhouser and Fick later testified that, to justify their $700-per-week paychecks, they had invented their connections to the CIA, written memos purporting to be from CIA agents, and warned of imaginary assassination plots against the LaRouches.[37] George and Wilcox called Frankhouser's deception "one of the biggest hoaxes in the annals of political extremism", made possible by what they called LaRouche's "obsession with conspiracy theories" and intelligence gathering.[38]

The USLP also had brief contact with the Liberty Lobby led by Willis Carto. Carto had some exploratory talks with LaRouche about a joint strategy against the IRS, but the contact was marked by much mutual suspicion. Carto was troubled by the number of Jews in the U.S. Labor Party, and by their adherence to basic socialist positions, including their support for central banking, while Labor Party members considered people in the Liberty Lobby "red-necks" and "idiots".[39]


In 1979, a two-part article by Howard Blum and Paul L. Montgomery appeared in the New York Times that accused LaRouche of running a cult.[40] Blum wrote that LaRouche had turned the U.S. Labor Party—with 1,000 members listed in 37 offices in North America, and 26 in Europe and Latin America—into an extreme-right, anti-Semitic organization, despite the presence of Jewish members. The Times alleged that members had taken courses in how to use knives and rifles, and had produced reports for South Africa on anti-apartheid groups in the United States. A farm in upstate New York was allegedly being used for guerrilla training, attended by LaRouche members from Germany and Mexico. Several members also underwent a six-day anti-terrorist training course, at a cost of $200 per person per day, at a camp in Powder Springs, Georgia, run by WerBell.[31]

The Times reported that U.S. Labor Party members were playing a dominant role in a number of companies in Manhattan: Computron Technologies Corporation, which included Mobil Oil and Citibank among its clients; World Composition Services, which the Times wrote had one of the most advanced typesetting complexes in the city and had the Ford Foundation among its clients; and PMR Associates, a printing shop that produced the party's publications and some high school newspapers (see below).[31]

Blum wrote that, from 1976 onwards, party members were transmitting intelligence reports on left-wing members to the FBI and local police. In 1977, he wrote, commercial reports on U.S. anti-apartheid groups were prepared by LaRouche members for the South African government, student dissidents were reported to the Shah of Iran's Savak secret police, and the anti-nuclear movement was investigated on behalf of power companies. He also wrote that LaRouche was telling his membership several times a year that he was being targeted for assassination, including by the Queen, "big-time Zionist mobsters," the Council on Foreign Relations, the Justice Department, and the Mossad.[31]

LaRouche denied the newspaper's charges, and said he had filed a $100 million libel suit. His press secretary said the series was intended "to set up a credible climate for an assassination hit".[41]

The USLP has also been called a "radical and cult-like group".[42] Milton Copulos of the Heritage Foundation described the USLP as "a virulently anti-Semitic outgrowth of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS)" which used the Fusion Energy Foundation as a front to "win the confidence of unsuspecting businessmen".[43] Washington Post columnist Richard Cohen wrote that the USLP began "on the political left but has since gone so far in the opposite direction that to call it politically right is to slander the entire conservative movement".[44] Labor-union journalist Victor Riesel, while writing of "anti-capitalistic movements, ranging all the way from the Communist Party U.S.A. to the Trotskyite Socialist Workers' Party", said in 1976 "the most extreme activists in this sprawling radicalism are the youthful U.S. Labor Party".[45] Civil Rights activist Julian Bond called the party "a group of leftwing fascists".[46]

LaRouche critic and biographer Dennis King says that when the USLP sponsored LaRouche's 1976 campaign, the NCLC was still in transition from a far-left to far-right ideology[16] but by 1977-1978 both organizations (which were really one and the same for all essential purposes) were advocating extreme-right positions. King described a typical post-transition USLP campaign in Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism (Doubleday, 1989):

In Baltimore, USLP candidate Debra Freeman appealed openly to racist and anti-Semitic sentiments in her 1978 campaign against incumbent Congressman Parren Mitchell, chairman of the Black Congressional Caucus. Freeman, who is white, described Mitchell as a 'house nigger' for Baltimore's 'Zionists' and an example of 'bestiality' in politics....She won more than 11 percent of the vote, doing especially well in several white precincts.[47]

