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The Mountain
La Montagne
Leaders • Paul Barras
 • Bertrand Barère
Founded1792; 232 years ago (1792)
Dissolved1799; 225 years ago (1799)
HeadquartersTuileries Palace, Paris
Newspaper • Le Père Duchesne
Political club(s)Jacobin Club
Cordeliers Club
Political positionLeft-wing[7][8][9]
Colors  Red

The Mountain (French: La Montagne) was a political group during the French Revolution. Its members, called the Montagnards (French: [mɔ̃taɲaʁ]), sat on the highest benches in the National Convention. The term, first used during a session of the Legislative Assembly, came into general use in 1793.[10] By the summer of 1793, that pair of opposed minority groups divided the National Convention. That year, the Montagnards were influential in what is commonly known as the Reign of Terror.

The Mountain was the left-leaning radical group and opposed the more right-leaning Girondins. Despite the fact that both groups of the Jacobin Club had no virtual difference with regard to the establishment of the French Republic, the aggressive military intentions of the rich merchant class-backed Girondins such as conquering the Rhineland, Poland and the Netherlands with a goal of creating a protective ring of satellite republics in Great Britain, Spain and Italy [11] and a potential war with Austria,[12] enabled the Montagnards to take over the administrative power of the National Convention under the leadership of Maximilien Robespierre who openly advocated for a more peaceful external policy and rather focusing on the issues within the newly-founded First French Republic.[13] This sharp transition of power from Girondins to Montagnards was proceeded after Robespierre accused the former group of traitorous and counter-revolutionary activities as well as betraying the Republic, which resulted in the execution of fellow Revolutionists including considerably influential figures Georges Jacques Danton and Jacques Pierre Brissot.[14]

The Mountain was composed mainly of members of the middle class, but represented the constituencies of Paris. As such, the Mountain was sensitive to the motivations of the city and responded strongly to demands from the working class sans-culottes.[15] The Mountain operated on the belief that what was best for Paris would be best for all of France. Although they attempted some rural land reform, most of it was never enacted and they generally focused on the needs of the urban poor over that of rural France.[16]

The Girondins were a moderate political faction created during the Legislative Assembly period.[17] They were the political opponents of the more radical representatives within the Mountain. The Girondins had wanted to avoid the execution of Louis XVI and supported a constitution which would have allowed a popular vote to overturn legislation.[17] The Mountain accused the Girondins of plotting against Paris because this caveat within the proposed constitution would have allowed rural areas of France to vote against legislation that benefits Paris, the main constituency of the Mountain. However, the real discord in the Convention occurred not between the Mountain and the Gironde, but between the aggressive antics of the minority of the Mountain and the rest of the Convention.[18]

The Mountain was not unified as a party and relied on leaders like Maximilien Robespierre, Georges Danton and Jacques Hébert, who themselves came to represent different factions.[19] Hébert, a journalist, gained a following as a radical patriot Montagnard (members who identified with him became known as the Hébertists) while Danton led a more moderate faction of the Mountain (followers came to be known as Dantonists).[20] Regardless of the divisions, the nightly sessions of the Jacobin club, which met in the rue Saint-Honoré, can be considered to be a type of caucus for the Mountain.[21] In June 1793, the Mountain successfully ousted most of the moderate Gironde members of the Convention with the assistance of radical sans-culottes.[22]

Following their coup, the Mountain, led by Hérault de Séchelles, quickly began construction on a new constitution which was completed eight days later.[23] The Committee of Public Safety reported the constitution to the Convention on 10 June and a final draft was adopted on 24 June. The process occurred quickly because as Robespierre, a prominent member of the Mountain, announced on 10 June the "good citizens demanded a constitution" and the "Constitution will be the reply of patriotic deputies, for it is the work of the Mountain".[24] However, this constitution was never actually enacted.[25] The Constitution of 1793 was delayed due to the situation in the war, and due to the Thermidorian Reaction that purged much of the government, it was eventually abandoned.[26]

