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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Tammany Hall
Tammany Hall logo crop.jpg
The Tammany Hall logo on its headquarters at Park Avenue South and 17th Street
Named afterTamanend (anglicized to "Tammany"), Lenape leader
Motto"Freedom Our Rock"[1]
FormationMay 12, 1789 (1789-05-12)
FounderWilliam Mooney
Founded atNew York City, New York
Dissolved1967; 52 years ago (1967)
Merger ofTammanies
TypeDemocratic pressure group
Legal statusDefunct
HeadquartersSeveral: last was in Madison Avenue at East 23rd Street, New York City
Location
ServicesPatronage
William Mooney (first)
J. Raymond Jones (last)
Key people
William M. Tweed, Fernando Wood, Richard Croker, Lewis Nixon, Carmine DeSapio
AffiliationsDemocratic Party

Tammany Hall, also known as the Society of St. Tammany, the Sons of St. Tammany, or the Columbian Order, was a New York City political organization founded in 1786 and incorporated on May 12, 1789, as the Tammany Society. It was the Democratic Party political machine that played a major role in controlling New York City and New York State politics and helping immigrants, most notably the Irish, rise in American politics from the 1790s to the 1960s. It typically controlled Democratic Party nominations and political patronage in Manhattan from the mayoral victory of Fernando Wood in 1854 and used its patronage resources to build a loyal, well-rewarded core of district and precinct leaders; after 1850 the great majority were Irish Catholics.

The Tammany Society emerged as the center for Democratic-Republican Party politics in the city in the early 19th century. After 1854, the Society expanded its political control even further by earning the loyalty of the city's rapidly expanding immigrant community, which functioned as its base of political capital. The business community appreciated its readiness, at moderate cost, to cut through red tape and legislative mazes to facilitate rapid economic growth. The Tammany Hall ward boss or ward heelerwards were the city's smallest political units from 1786 to 1938 – served as the local vote gatherer and provider of patronage. By 1872 Tammany had an Irish Catholic "boss," and in 1928 a Tammany hero, New York Governor Al Smith, won the Democratic presidential nomination. However, Tammany Hall also served as an engine for graft and political corruption, perhaps most infamously under William M. "Boss" Tweed in the mid-19th century. By the 1880s, Tammany was building local clubs that appealed to social activists from the ethnic middle class.[2][3] In quiet times the machine had the advantage of a core of solid supporters and usually exercised control of politics and policymaking in Manhattan; it also played a major role in the state legislature in Albany.

Charles Murphy was the quiet, but highly effective boss of Tammany from 1902 to 1924.[4] "Big Tim" Sullivan was the Tammany leader in the Bowery, and machine's spokesman in the state legislature.[5] In the early twentieth century Murphy and Sullivan promoted Tammany as a reformed agency dedicated to the interests of the working class. The new image deflected attacks and built up a following among the emerging ethnic middle class. In the process Robert F. Wagner became a powerful United States Senator, and Al Smith served multiple terms as governor and was the Democratic presidential candidate in 1928.[6][7]

Tammany Hall's influence waned from 1930 to 1945 when it engaged in a losing battle with Franklin D. Roosevelt, the state's governor (1928–33) and the United States president (1933–45). In 1932, Mayor Jimmy Walker was forced from office when his bribery was exposed. Roosevelt stripped Tammany of federal patronage. Republican Fiorello La Guardia was elected mayor on a Fusion ticket and became the first anti-Tammany mayor to be re-elected. A brief resurgence in Tammany power in the 1950s under the leadership of Carmine DeSapio was met with Democratic Party opposition led by Eleanor Roosevelt, Herbert Lehman, and the New York Committee for Democratic Voters. By the mid-1960s Tammany Hall ceased to exist.

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  • ✪ Gilded Age Politics:Crash Course US History #26
  • ✪ APUSH Review: Tammany Hall and "Boss" Tweed
  • ✪ Thomas Nast Brings Down William "Boss" Tweed and Tammany Hall
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  • ✪ Boss Tweed - Thomas Nast