The NCLC had used similar language as early as 1974, when an alderman in Madison, Wisconsin, was called a "house nigger" at a city-council meeting.[48] According to Dennis King, the USLP chairman advocated launching ABC (atomic, biological and chemical) warfare against the Soviet Union[49] as well as the military crushing of Britain (which his newspaper described as the headquarters of the "Zionist-British organism").[47][50]

National Democratic Policy Committee

The National Democratic Policy Committee (NDPC), a political action committee, is regarded as the successor to the USLP.[51] LaRouche's politics were not shared by many in the Democratic Party, allowing him to occupy a niche with little competition.[47] In 1986, the NDPC was reported to have fielded candidates in "146 congressional races, 14 Senate contests, seven governors' contests and more than 600 state legislative and party posts."[52]

No more will the United States fight World Wars to save the British Empire in any shape or guise. No more will the United States tolerate the British system, whether colonial or neo-colonial. No more will the United States tolerate the economics of Adam Smith in any part of the world. We are going to take this aching, poor, hungry world and we're going to transform it with American methods. We're going to transform it through the export and development of high technology, we're going to have Manhattan Projects and NASA projects and every dirigiste, Federally-directed, scientific crazed program that we deem necessary.

— Lyndon LaRouche, at the opening of the National Democratic Policy Committee, 1979.

USLP candidates

NDPC candidates and personnel

This list includes those who have been identified as holding a position within the NDPC and candidates who have run in two or more races, won primaries, or have otherwise gained attention while running NDPC candidates or otherwise identified as "LaRouche Democrats".