YouTube Encyclopedic

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  • Robert Strong: what has the Mountain become?
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  • I Love The Mountains | Super Simple Songs | Kids Music


In A Dance with Dragons, and Season 5 of Game of Thrones, a knight called Robert Strong appears in King’s Landing. Qyburn brings him to Cersei, to join the Kingsguard and to fight for her in her upcoming trial-by-combat, where Cersei stands accused of treason. Ser Strong has apparently taken a vow of silence, swearing not to speak “until all of His Grace’s enemies are dead and evil has been driven from the realm”. He doesn’t show his face, or take off his armour. He apparently doesn’t eat or drink or “use the privy”. And he’s huge, “Eight feet tall or maybe taller”. “[W]here did this man come from?” [asks] Mace Tyrell. “Why have we never heard his name before? [Is] he [even really] a knight?” Who or what is this “silent giant”? To answer these questions, we need to turn to Qyburn. When we first meet Qyburn, he seems nice enough. He’s described as “fatherly” and grandfatherly, “with warm brown eyes”. But he’s actually an incredibly sketchy dude. Qyburn serves the “Leech Lord” Roose Bolton at the notoriously cursed castle of Harrenhal, and before that, he rides with an infamous sellsword company, the Brave Companions, also called the Bloody Mummers. Qyburn himself has a reputation for “black magic” and “necromancy”, having been kicked out of the Citadel for “open[ing] the bodies of the living” “to [better] understand the nature of death”. The show suggests he performs “dangerous and unnatural” “experiments on living men”. In any case, he’s a skilled healer, so Qyburn treats Jaime’s hand – or stump – and comes with him to King’s Landing. There, he wins the trust of Cersei, who confides in him, tells him her dreams and her secrets at a time when she feels alone and threatened. Cersei makes Qyburn master of whisperers, after Varys disappears with Tyrion. According to Roose Bolton, Qyburn hopes to be made a maester again, and in the show Kevan calls Qyburn a sycophant. Qyburn has cleverly gained the favour of Cersei and a seat on the small council, but it’s not like he just wants power. Qyburn tells Jaime, in the show, that his weakness is “Curiosity”. He’s a sort of medieval mad scientist, talking of “proof” and “reason” and performing “bold” experiments, out of a genuine passion for unlocking the secrets of the body. In the show he tells Jaime that the insight from his studies “has saved many lives”. But, as Cersei says, Qyburn can do horrors as well as wonders. Qyburn shows an interest in the Mountain, Gregor Clegane, who has been wounded by Oberyn Martell’s poisoned spear and is “dying of the venom … slowly, and in exquisite agony”. Cersei wants to put the “mad dog” down, but Qyburn convinces her to let him “tend to” Gregor instead. In the books he’s very vague about what he plans to do with the Mountain, just implies it’s related to “life and death” and “the black arts”. In the show, Qyburn tells Cersei that he’s “saving” Gregor, in a “process” that will “change him somewhat” but not weaken him. Cersei supports this “work”. She provides gold, and she also gives Qyburn people, mostly women, who Cersei wants to get rid of – the handmaiden Senelle, some puppeteers, and Falyse Stokeworth – Bronn’s wife’s sister. We don’t know what Qyburn does with these women in his dungeon, but we do know Senelle is “exhausted” , the puppeteers are “used up” and Falyse is “not entirely … comfortable” and “no longer capable … of feeding herself” before she “die[s] screaming”. This all seems to be related to Gregor, who remains with Qyburn “screaming in the darkness” of the dungeon, or, in the show, creepily moving beneath a sheet in Qyburn’s lab. Before Cersei is arrested by the High Sparrow, Qyburn promises to “produce” a “champion” who will “protect [Cersei’s] son, kill [her] enemies, and keep [her] secrets”, someone who “no living man will be able to withstand”. He also orders a suit of armour so heavy that the armorer says no man is strong enough to move and fight in it. After Cersei’s arrest, Qyburn visits Cersei in her cell, and in the show, he says “The work continues”. Shortly after, we meet Robert Strong. So in summary, a “freakish[ly] big” knight is dying, a necromancer uses him in creepy experiments, then produces a freakishly big knight who doesn’t seem completely normal or alive. It’s pretty obvious that Ser Robert Strong is Ser Gregor Clegane, somehow reanimated or kept alive or Frankensteined together from the parts