Transcription

CCUS 26: The Gilded Age Hi, I’m John Green, this is CrashCourse U.S. history, and today we’re going to continue our look at the Gilded Age by focusing on political science. Mr. Green, Mr. Green, so it’s another history class where we don’t actually talk about history? Oh, Me From the Past, your insistence on trying to place academic exploration into little boxes creates a little box that you yourself will live in for the rest of your life if you don’t put your interdisciplinary party hat on. So the Gilded Age takes its name from a book by Mark Twain and Charles Dudley Warner that was called The Gilded Age: A Tale of Today. It was published in 1873 and it was not that successful, but while The Gilded Age conjures up visions of fancy parties and ostentatious displays of wealth, the book itself was about politics, and it gives a very negative appraisal of the state of American democracy at the time. Which shouldn’t come as a huge surprise coming from Twain, whose comments about Congress included, “Suppose you were an idiot. And suppose you were a member of Congress. But I repeat myself.” And also, “It could probably be shown by facts and figures that there is no distinctly Native American criminal class except Congress.” So when faced with the significant changes taking place in the American economy after the Civil War, America’s political system both nationally and locally dealt with these problems in the best way possible: by becoming incredibly corrupt. intro Stan says I have to take off my party hat. Rrrr rrrr rrrrr.... So House Speaker Tip O’Neill once famously said that all politics is local and although that’s not actually true, I am going to start with local politics today, specifically with one of America’s greatest inventions, the urban political machine. So a political machine is basically an organization that works to win elections so that it can exercise power. The most famous political machine was New York City’s Tammany Hall, which dominated Democratic party politics in the late 19th century, survived until the 20th, and is keenly associated with corruption. Oh, it’s already time for the Mystery Document? This is highly unorthodox, Stan. Well, the rules here are simple. I guess the author of the Mystery Document. I’m usually wrong and I get shocked with the shock pen. Alright, let’s see what we’ve got here. “My party’s in power in the city, and it’s going to undertake a lot of public improvements. Well, I’m tipped off, say, that they’re going to lay out a new park at a certain place and I buy up all the land I can in the neighborhood. Then the board of this or that makes its plan public, and there is a rush to get my land, which nobody cared particular for before. Ain’t it perfectly honest to charge a good price and make a profit on my investment and foresight. Of course it is. That’s honest graft.” Stan, I know this one. It’s about machine politics. It’s from New York. It doesn’t say it’s from New York, but it is because it is George Plunkitt. Yes! How do you like them apples? Oh, you wanna know the name of the book? It’s “Plunkitt of Tammany Hall.” Stan, transition me back to the desk with a Libertage, please. Plunkitt became famous for writing a book describing the way that New York City’s government actually worked, but he was a small fish compared with the most famous shark-like machine politician of the day, William “Boss” Tweed, seen here with a head made of money. “Boss” Tweed basically ran New York in the late 1860s and early 1870s, and his greatest feat of swindling helps explain how the machine system worked. It revolved around the then-new County Courthouse that now houses the New York City Department of Education. Building the courthouse was initially estimated to cost around $250,000, but ended up costing $13 million by the time it was finished in 1871. Included in that cost was a bill of $180,000 for three tables and forty chairs, $1.5 million for lighting fixtures, and $41,000 for brooms and cleaning supplies. A plasterer received $500,000 for his initial job and then $1 million to repair his shoddy work. The standard kickback in these situations was that Tammany Hall received two dollars for every one dollar received by the contractor. That may seem like a bad deal for contractors, but remember: That plasterer still got to keep half a million dollars, which is worth about $9 million in today’s money. Now of course that makes it sound like political machines were pure evil, especially if you were a taxpayer footing the bill for that courthouse. But machines also provided valuable services to immigrants and other poor people in cities. As Plunkitt explained, Tammany could help families in need: “I don’t ask whether they are Republicans or Democrats, and I don’t refer them to the Charity Organization Society, which would investigate their case in a month or two and decide they were worthy of help about the time they are dead from starvation. I just get quarters for them, buy clothes for them if their clothes were burned up, and fix them up until they get things running again.” In return for this help, Tammany expected votes so that they could stay in power. Staying in power meant control of city jobs as well as city contracts. Plunkitt claimed to know “every big employer in the district – and in the whole city, for that matter --- and they ain’t in the habit of saying no to me when I ask them for a job.” But with all the corruption, sometimes even that wasn’t enough. Fortunately Tammany politicians could always fall back on fraud. Tammany found bearded men to vote, then took them to the barber to shave off the beard, but left the moustache, so that they could vote a second time. And then, they would shave off the ‘stache so they could vote for a third. And then of course, there was always violence and intimidation. By the end of the century a Tammany regular lamented the good old days when, “It was wonderful to see my men slug the opposition to preserve the sanctity of the ballot.” But, corruption wasn’t limited to big cities like New York and Chicago. Some of the biggest boondoggles involved the United States Congress and the executive branch under president Ulysses Grant. The first big scandal, dubbed the “King of Frauds” by the New York Sun, involved Credit Mobilier, the construction company that did most of the road building for the Union Pacific Railroad. This two pronged accusation involved, first: overcharging the public for construction costs and siphoning off profits to Credit Mobilier, and second: bribery of Congressmen. Now, this second charge was, of course, much juicier and also more partisan because only Republican congressmen, including the Speaker of the House, were implicated in it. Eventually Massachusetts Congressman Oakes Ames was found guilty of giving bribes, but no one was ever found guilty of receiving those bribes. As you can imagine, that did wonders for the reputation of Congress. The second major scandal involved the so-called Whiskey Ring, which was a group of distillers in St. Louis who decided that they didn’t like paying excise taxes on their product, perhaps a slightly more noble cause than that of the 2009 Bling Ring, who just wanted to dress like Paris Hilton. John McDonald, a Grant administration official, helped distillers reduce their taxes by intentionally undercounting the number of kegs of booze. But then in 1875, the tax evasion grew out of control. And McDonald eventually confessed and was convicted, thereby tainting the presidency with corruption just as Credit Mobilier had tainted Congress. That leaves the Supreme Court untainted, but don’t worry, the Dred Scott decision is worth at least, like, eighty years of tainting. So with all this distrust in government, after Grant served two terms, presidential elections featured a series of one-termers: Hayes, Garfield (whose term was filled out by Chester Arthur after Garfield was assassinated), Cleveland, Benjamin Harrison, and then Cleveland again. McKinley, who was elected twice, but then he was