See also


  1. ^ a b c d U.S. Labor Party (1973–), National party conventions, 1831-1976'," Congressional Quarterly, 1979, p. 197.
  2. ^ a b Reich, Kenneth (September 21, 1977). "Tiny U.S. Labor Party Seeks Allies on the Right". Los Angeles Times, page A3.
  3. ^ Kenney, Charles (Feb 17, 1980). "Fringe Candidate Or A Threat? The Lyndon Larouche Campaign". Boston Globe. p. 1.
  4. ^ Leman, Jim (November 1, 1974). "Labor Party campaigns". Anderson Daily Bulletin. p. 3.
  5. ^ "Candidate Blasts Rockefellers". The News-Palladium. Benton Harbor, Michigan. October 11, 1974. p. 8.
  6. ^ a b c d e f Chapman, September 12, 1976.
  7. ^ "Audit Delays Rockefeller Vote". The Capital Times. September 27, 1974. p. 4.
  8. ^ "The Cult Controversy". The Washington Post. January 30, 1999. Retrieved May 26, 2010.
  9. ^ The Madison Labor Committee (January 13, 1974). "International Caucus Of Labour Committees". Wisconsin State Journal. p. 22. |section= ignored (help)
  10. ^ "Labor Party Sues ABC Board". High Point Enterprise. August 24, 1976. p. 2B.
  11. ^ Perkins, Bo (October 24, 1977). "ABC board checks political soliciting". The Gastonia Gazette. Gastonia, North Carolina. p. B1.
  12. ^ Cullen, Robert B. (October 18, 1976). "Both Ford, Carter Slow Down Campaigns to Catch Breaths". IDaho State Journal. Pocatello, Idaho. p. B10.
  13. ^ "Brand X candidates plug away". The Montana Standard. Butte-Anaconda, Montana. October 18, 1976.
  14. ^ LaRouche, Lyndon, The Power of Reason:1988, Executive Intelligence Review, 1987
  15. ^ "Attack on Carter protested". Corpus Christi Times. November 2, 1976. p. 5B.
  16. ^ a b King, Dennis. "NCLC Makes Election Inroads." Our Town (part 6 in a 12-part series, 1979–1980)
  17. ^ "Carter Victory Faces Challenge in 3 States". Bridgeport Telegram. December 2, 1976. p. 41.
  18. ^ "U.S. Labor Party charges federal harassment". VALLEY NEWS. Van Nuys, Calif. August 26, 1977. p. 17.
  19. ^ Hayslett, Charles (August 5, 1977). "Small town police fall into international mystery". The News. Port Arthur, Texas. p. 12.
  20. ^ Cokes, Paul (May 24, 1978). "Labor Party cause on street". The Daily Herald. p. I5.
  21. ^ "Labor Party supports power". Syracuse Herald-Journal. June 1, 1979. p. 26N.
  22. ^ "Magazine Sues U.S. Labor Party Over Impersonation Of A Reporter" AP. New York Times. New York, N.Y.: August 20, 1982. pg. D.16
  23. ^ Lynch, Patricia (March–April 1985). "Is Lyndon LaRouche using your name?". Columbia Journalism Review. pp. 42–46.
  24. ^ a b c d George & Wilcox 1992, pp. 319–320.
  25. ^ Blum, October 7, 1979, Shenon 1986, and Sims 1996, p. 63.
  26. ^ EIR, July 17, 1975
  27. ^ "The Busing Plot: CIA Plans Fall Race Riots, Organizes Both Sides"[1], EIR, July 8, 1974
  28. ^ George & Wilcox 1992, pp. 319–320, King 1989, p. 201, Blum, October 7, 1979.
  29. ^ George & Wilcox 1992, pp. 319–320, King 1989, p. 201.
  30. ^ Shenon 1986; Sims 1996, p. 63
  31. ^ a b c d Blum 1979
  32. ^ Donner & Rothenberg 1980
  33. ^ LaRouche in Dope, Inc., 1986, p. 549
  34. ^ Van Deerlin 1986
  35. ^ George & Wilcox 1996, p. 292
  36. ^ a b Clark & Weibel 1987
  37. ^ Mintz, December 18, 1987; Wald 1987.
  38. ^ George & Wilcox 1996, p. 289
  39. ^ George & Wilcox 1992, p. 318.
  40. ^ Blum 1979; Montgomery 1979
  41. ^ Kenney 1980
  42. ^ Laver, Ross (January 2, 1980). "Nuclear Group Raises Funds For Right-Wing Party In U.S.". The Globe and Mail. Toronto, Ontario. p. 5.
  43. ^ Copulos, Milt (April 14, 1983). "Radicals Ride on Legitimate Issues". Titusville Herald. Titusville, PA. p. 4.