of Qyburn’s victims, an eight-foot-tall undead Mountain. Gregor Clegane has probably dealt more death and destruction with his own hands than any other man in Westeros. Doran Martell says “If ever a man deserved to die screaming, it was Gregor Clegane”, and with the rise of Robert Strong, Gregor might just die twice. Some may call that justice, but maybe we should pity Gregor Clegane. We find out in Feast that Gregor habitually drinks milk of the poppy to dull the pain of blinding headaches. It may be that Gregor’s extreme brutality ultimately comes from pain, physical, and maybe emotional. Like, this man is so fucked up that he can only find respite from pain by inflicting it. So isn’t there something cruel in prolonging his suffering by raising him from the dead? In the show, Qyburn is at Harrenhal when Gregor puts the place to sword. So maybe Qyburn resents Gregor, and enjoys having him as his twisted plaything. It’s ugly however you look at it, someone needs to end this silent knight. The question is who? Who will represent the Faith by fighting Robert Strong in Cersei’s trial? To some, the obvious choice is someone like Lancel Lannister, who would probably be obliterated by Ser Strong. But there’s another theory, that the supposedly dead Gregor Clegane will fight another supposedly dead Clegane – Sandor, the Hound. This is called Cleganebowl, and is traditionally explained with dubstep and flashing lights and cries of “get hype” but what it basically does is combine the idea that Robert Strong is Gregor Clegane with the Gravedigger theory, that Sandor Clegane is still alive. We won’t get into Gravedigger here but basically there is a lot of good evidence that the Hound survives the wounds that nearly kill him, and becomes a monk on a secluded island. Cleganebowl claims that the Faith in King’s Landing bring the Hound out of this retirement, and set him to one last fight – to kill his brother, the man he’s hated all his life, the man who’s been brutally killing and raping across the realm for years. It may be that, like the white walkers’ wights, the undead Gregor has a weakness to fire. The Hound has a fear of fire – ever since Gregor gave Sandor his burns. Maybe the Hound will overcome this fear and use fire to kill his abominable brother in an act of violent redemption. These are two of the greatest warriors in Westeros, returned from the dead to fight for the fate of Cersei Lannister before all King’s Landing. Cleganebowl would be pretty fucking sick, and a lot of people would love to see it happen. However, there’s no strong or direct evidence that it will happen, and there are a lot of good reasons to believe it won’t – for starters, it wouldn’t really fit the character arc of Sandor, who has let go of violence and hatred. He’s embraced a life of peace as a monk, a crippled monk, who no one even knows is still alive, apart from the Elder Brother, who keeps his identity secret on a remote island. George R. R. Martin has crafted this beautiful conclusion to Sandor’s story and it just doesn’t fit to have him kill again, even for a good cause, so Cleganebowl doesn’t seem likely in the books. But. HBO does seem willing to sacrifice some character development if it means they can fit in a few more flashy fights, as with Jaime. And a recent casting announcement suggests that the next season will feature Septon Meribald, the guy who takes Brienne to the Quiet Isle, where she sees the gravedigger who is probably Sandor, which seems weird – would the show spend screen time on Sandor unless they plan to use him for something? HBO is more probably more aware of and receptive to the Game of Thrones fandom than George is, who says he doesn’t read theories and writes his books on a computer that isn’t even connected to the Internet. So maybe, just maybe, even if Cleganebowl doesn’t happen in the books, it could happen in the show, if HBO knows viewers want it. Perhaps someone needs to tell them. Regardless. The evidence shows that the Mountain rides again, that Ser Robert Strong is a reanimated Gregor Clegane zombie, and whoever he fights it’ll be really cool to see how this story plays out in seasons and books to come. Thanks for watching. As ever, check out the Song of Ice and Fire subreddit, and, and all the other great communities where Game of Thrones theories originate and are discussed. You can check out the Gravedigger video if you’d like to see the evidence that Sandor Clegane still lives. You can also subscribe to and follow Alt Shift X for more explanations and analysis – both on Game of Thrones and some other stuff coming soon. Cheers.