assassinated. As for their parties, Gilded Age Republicans favored high tariffs, low government spending, paying off national debt and reducing the amount of paper money – or greenbacks – in circulation. Democrats opposed the tariffs and were often linked to New York bankers and financiers. In short, both parties were pro-business, but they were pro-different-businesses. Despite that and the widespread corruption, some national reform legislation actually did get passed in the Gilded Age. The Civil Service Act of 1883 – prompted by Garfield’s assassination by a disgruntled office seeker – created a merit system for 10% of federal employees, who were chosen by competitive examination rather than political favoritism. But, this had an unintended effect. It made American politicians much more dependent on donations from big business rather than small donations from grateful political appointees, but, you know, nice idea. And then in 1890 the Sherman Anti-Trust act forbade combinations and practices that restrained trade, but again it was almost impossible to enforce this against the monopolies like U.S. Steel. More often it was used against labor unions, which were seen to restrain trade in their radical lobbying for, like, health insurance and hard hats. But all in all the national Congress was pretty dysfunctional at the end of the 19th century, stop me if that sounds familiar. So state governments expanded their responsibility for public health and welfare. Cities invested in public works, like transportation, and gas, and later, electricity, and the movement to provide public education continued. Some northern states even passed laws limiting the workday to 8 hours. “What is this, France?” is what courts would often say when striking those laws down. Reform legislation was less developed in the South, but they were busy rolling back reconstruction and creating laws that limited the civil rights of African Americans, known as Jim Crow Laws. In the west, farmers became politically motivated over the issue of freight rates. Wait, are we talking about railroads? Let’s go to the ThoughtBubble. In the 1870s, farmers formed the Grange movement to put pressure on state governments to establish fair railroad rates and warehouse charges. Railroads in particular tended to be pretty monopolistic: They owned the track going through town, after all, so it was hard for farmers to negotiate fair shipping prices. The Grange Movement eventually became the Farmer’s Alliance movement, which also pushed for economic cooperation to raise prices, but was split into Northern and Southern wings that could never really get it together. The biggest idea to come out of the Farmers Alliance was the subtreasury plan. Under this plan, farmers would store grain in government warehouses and get low-rate government loans to buy seed and equipment, using the stored grain as collateral. This would allow farmers to bypass the banks who increasingly came to be seen, along with the railroads, as the source of all the farmers’ troubles. Eventually these politically motivated farmers and their supporters grew into a political party, the People’s Party or Populists. In 1892 they held a convention in Omaha and put forth a remarkably reform minded plan, particularly given that this was put forth in Omaha, which included: The Sub-Treasury Plan, (which didn’t exactly happen, although the deal farmers ended up with was probably better for them) Government Ownership of Railroads (which sort of happened, if you count Amtrak) Graduated Income Tax (which did happen, after the passage of the 16th amendment) Government Control of the Currency (which happened with the creation of the Federal Reserve System) Recognition of the Rights of Laborers to Form Unions (which happened both at the state and federal level) and Free Coinage of Silver to produce more money, which we’ll get to in a second The People’s Party attempted to appeal to a broad coalition of “producing classes” especially miners and industrial workers, and it was particularly successful with those groups in Colorado and Idaho. As the preamble to the party platform put it: “Corruption dominates the ballot box, the Legislatures, the congress and touches even the ermine of the bench … From the same prolific womb of governmental injustice we breed the two great classes – tramps and millionaires.” Thanks, Thought Bubble. So, some western states were so Populist, they even granted women the right to vote in the 1890s, which added tremendously to the Populist’s electoral power. But most American voters stuck with the two main parties. Industrial workers never really joined in large numbers because the Populist calls for free coinage of silver would lead to inflation, especially in food prices, and that would hurt urban laborers. But if it hadn’t been for that threat of silver inflation, we might have three major political parties in the U.S. today. Or at least two different ones. Stupid inflation, always ruining everything. Populist leaders also struggled to unify because racism. Some Populist leaders, like Tom Watson, argued that black and white poor farmers were in the same boat, but Southern populists were not inclined to take up the fight against segregation, and even Watson himself later began spouting anti-Semitic rhetoric. But, in the halcyon Populist days of 1892, their presidential candidate, James Weaver, gained 1 million votes as a third party candidate. He carried 5 western states and got 22 electoral votes, which is better than Mondale did. But the best known Populist candidate was actually the Democratic nominee for president in 1896, William Jennings Bryan. Bryan, who once spoke of America as being crucified on a cross of gold, firmly supported free coinage of silver in the hopes that increasing the amount of money in circulation would raise prices for farmers and make it easier for people to pay off their debts. Williams Jennings Bryan is probably better known for the anti-evolution stance he took in the famous Scopes “Monkey Trial,” where he was up against none other than Clarence Darrow. But he did almost become president. So, the Populists were really wary of Bryan as a Democrat, because they feared that their ideas would be reduced to simply “free silver,” but they voted for him anyway. But Bryan still lost the 1896 election to William McKinley in what has become known as the first modern political campaign, because the business classes gave McKinley’s campaign an unprecedented $10 million. Which these days will buy you nine ads in Iowa. But back then, it won you an entire presidential election. He won the electoral college in a landslide 271-176. Bryan’s defeat in 1896 effectively put an end to the Populist Party. The corruption in government, both federal and local, continued, and new journalists called Muckrakers began exposing it in the press. Even though they were defeated at the polls, Populist ideas, especially direct election of senators and a progressive income tax, quickly became mainstream. Now, these days we don’t necessarily associate those ideas with Populists, which suggests that maybe they were right to worry about hitching their wagon to Bryan’s star. But in the end, would you rather have your name survive or see your ideas enacted? But of course many of the problems that the Populists were concerned with persisted, as did the scourge of Jim Crow. We’ll discuss those next week when we look at the Progressive Era. Thanks for watching. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Meredith Danko. The associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, Rosianna Rojas, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Café. Okay, I’ll make the transition, but I think you’ll want to keep filming this. Every week there’s a new caption for the Libertage. If you’d like to suggest one in comments, you can do so where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thank you for watching Crash Course and as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be awesome. Gilded Age Politics -