  44. ^ Cohen, Richard (December 20, 1979). "Let him run for president with his own bucks". Daily Herald (Arlington Heights). Arlington Heights, Illinois. p. 12. Retrieved 2014-02-23.
  45. ^ "Extremists Attract New Following". Syracuse Post-Standard. September 30, 1976. p. 6.
  46. ^ "Bond Says Ethnic Remark Was Racist". High Point Enterprise. Associated Press. April 27, 1976. p. 5A.
  47. ^ a b c King, Dennis. Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism (Doubleday, 1989)
  48. ^ Dorgan, Mike (February 24, 1974). "Labor Committee Here Hasn't Won Masses". The Capital Times. Madison, Wisconsin.
  49. ^ King, Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism, New York: Doubleday, 1989, p. 56
  50. ^ "CIA Admits Meeting With Lyndon Larouche". Seattle Times. Seattle, Washington. November 1, 1984. p. A2.
  51. ^ "KLENETSKY OPPOSES MOYNIHAN WITH UNUSUAL LIST OF CHARGES" LYNN, FRANK. New York Times. (Late Edition (East Coast)). New York, N.Y.: September 20, 1982. pg. B.6
  52. ^ "S. D. County `LaRouchies' work to show Illinois no fluke;" John Marelius. The San Diego Union. San Diego, Calif.: Jun 1, 1986. pg. B.3
  53. ^ "Labor Party Candidate Seeks GOP Aid" RICHARD BERGHOLZ, Los Angeles Times, March 14, 1978; pg. C2
  54. ^ "Candidate - Michael O'Mara Billington". Our Campaigns. 2009-07-28. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  55. ^ "Candidate - Robert Bowen". Our Campaigns. 2003-06-24. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  56. ^ Lawrence Kestenbaum. "Index to Politicians: Boyd". The Political Graveyard. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  57. ^ "Why I Am Running For Mayor", New York Times, October 1, 1977
  58. ^ "Candidate - Anton H. Chaitkin". Our Campaigns. 2004-10-14. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  59. ^ Dabilis, Andy. "Labor candidates explain platform," The Sunday Sun, (Lowell, Mass), May 30, 1976, p. B5.
  60. ^ Lawrence Kestenbaum. "Index to Politicians: Evans, O to R". The Political Graveyard. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  61. ^ "Candidate - Paul Gallagher". Our Campaigns. 1978-02-14. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  62. ^ Lawrence Kestenbaum. "Index to Politicians: Gersam to Gibbon". The Political Graveyard. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  63. ^ "Candidate - Khushro Ghandi". Our Campaigns. 2004-01-17. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  64. ^ "NJ General Assembly 13 Race - November 4, 1975". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  65. ^ "Candidate - Elliot Greenspan". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  66. ^ "NJ District 7 Race - November 7, 1978". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  67. ^ "KLENETSKY CALLS KOCH A SPECIAL-INTEREST TOOL" CARROLL, MAURICE. New York Times. New York, N.Y.: August 30, 1981. pg. A.49
  68. ^ "Candidate - H. Graham Lowry". Our Campaigns. 2003-06-25. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  69. ^ "Candidate - J. Philip Rubinstein". Our Campaigns. 2011-01-23. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  70. ^ "NC District 9 Race - November 2, 1976". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  71. ^ Lawrence Kestenbaum. "Index to Politicians: Wernette to Wesson". The Political Graveyard. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  72. ^ a b "In Los Angeles: Incumbents Have Big Edge in Council Races"; Los Angeles Times; April 10, 1983; pg. D1