It is difficult to pinpoint the conception of the Montagnard group because the lines which defined it were themselves quite nebulous early on. Originally, members of The Mountain were the men who sat in the highest rows of the Jacobin Clubs, loosely organized political debate clubs open to the public.[27] Though members of the Montagnards were known for their commitment to radical political resolutions prior to 1793, the contours of political groups presented an ever-evolving reality that shifted in response to events. Would-be prominent Montagnard leaders like Jean-Baptiste Robert Lindet and Jean Bon Saint-André were tempted by early Girondin proposals and soon many moderates—even anti-radicals—felt the need to push for radical endeavors in light of threats both within and without the country.[28] It was only after the trial of Louis XVI in December 1792, which united the Montagnards on a position of regicide, that the ideals and power of the group fully consolidated.

Rise and terror

The rise of Montagnards corresponds to the fall of the Girondins. The Girondins hesitated on the correct course of action to take with Louis XVI after his attempt to flee France on 20 June 1791. Some of the Girondins believed they could use the king as figurehead. While the Girondins hesitated, the Montagnards took a united stand during the trial in December 1792–January 1793 and favored the king's execution.[29] On 24 February the Convention decreed the first albeit unsuccessful Levée en Masse, triggering uprisings in rural France as the Montagnards' influence waned in Marseille, Toulon, and Lyon.[30]

Riding on this victory, the Montagnards then sought to discredit the Girondins. They used tactics previously employed by the Girondins to denounce them as liars and enemies of the Revolution.[31] They also formed a legislative committee in which Nicolas Hentz proposed a limitation of inheritances, gaining more support for the Montagnards. Girondin members were subsequently banned from the Jacobin club and excluded from the National Convention on 31 May – 2 June 1793.[32]

Policies of the Mountain

Through attempted land redistribution policies, the Mountain showed some support for the rural poor. In August 1793, Montagnard member Jean Jacques Régis de Cambacérès drafted a piece of legislation which dealt with agricultural reform; in particular, he urged "relief from rent following harvest loss, compensation for improvements and fixity of tenure".[33] This was in part to combat restlessness of share-croppers in the southwest. This draft never made it into law, but the drastic reforms suggest the Mountain's awareness of the need to please their base of support, both the rural and urban poor.[33]

The arrest of Maximilien Robespierre and his allies showing at the centre of the image gendarme Merda firing at Robespierre (colour engraving by Jean-Joseph-François Tassaert after the painting by Fulchran-Jean Harriet, Carnavalet Museum)

Other policies aimed at supporting the poor included price controls enacted by the Mountain in 1793. This law, called the General Maximum, was supported by a group of agitators within the Mountain known as the Enragés. It fixed prices and wages throughout France.[20] At the same time, bread prices were rising as the commodity became scarce, and in an initiative spearheaded by Collot d'Herbois and Billaud-Varenne, a law was enacted in July 1793 that forbade the hoarding of "daily necessities".[34] The hoarding of grain became a crime punishable by death.[35]

Other economic policies enacted by the Mountain included an embargo on the export of French goods. As a result of this embargo, France was essentially unable to trade with foreign markets and the import of goods effectively ended.[35] In theory, this protected French markets from foreign goods and required French people to support French goods. In addition to the embargo against foreign goods, Act 1651, passed by the Mountain in October 1793, further isolated France from the rest of Europe by forbidding any foreign vessels from trading along the French coast.[36]

The Mountain also enacted policies restricting and granting religious freedom. These policies varied but began with a ban on religion, allowing only for "the worship of Reason" in 1793 and progressing to religious freedom with the separation of Church and State in 1795.[37]