Contents

History

Thomas Nast denounces Tammany as a ferocious tiger killing democracy.  The image of a tiger was often used to represent the Tammany Hall political movement.
Thomas Nast denounces Tammany as a ferocious tiger killing democracy. The image of a tiger was often used to represent the Tammany Hall political movement.

1789–1840

The Tammany Society, also known as the Society of St. Tammany, the Sons of St. Tammany, or the Columbian Order, was founded in New York on May 12, 1789, originally as a branch of a wider network of Tammany Societies, the first having been formed in Philadelphia in 1772.[8] The society was originally developed as a club for "pure Americans".[9] The name "Tammany" comes from Tamanend, a Native American leader of the Lenape. The society adopted many Native American words and also their customs, going so far as to call its hall a wigwam. The first Grand Sachem, as the leader was titled, was William Mooney, an upholsterer of Nassau Street.[10] Although Mooney claimed the top role in the early organization, it was a wealthy merchant and philanthropist named John Pintard who created the society's constitution and declared its mission as "[a] political institution founded on a strong republican basis whose democratic principles will serve in some measure to correct the aristocracy of our city." Pintard also established the various Native American titles of the society.[11] The Society had the political backing of the Clinton family in this era, whereas the Schuyler family backed the Hamiltonian Federalists, and the Livingstons eventually sided with the anti-federalists and the Society.[12] The Society assisted the federal government in procuring a peace treaty with the Creek Indians of Georgia and Florida at the request of George Washington in 1790 and also hosted Edmond-Charles Genêt in 1793, representative of the New French Republic after the French Revolution toppled the old regime.[13]

By 1798, the society's activities had grown increasingly political. High ranking Democratic-Republican Aaron Burr saw Tammany Hall as an opportunity to counter Alexander Hamilton's Society of the Cincinnati and developed it into a tool to further his own agenda.[9] Eventually Tammany emerged as the center of Democratic-Republican Party politics in the city.[10] Burr used Tammany Hall influence in the election of 1800, in which he was elected Vice President of the United States. Many historians believe that without Tammany, President John Adams might have won New York State's electoral votes and won reelection.[14]