  73. ^ "CALIFORNIA ELECTIONS CAMPAIGN ROUNDUP A Flurry of Flyers, a Twist in Old Feud;". Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles, Calif.: June 3, 1990. pg. 1
  74. ^ "U.S. SENATE | Huffington, Feinstein in November showdown" GERRY BRAUN. The San Diego Union - Tribune. San Diego, Calif.: June 8, 1994. pg. A.5
  75. ^ "LAROUCHE BACKERS TO JOIN STATE RACES AFTER ILLINOIS WINS" DOUG UNDERWOOD. Seattle Times. Seattle, Wash.: March 22, 1986. pg. A.14
  76. ^ a b c "Candidate - Mark Calney". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  77. ^ "`LaRouche Democrat' campaigns for governor with anti-drug plan;" Ray Huard. The Tribune. San Diego, Calif.: October 6, 1989. pg. B.12
  78. ^ "FINAL ELECTION RETURNS" Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles, Calif.: June 4, 1992. pg. 18
  80. ^ a b "RODINO BEATS BACK OPPOSITION" Philadelphia Daily News. Philadelphia, Pa.: June 4, 1986. pg. 3
  81. ^ "THE 1990 ELECTIONS; Bradley Wins New Jersey Primary", The New York Times, June 7, 1990
  83. ^ "JUNE 7 ELECTIONS ENLIVENED BY SOME RARE RACES" Marc Duvoisin. Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, Pa.: May 29, 1983. pg. J.5
  84. ^ "N.J. CANDIDATE FILINGS BRING FEW SURPRISES" Joseph A Slobodzian. Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, Pa.: April 27, 1984. pg. B.1
  85. ^ "NEW TURF IS A PUZZLE FOR SMITH" Ellen O'Brien. Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, Pa.: May 24, 1992. pg. 9
  86. ^ "LAROUCHIES DON'T SEE IT AS DEFEAT 'VICTORY IS NOT DEFINED BY YOUR PETTY ELECTION,' HART DECLARES" Steve Johnson. Chicago Tribune. Chicago, Ill.: November 6, 1986. pg. 3
  87. ^ "Lechowicz tries to push Phelan off the ballot" Joel Kaplan and Rob Karwath.. Chicago Tribune. Chicago, Ill.: December 27, 1989. pg. 1
  88. ^ "A LOW-KEY, HIGH-STAKES SCHOOL BOARD RACE" Irene Sege Globe Staff. Boston Globe (pre-1997 Fulltext). Boston, Mass.: October 31, 1983. pg. 1
  89. ^ "POLITICAL LINE Nontraditional parties on ballot" Providence Journal. Providence, R.I.: September 2, 1994. pg. B-01
  90. ^ "Lynch handily wins Dem nod in 9th" David R. Guarino. Boston Herald. Boston, Mass.: September 12, 2001. pg. 034
  91. ^ "Gubernatorial candidates discuss minority `set-asides' and jobs", Cheshire, M.R.. Afro - American Red Star. Washington, D.C.: August 20, 1994. pg. B9
  92. ^ "Roberti Blasts Political `Hate Groups' Cites LaRouche in Arguing Against Publicly Funded Campaigns" LEO C. WOLINSKY. Los Angeles Times (pre-1997 Fulltext). Los Angeles, Calif.: April 15, 1986. pg. 3
  93. ^ "Around the Southland" STEVE HARVEY, Los Angeles Times April 19, 1983; pg. C1
  94. ^ "Los Angeles Mayor Race - April 1, 1989". Our Campaigns. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  95. ^ "2 LaRouche Followers Seek House Seats" Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles, Calif.: September 30, 1989. pg. 3
  96. ^ a b c d e "LAROUCHE ALLIES SUFFER SETBACKS" News/Sun-Sentinel wire services. Sun Sentinel. Fort Lauderdale: August 9, 1986. pg. 6.A
  97. ^ "LAROUCHE AIDE ARRESTED BY FBI IN CREDIT SCAM" Seattle Times November 6, 1986:A5
  98. ^ "MARY MOCHARY IS G.O.P. VICTOR IN JERSEY VOTING", ALFONSO A. NARVAEZ (NYT); The New York Times, June 6, 1984, Section B, Page 5, Column 6 [2]
  99. ^ "BRADLEY HAS BEEN RUNNING HARD, HOPING NOT JUST TO WIN BUT WIN BIG" Dale Mezzacappa. Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, Pa.: May 27, 1984. pg. V.5
  100. ^ " GUBERNATORIAL RIVALS ASSAIL SHAPIRO" Andrew Maykuth, (Also contributing to this article were staff writers, Doreen Carvajal, Lounsberry, et al. Philadelphia Inquirer. Philadelphia, Pa.: June 1, 1985. pg. B.1