Decline and fall

The fall and exclusion of the Montagnards from the National Convention began with the collapse of the Revolution's radical phase and the death of Robespierre on 10 Thermidor (28 July 1794). While the Montagnards celebrated unity, there was growing heterogeneity within the group as the Committee of Public Safety extended themselves with their tight control over the military and their extreme opposition to corruption in the government.[38] Their extension drew the ire of other revolutionary leaders and a number of plots coalesced on 9 Thermidor (Thermidorian Reaction) when collaborators with the more moderate group the Dantonists acted in response to fears that Robespierre planned to execute them.[29]

The purge of Robespierre was strongly similar to previous measures employed by the Montagnards to expel factions, such as the Girondins. However, as Robespierre was widely considered the heart of the Montagnards, his death symbolized their collapse. Few desired to take on the name of Montagnards afterwards, leaving around only about 100 men.[28] Finally, at the end of 1794 the Mountain largely devolved into a group called The Crest (French: crête), which lacked any real power.[39]

Factions and prominent members

The Mountain was born in 1792, with the merger of two prominent left-wing clubs: the Jacobins and Cordeliers. The Jacobins were initially moderate republicans and the Cordeliers were radical populist. In late 1792, Danton and his supporters wanted a reconciliation with the Girondins, which caused a break with Robespierre. After the trial of Girondins in 1793, Danton became strongly moderate while Robespierre and his allies continued their more radical policies.

The moderates of Danton were also rival to the followers of Jacques Hébert who wanted the persecution of all non-Montagnards and the dechristianisation of France. When the Robespierrist and unaligned Montagnards eliminated first the Hébertists (March 1794) and then the Dantonistes (April 1794), these groups held the most influence in The Mountain. This was until the Thermidorian Reaction, when several conspirators supported by The Plain instituted a coup d'état. They executed Robespierre and his supporters and split from The Mountain to form the Thermidorian Left. The Montagnards that survived were arrested, executed or deported. By 1795 the Mountain had effectively been obliterated.

Electoral results

Pro-Montagnard art
Election year No. of
overall votes
% of
overall vote
No. of
overall seats won
+/– Leader
National Convention
1792 907,200 (2nd) 26.7
200 / 749
Increase 64 Maximilien Robespierre
Legislative Body
1795 Did not participate Did not participate
64 / 750
Decrease 136
1797 Did not participate Did not participate Unknown
1798 Unknown (1st) 70.7
175 / 750
Increase 111 Marie-Joseph Chénier
Council of Five Hundred
1799 Unknown (1st) 48.0
240 / 500
Increase 65 Jean Debry