Early cases of political corruption involving Tammany Hall came to light during the group's feud with local politician Dewitt Clinton. The feud began in 1802 after Clinton accused Aaron Burr of being a traitor to the Democratic-Republican Party.[15] Clinton's uncle, George Clinton was jealous of Burr's achievements and positions. However George was too old to compete with young Aaron Burr, and so he left it to his nephew to topple Burr.[15] One of Burr's political cohorts and the author of Burr's biography was a businessman, a newspaper editor, and a sachem of the Society named Matthew L. Davis. Other Burr operatives included William P. Van Ness and John Swartwout, the latter of whom dueled with De Witt Clinton in 1802 in New Jersey.[16] In 1803, Clinton left the United States Senate and became Mayor of New York City.[17] As mayor, Clinton enforced a spoils system and appointed his family and partisans to positions in the city's local government.[17] Tammany Hall soon realized its influence over the local political scene was no match for that of Clinton,[17] in part because Burr's support among New York City's residents greatly faded after he shot and killed Alexander Hamilton in a duel.[18] Tammany continued to support him for a time,[18] but eventually pressure from the public persuaded the organization to no longer affiliate themselves with Burr.[18] Matthew Davis would go on to refine the Society as a political machine beginning in 1805. The Society, with Davis's guidance, received a state charter as a charitable organization, organized the General Committee of Tammany Hall, and used the General Committee to decide leadership within the Democratic-Republican party in New York City from that point forward.[19]

In December 1805, Dewitt Clinton reached out to supporters of Burr in order to gain enough support to resist the influence of the powerful Livingston family.[18] The Livingston family, led by former New York City mayor Edward Livingston, backed New York Governor Morgan Lewis which presented a significant challenge to Clinton.[20] The Tammany Hall Sachems agreed to meet with him in secret, on February 20, 1806.[20] and agreed under the condition that the Clintons would once again acknowledge Aaron Burr as a Democratic-Republican, and stop using "Burrism" as a reason to object to their ideas.[15] The Clintons readily agreed to conditions, but had no plans on honoring those conditions. When the Sachems caught wind of this, the feud between Tammany Hall and Clinton continued.[18]

Tammany Hall became a locally organized machine dedicated to stopping Clinton and Federalists from rising to power in New York;[21] However, local Democratic-Republicans began to turn against Tammany Hall.[22] In the years covering 1806-1809, because of public demand, the local Common Council was forced to crack down on Tammany Hall. The resulting investigations found that a number of Tammany Officials were guilty of embezzlement and illegal activity.[23] For example, one official, Benjamin Romaine was found guilty of using his power to acquire land without paying. He was then removed from his office of City Comptroller[20] due to public demand, despite the Council being controlled by Democrat-Republicans.[20] Following the disclosures, the Federalists won control of the state legislature and the Democratic-Republican Party barely maintained control of the local government in New York City.[24] Matthew Davis convinced other sachems to join him in a public relations stunt that provided income for the Society. The shallow graves of some Revolutionary War soldiers who died in British prison ships were located in Wallabout Bay (near the Brooklyn Navy Yard). Davis announced that the Society was going to provide proper burials for these soldiers with a monument dedicated to their memory on nearby land owned by a fellow sachem. The remains were reburied. The Society led a flotilla, on April 13, 1808, in thirteen boats, to Brooklyn, with each boat carrying a symbolic coffin. A dedication ceremony was held at Wallabout, and the state voted to provide the Society $1,000 to build a monument. The Society pocketed the money and the monument was never built.[25] However, Tammany Hall did not learn their lesson,[18] and instead of fixing the problem of corruption, Wortman, one of the chief powers at the time, created a committee consisting of one member from each ward that would investigate and report in general meetings who were friends, or enemies.[22]

During the years between 1809-1810, the feud between Tammany Hall, and Clintonites intensified, as each party threw attacks at each other.[22] One of the Clintonites, James Cheetham, set about this by writing about Tammany and its corrupt activities, using his position as State Printer and publishing his work on American Citizen.[26] However, Tammany Hall did not take lightly to these activities, and managed to remove Cheetham from his position of State Printer.[26] However, at the same time, Clinton decided to try and cooperate with Tammany Hall in order to create a state dominated by Democratic-Republicans. In an attempt to successfully persuade Tammany Sachems, he pulled his support for Cheetham, who was his protege at the time.[18] Cheetham's loss of Clinton's support angered him, and he responded by releasing details of Tammany and Clinton's attempts at cooperating to control the state.[18] On September 18, 1810, James Cheetham died after an attack that was possibly Tammany-related.[18]