  101. ^ "Schundler Wins G.O.P. Primary In New Jersey Governor's Race" David M. Halbfinger. New York Times. New York, N.Y.: June 27, 2001. pg. A.1
  102. ^ "LaRouchie wants `magnetic' trains Hart urges tax on futures trading" Larry Cose. Chicago Sun - Times. Chicago, Ill.: January 1, 1987. p. 36
  103. ^ a b "BUSH WINS, SIMON AND JACKSON 1-2 PUCINSKI ROLLS OVER BURNE, 4 OF SAWYER'S ALLIES LOSE WARD RACES BIG VOTE MARGIN STUNS EX-MAYOR" John Camper and Robert Davis Cheryl Devall, Jean Davidson, John Kass and Jerry Thornton contributed to this report. Chicago Tribune Chicago, Ill.: March 16, 1988. pg. 1
  104. ^ "Democrats now take LaRouche seriously" William Osborne. The San Diego Union. San Diego, Calif.: March 23, 1986. pg. A.1
  105. ^ a b c "Santa Ana Unified: 7 candidates vie for 2 seats" Chris Eftychiou: The Register. Orange County Register. Santa Ana, Calif.: November 2, 1989. pg. 05
  106. ^ "LaRouche Candidates Hooted at Convention of County Democrats" LANIE JONES. Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles, Calif.: March 23, 1986. pg. 1
  107. ^ "California's vote count deadline is later than Florida's" MARTIN WISCKOL. Orange County Register. Santa Ana, Calif.: November 14, 2000. pg. PageI
  108. ^ "Democratic Nominee Won't Contest Dornan" DAVE LESHER. Los Angeles Times (pre-1997 Fulltext). Los Angeles, Calif.: June 9, 1990. pg. 12
  109. ^ "Hunter's politics is key vote issue" Don Davis. The San Diego Union. San Diego, Calif.: October 24, 1984. pg. B.1
  110. ^ a b "Few LaRouche Followers Win in 4 Primaries" PAUL HOUSTON. Los Angeles Times Los Angeles, Calif.: May 8, 1986. pg. 21
  111. ^ "BUSINESS AS UNUSUAL FOR LAROUCHIES". Thomas Hardy, Political writer. Chicago Tribune (pre-1997 Fulltext). Chicago, Ill.: March 14, 1988. pg. 5
  112. ^ "FOR U.S. SENATE: RANNEY" Chicago Tribune. Chicago, Ill.: February 16, 1986. pg. 2
  113. ^ "2D WAVE OF OPPONENTS HITS MAYOR". R Bruce Dold and Mitchell Locin. Chicago Tribune (pre-1997 Fulltext). Chicago, Ill.: February 26, 1987. pg. 1
  114. ^ "In every political race, there are stragglers" Robert Davis.. Chicago Tribune (pre-1997 Fulltext). Chicago, Ill.: February 10, 1989. pg. 5
  115. ^ "LaRouchies face ballot bumping over petitions" Fran Spielman. Chicago Sun - Times. Chicago, Ill.: January 24, 1990. pg. 1
  116. ^ "Daley confirmed as victor in Chicago party primary" Associated Press. Boston Globe. Boston, Mass.: February 28, 1991.
  117. ^ "POSITION UNKNOWN: LAROUCHE LEADER PUTS LID ON INTERVIEWS" Dennis Conrad Of The Associated Press. St. Louis Post - Dispatch (pre-1997 Fulltext). St. Louis, Mo.: February 17, 1994. pg. 01
  118. ^ "LIKE FATHER, LIKE SON PILING UP BIG VICTORIES IN MAYORAL RACES IS A TRADITION FOR THE DALEYS" Thomas Hardy. Chicago Tribune. Chicago, Ill.: March 5, 1995. pg. 1
  119. ^ "DEMOCRATS SCRUTINIZE LAROUCHE BLOC" ROBIN TONER, New York Times. New York, N.Y.: March 30, 1986. pg. A.22
  120. ^ "CBS SELLS TIME TO FRINGE CANDIDATE FOR TALK" KERR, PETER. New York Times New York, N.Y.: January 22, 1984. pg. A.23
  121. ^ "NOTES ON PEOPLE; Klenetsky to Seek Moynihan's Job" Albin Krebs and Robert McG. Thomas Jr.. New York Times. New York, N.Y.: January 28, 1982. pg. B.13
  122. ^ "THE CONGRESSIONAL RACE / The candidates Views on Seven Major Issues" San Francisco Chronicle. San Francisco, Calif.: April 1, 1987. pg. A.2
  123. ^ "LAROUCHE BACKER'S BID FOR HOUSE SPURS DISMAY IN CALIFORNIA" JUDITH CUMMINGS, Special to the New York Times. New York Times New York, N.Y.: April 6, 1986. pg. A.26