See also


  1. ^ Howard G. Brown (3 August 1995). War, Revolution, and the Bureaucratic State: Politics and Army Administration in France. Clarendon Press. p. 370.
  2. ^ a b Edward Berenson (1984). Populist Religion and Left-Wing Politics in France. Princeton University Press. p. 308.
  3. ^ "Montagnard". Encyclopædia Britannica.
  4. ^ Fülöp-Miller, Rene (2013). Leaders, Dreamers And Rebels – An Account Of The Great Mass-Movements Of History And Of The Wish-Dreams That Inspired Them. Read Books Ltd. ISBN 978-1473383692.
  5. ^ "Robespierre and the Terror | History Today". Retrieved 19 September 2017.
  6. ^ Popkin, J. (2010) You are all Free. The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of Slavery, pp. 384, 389.
  7. ^ Bell, Madison Smartt (10 June 2009). Toussaint Louverture. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 216. ISBN 978-0-307-54819-1.
  8. ^ Dinkgreve, Stephan P. (6 December 2020). The Great World History Book. Stephan P. Dinkgreve. p. 523. ISBN 978-5-93830-679-0.
  9. ^ Koekkoek, René (2020-01-23). Uniting 'good' Citizens in Thermidorian France. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-41645-1.
  10. ^ Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Mountain, The" . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 18 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 937.
  11. ^ Thomas Lalevée, "National Pride and Republican grandezza: Brissot's New Language for International Politics in the French Revolution Archived 2017-05-17 at the Wayback Machine", French History and Civilisation (Vol. 6), 2015, pp. 66–82.
  12. ^ Brace, Richard Munthe (April 1951). "General Dumouriez and the Girondins 1792–1793". The American Historical Review. 56 (3): 493–509. doi:10.2307/1848434. JSTOR 1848434.
  13. ^
  14. ^ Wikisource: Œuvres complètes de Maximilien Robespierre. Speech Robespierre against Brissot and the girondins Delivered to the Convention on 10 April 1793 Discours contre Brissot & les girondins
  15. ^ Popkin, Jeremy D. (2006). A Short History of the French Revolution (6th ed.). Pearson Education. pp. 75–76.
  16. ^ William D. Edmonds, "The Siege" in Jacobinism and the Revolt of Lyon, (Clarendon Press, 1990), p. 249.
  17. ^ a b Popkin 2006, pp. 50–51.
  18. ^ Palmer, R. R. (2005). Twelve Who Ruled: The Year of the Terror in the French Revolution. Princeton University Press. p. 26. ISBN 978-0691007618. with a new foreword by Isser Woloch
  19. ^ Popkin 2006, p. 62.
  20. ^ a b Popkin 2006, pp. 64–66.
  21. ^ Palmer 2005, p. 25.
  22. ^ Popkin 2006, p. 66.
  23. ^ Palmer 2005, p. 34.
  24. ^ Palmer 2005, p. 35.
  25. ^ Popkin 2006, p. 67.
  26. ^ Popkin 2006, p. 71.
  27. ^ "Definition of 'mountain' - Collins English Dictionary". Collins English Dictionary.
  28. ^ a b François Furet and Mona Ozouf, A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (Belknap Press, 1989), pp. 380–390.
  29. ^ a b Jeremy D. Popkin, A Short History of the French Revolution, 5th ed. (Pearson, 2009), pp. 72–77.
  30. ^ L. Moore, p. 172
  31. ^ Marisa Linton, Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship, and Authenticity in the French Revolution (Oxford University Press, 2013), pp. 174–175.
  32. ^ Robert J. Alderson, This Bright Era of Happy Revolutions: French Consul Michel-Ange-Bernard Mangourit and International Republicanism in Charleston, 1792-1794 (University of South Carolina Press, 2008), pp. 9–10.
  33. ^ a b P. M. Jones, "The 'Agrarian Law': Schemes for Land Redistribution during the French Revolution", Past & Present, no. 133 (1991), p. 112.
  34. ^ Popkin 2006, p. 68.
  35. ^ a b Palmer 2005, p. 226.
  36. ^ Palmer 2005, p. 227.
  37. ^ Voerman, Jan (2009). "The Reign of Terror". Andrews University Seminary Studies. 47 (1): 117–118.
  38. ^ Peter McPhee, Robespierre: A Revolutionary Life (Yale University Press, 2012), p. 271.
  39. ^ "Montagnard". Encyclopædia Britannica.


  • François Furet and Mona Ozouf. A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution. (Belknap Press, 1989).
  • Jeremy D. Popkin, A Short History of the French Revolution, 5th ed. (Pearson, 2009).
  • Marisa Linton, Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship, and Authenticity in the French Revolution. (Oxford University Press, 2013).
  • Morris Slavin. The Making of an Insurrection: Parisian Sections and the Gironde. (Harvard University Press, 1986).
  • Peter Kropotkin, Trans. N. F. Dryhurst The Great French Revolution, 1789–1793. (New York: Vanguard Printings, 1927).
  • Peter McPhee, Robespierre: A Revolutionary Life. (Yale University Press, 2012).
  • Robert J. Alderson, This Bright Era of Happy Revolutions: French Consul Michel-Ange-Bernard Mangourit and International Republicanism in Charleston, 1792-1794. (University of South Carolina Press, 2008).
  • Voerman, Jan, The Reign of Terror. (Andrews University Press, 2009).
  • "Mountain (the Mountain)". Collins English Dictionary Online. Retrieved 24 May 2014.
  • "Montagnard (French history)". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Retrieved 8 May 2014.

Further reading

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