Between the years 1809 and 1815, Tammany Hall slowly revived itself by accepting immigrants and by secretly building a new wigwam to hold meetings whenever new Sachems were named.[27] The Democratic-Republican Committee, a new committee which consisted of the most influential local Democratic Republicans, would now name the new Sachems as well.[28] When Dewitt Clinton decided to run for president in 1811, Tammany Hall immediately accused Clinton of treason to his party, as well as attempting to create a family aristocracy. Even though New York State went to Clinton the following year, republicans could not help but see Clinton's actions as exactly what Tammany had accused them of being. With this most republicans in New York City turned from Clinton. When Tammany Hall positioned itself to support the War in 1812 and its support for the Embargo Act, many others who supported the war joined Tammany Hall.[29] In fact, during this time, because of its success in establishing political opinion, Tammany Hall was able to grow stronger, and even gained support from Federalists members who supported the war.[30] The Native American titles of the Society were disused during and after the War of 1812 in response to attacks from Native Americans on White Americans.[31] During this time we see Tammany Hall's earliest application of its most notable technique- turning support away from opposing parties, and rewarding newly joined members.[30] This was the case for Federalists who joined Tammany Hall. Tammany Hall managed to gain power, as well as reduce Clinton and his followers to just a small fraction.[32] In 1815, Tammany Hall grand sachem John Ferguson defeated Dewitt Clinton and was elected mayor. In 1817, however, Clinton with his success on the Erie Canal project gained so much popularity, that despite his weak position after the War, and Tammany's immense efforts, once again became Governor of New York and Tammany Hall again, fell.[33] Another factor leading to Clinton's popularity, was his patronage to the immigrants. The origins of Tammany Hall were based on representing "pure" or "native" Americans. This mean that the Hall totally dismissed the immigrants, such as the Irish and Germans, although the Germans were more politically averse. In 1817, April 24, discontent for this treatment led to a huge riot during a Tammany general committee session.[33] Martin Van Buren and his Albany Regency soon began controlling the policy of Tammany Hall. This included pushing for the state referendum that eventually granted the right to vote in New York State to all free white men in 1821. After voting rights were expanded, Tammany Hall could further increase its political power.[34] Tammany Hall soon began to accept Irish immigrants as members and eventually became dependent on them to maintain viability as a political force.[35] Until his death in 1828, Clinton would remain Governor of New York, with the exception of the two-year period of 1823–1824, and Tammany Hall's influence waned.

During the 1828 U.S. presidential election, Tammany Hall leaders met with Democratic candidate Andrew Jackson and agreed to endorse him after he promised to give them control over the allocation of some federal jobs.[36] After he was elected president, Jackson fulfilled his promise.[36] After 1829, Tammany Hall became the city affiliate of the Democratic Party, controlling most of the New York City elections afterwards.[37] In the 1830s the Loco-Focos, an anti-monopoly and pro-labor faction of the Democratic Party, became Tammany's main rival for votes by appealing to workingmen, however, their political opponent remained the Whigs. During the 1834 New York City mayoral governor election, the first city election whereby the mayor was elected by the popular vote, both Tammany Hall and the Whig party, from their headquarters at the Masonic Hall, battled in the streets for votes and protected polling locations in their respective regions from known opposition voters.[38] During the 1838 state election for governor, the rival Whig party imported voters from Philadelphia, paying $22 a head for votes in addition to paying for votes at their polling places. Tammany Hall operatives continued their practice of paying prisoners of the alms houses for votes and also paying for votes at their polling places.[39] Throughout the 1830s and 1840s, the Society expanded its political control even further by earning the loyalty of the city's ever-expanding immigrant community, which functioned as a base of political capital.

The Tammany Hall "ward boss" served as the local vote gatherer and provider of patronage.[40] During the 1840s, hundreds of thousands of Irish immigrants arrived in New York City to escape the Great Irish Potato Famine and Tammany saw its power grow greatly.[41]

Tammany Ring by Thomas Nast; "Who stole the people's money?" / "'Twas him."
Tammany Ring by Thomas Nast; "Who stole the people's money?" / "'Twas him."

Immigrant support

Tammany Hall's electoral base lay predominantly with New York's burgeoning immigrant constituency, which often exchanged political support for Tammany Hall's patronage. In pre-New Deal America, the extralegal services that Tammany and other urban political machines provided often served as a rudimentary public welfare system. At first, in the latter 1810s, immigrants were not allowed membership in Tammany Hall.[42] However, after protests by Irish militants in 1817, and the invasion of several of their offices, Tammany Hall realized the potential influence Irish immigrants would have in the city. By the 1820s, Tammany Hall was accepting Irish immigrants as members of the group.[42] German immigrants were also present in large numbers in the city at this time, but did not actively seek to participate in city politics.[43]