  124. ^ "14 Meet Filing Deadline For S.F. House Race" Jerry Roberts. San Francisco Chronicle (pre-1997 Fulltext). San Francisco, Calif.: February 24, 1987. pg. 2
  125. ^ "Doctor Supports Prop. 64 - Sort Of" Charles Petit, Science Correspondent. San Francisco Chronicle (pre-1997 Fulltext). San Francisco, Calif.: September 30, 1986. pg. 8
  126. ^ Lawrence Kestenbaum. "Index to Politicians: Lanigan to Larkham". The Political Graveyard. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  127. ^ "In Spotlight After Illinois Victories LaRouche: Cult Figure or Serious Political Leader?" PAUL HOUSTON. Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles, Calif.: April 29, 1986. pg. 1
  128. ^ "Woman challenges Slagle as Dem chief"Houston Chronicle (pre-1997 Fulltext). Houston, Tex.: April 19, 1994. pg. 20
  129. ^ "U.N. inspectors see construction work at Saddam's palace" VIJAY JOSHI. Austin American Statesman. Austin, Tex.: March 30, 1998. pg. A.6
  130. ^ "EIR Volume 27, Number 34, September 1, 2000". 2000-09-01. Retrieved 2011-04-18.
  131. ^ "LAROUCHE DEM, CUBIN, GREEN WIN FED RACES" Chris George. Wyoming Tribune - Eagle. Cheyenne, Wyo.: August 23, 2000. pg. A.6
  132. ^ "DUNNE CONTENT WITH ELECTION" R Bruce Dold and Charles Mount. Chicago Tribune. Chicago, Ill.: March 20, 1986. pg. 1
  133. ^ "7th District is full of economic solutions". Andrew Gottesman.. Chicago Tribune (pre-1997 Fulltext). Chicago, Ill.: October 7, 1992. pg. 4
  134. ^ "Quinn easily beats Jacobs for shot at Ryan" Journal Star. Peoria, Ill.: March 16, 1994. pg. A.10
  135. ^ "LAROUCHE GROUP BLAMES PRESS, FEDERAL PROBE FOR ITS CASH WOES". Seattle Times. Seattle, Wash.: June 9, 1986. pg. A.6
  136. ^ "3 Mayoral Candidates Debate Without Koch" The Associated Press. New York Times. New York, N.Y.: August 13, 1985. pg. B.4
  137. ^ "LaRouche Follower Declares Candidacy to Oppose Cuomo". The Associated Press. New York Times. (Late Edition (East Coast)). New York, N.Y.: March 25, 1986. pg. B.3
  138. ^ "Mexican party said funded by LaRouche" Arthur Golden. The San Diego Union. San Diego, Calif.: June 1, 1986. pg. AA.1
  139. ^ "LAROUCHE CANDIDATE QUITS RACE" The Associated Press. Sun Sentinel. Fort Lauderdale: May 10, 1986. pg. 9.A
  140. ^ "Campaign '86", HOUSTON CHRONICLE, 02/04/1986
  141. ^ Our Campaigns - Candidate - Harley Schlanger
  142. ^ "LaRouche indulges in explosive rhetoric" Don Davis. The San Diego Union. San Diego, Calif.: June 3, 1984. pg. A.1
  143. ^ "Candidate's ducking of debate called dumb move" The Plain Dealer. Cleveland, Ohio: March 21, 1990.
  144. ^ "TOP POSTS ARE UP FOR GRABS IN N.H. SUNUNU'S DECISION TO ESCHEW NEW TERM CAUSES RESHUFFLING OF CANDIDATE FIELD" John Ellement and John Milne, Globe Staff. Boston Globe. Boston, Mass.: June 12, 1988. pg. 36
  145. ^ "Few Gains for LaRouche Candidates Politics: The leader of the group has lowered his sights. He is waging a jailhouse campaign for Congress." WILLIAM M. WELCH. Los Angeles Times (pre-1997 Fulltext). Los Angeles, Calif.: July 29, 1990. pg. 22
  146. ^ "When Du Pont heir short-circuits, Skip Humphrey better watch out" Doug Grow, Staff Writer. Star Tribune. Minneapolis, Minn.: August 14, 1994. pg. 03.B
  148. ^ Our Campaigns - Candidate - Nancy B. Spannaus
  149. ^ FREIND COMES FROM BEHIND ON ARLEN John M Baer. Philadelphia Daily News. Feb 19, 1992. pg. 16
  150. ^ LaRouche troops campaign against Humphrey; Bob von Sternberg, Staff Writer. Star Tribune. Minneapolis, Minn.: Feb 7, 1994. pg. 01.A
  151. ^ Our Campaigns - Candidate - William F. Wertz
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