However, Irish immigrants became even more influential during the mid 1840s to early 1850s. With the potato famine in Ireland, by 1850, more than 130,000 immigrants from Ireland lived in New York City.[42] Since the newly arrived immigrants were in deep poverty, Tammany Hall provided them with employment, shelter, and even citizenship sometimes.[44] For example, the group gave referrals to men looking for work, and legal aid to those who needed it. Tammany Hall would also provide food and financial aid to families with sick or injured breadwinners.[42] In an example of their involvement in the lives of citizens, in the course of one day, Tammany figure George Washington Plunkitt assisted the victims of a house fire; secured the release of six drunks by speaking on their behalf to a judge; paid the rent of a poor family to prevent their eviction and gave them money for food; secured employment for four individuals; attended the funerals of two of his constituents (one Italian, the other Jewish); attended a Bar Mitzvah; and attended the wedding of a Jewish couple from his ward.[45] Tammany Hall took full advantage of the surplus in Irish immigrants to create a healthy relationship to gather more votes. By 1855, 34 percent of New York City's voter population was composed of Irish immigrants, and many Irish men came to dominate Tammany Hall. With this, Tammany Hall started its career as the powerful political machine we associate it with today.

Tammany Hall also served as a social integrator for immigrants by familiarizing them with American society and its political institutions and by helping them become naturalized citizens. One example was the naturalization process organized by William M. Tweed. Under Tweed's regime, "naturalization committees" were established. These committees were made up primarily of Tammany politicians and employees, and their duties consisted of filling out paperwork, providing witnesses, and lending immigrants money for the fees required to become citizens. Judges and other city officials were bribed and otherwise compelled to go along with the workings of these committees.[46] In exchange for all these benefits, immigrants assured Tammany Hall they would vote for their candidates.[37] By 1854, the support which Tammany Hall received from immigrants would firmly establish the organization as the leader of New York City's political scene.[37] With the election of Fernando Wood, the first person to be supported by the Tammany Hall machine,[42] as mayor in 1854, Tammany Hall would proceed to dominate The New York City political arena until Fiorello La Guardia's mayoralty after the election of 1934.[37]

Political Gangs and the Forty Thieves

After Fernando Wood's lost reelection run for U.S. Congress in 1842, he left politics for awhile to work on his shipping business. A power vacuum of sorts existed through the 1840s for Tammany Hall, which became dominated with fights between political and basically street gangs fighting over turf. These gangs included the Dead Rabbits, the Bowery Boys, Mike Walsh's Spartan Association, the Roach Guards, the Plug Uglies, the Wide-Awakes, and Captain Isaiah Rynders' Empire Club. Rynders was the leader of Tammany's Sixth Ward and a member of the General Committee who was also said to have been responsible for coordinating all political-related gang activity. Many of these leaders coordinated their activities from saloons, which became a target of prohibitionists and reformers.[47]

At the start of the 1850s, the city economy began to pick up and Tammany members would profit. The City Council of New York during these years would be known as the most corrupt up to this time. The new City Council of 1852 swept in Tammany politicians to replace the outgoing Whig ones, whom did little with their power. The new council was made up of two sets of 20 members, a twenty member Board of Aldermen and a twenty member Board of Assistant Aldermen. This new council would be known as the Forty Thieves. Each Alderman had the power to appoint police (including precinct officers) and license saloons within his district. Together, the Aldermen possessed the power to grant franchises for streetcar lines and ferries. Each Alderman also sat as judge in criminal courts - determining who sat for juries and choosing which cases came to trial. On paper, these Aldermen received no pay. A number of real estate deals followed with suspicious transaction amounts, including a purchase of a pauper's burial ground on Ward's Island and the sale of city property occupying Gansevoort Market near the western end of 14th Street to Reuben Lovejoy, an associate of James B. Taylor, a friend of many of the Aldermen. Other deals included expensive fireworks displays and bribes for ferry and railroad operations (Jacob Sharp for the Wall Street Ferry and various applicants for the Third Avenue railroad). Aldermen would also resort to creating strike legislation to obtain quick cash - a disingenuous bill would be introduced that would obviously financially harm someone, who would then complain to legislators. These legislators would then kill the bill in committee for a fee. As the press became aware of the Forty Thieves tactics, a reform movement instigated for a change in the city charter in June 1853 so that city work and supply contracts were awarded to the lowest bidder, franchises were awarded to the highest bidder, and that bribery was punished harshly.[48]

Fernando Wood era

Fernando Wood attempted several small businesses in the city during the 1830s while simultaneously increasing his involvement with Tammany Hall. These early business attempts failed, but by 1836, at the age of 24, he became a member of the Society and became known for resolving the dispute between the Loco-Focos and the conservatives of the Hall. At the age of 28, in 1840, Tammany Hall put Wood up for a seat to U.S. Congress, which he won. After Wood's run in Congress, he became a successful businessman in real estate dealings and was elected mayor of New York City in 1854. William Tweed said of Wood, "I never yet went to get a corner lot that I didn't find Wood had got in ahead of me." In his first term as mayor, Wood ensured the police force was responsive to his needs, and convinced commissioners to allow him to fire officers not performing their duties. He was then accused of only hiring Democrats to replace those fired officers. Wood defied tradition and ran for a second term as mayor in 1856, which irked some of his Tammany associates. During the campaign, his police force acted as his henchman, and Wood took a portion of their salary for his war chest ($15 to $25 for captains and a lesser amount for patrolman). On election day, he gave his policemen some time off to vote, during which time his affiliated Dead Rabbits gang protected polling places. Wood won his second term. The Republicans, who made gains upstate, in response to this concentration of power in one man, created a new state charter for New York City which included more elected (instead of appointed) city department heads and officers. The Republicans also consolidated a separate police force, the Metropolitan Police, among the police forces of Kings, Richmond, and Westchester Counties. The Republicans in the state legislature also moved the city mayoral elections to odd years, making the next election for mayor in December 1857. A power struggle followed between Wood's Municipal Police and the Metropolitan Police, as well as between the Dead Rabbits and the nativist Bowery Boys. Tammany Hall did not put Wood up for reelection in December of 1857 in light of the Panic of 1857 and a scandal involving him and his brother. Wood formed a third party, the Mozart Hall Democracy, or Mozart Hall, in response.[49]

Tweed regime

William M. Tweed, known as "Boss" Tweed, ran an efficient and corrupt political machine based on patronage and graft.
William M. Tweed, known as "Boss" Tweed, ran an efficient and corrupt political machine based on patronage and graft.

Tammany's control over the politics of New York City tightened considerably under Tweed. In 1858, Tweed utilized the efforts of Republican reformers to rein in the Democratic city government to obtain a position on the County Board of Supervisors (which he then used as a springboard to other appointments) and to have his friends placed in various offices. From this position of strength, he was elected "Grand Sachem" of Tammany, which he then used to take functional control of the city government. With his proteges elected governor of the state and mayor of the city, Tweed was able to expand the corruption and kickbacks of his "Ring" into practically every aspect of city and state governance. Although Tweed was elected to the State Senate, his true sources of power were his appointed positions to various branches of the city government. These positions gave him access to city funds and contractors, thereby controlling public works programs. This benefitted his pocketbook and those of his friends, but also provided jobs for the immigrants, especially Irish laborers, who were the electoral base of Tammany's power.[50]

According to Tweed biographer Kenneth D. Ackerman:

It's hard not to admire the skill behind Tweed's system ... The Tweed ring at its height was an engineering marvel, strong and solid, strategically deployed to control key power points: the courts, the legislature, the treasury and the ballot box. Its frauds had a grandeur of scale and an elegance of structure: money-laundering, profit sharing and organization.[51]

Under "Boss" Tweed's dominance, the city expanded into the Upper East and Upper West Sides of Manhattan, the Brooklyn Bridge was begun, land was set aside for the Metropolitan Museum of Art, orphanages and almshouses were constructed, and social services – both directly provided by the state and indirectly funded by state appropriations to private charities – expanded to unprecedented levels. All of this activity, of course, also brought great wealth to Tweed and his friends. It also brought them into contact and alliance with the rich elite of the city, who either fell in with the graft and corruption, or else tolerated it because of Tammany's ability to control the immigrant population, of whom the "uppertens" of the city were wary.

James Watson, who was a county auditor in Comptroller Dick Connolly's office and who also held and recorded the ring's books, died a week after his head was smashed by a horse in a sleigh accident on January 21, 1871. Although Tweed guarded Watson's estate in the week prior to Watson's death, and although another ring member attempted to destroy Watson's records, a replacement auditor, Matthew O'Rourke, associated with former sheriff James O'Brien provided city accounts to O'Brien.[52] Further, Tammany demonstrated inability to control Irish laborers in the Orange riot of 1871 that also began Tweed's downfall. Campaigns to topple Tweed by The New York Times and Thomas Nast of Harper's Weekly began to gain traction in the aftermath of the riot, and disgruntled insiders began to leak the details of the extent and scope of the Tweed Ring's avarice to the newspapers. Specifically, O'Brien forwarded the city's financial accounts to the New York Times. The New York Times, at that time the only Republican associated paper in the city, was then able to reinforce stories they had previously published against the ring.[53] The Committee of Seventy was formed in September 1871 by prominent reformers to examine the misdeeds of the Tweed ring.

Tweed was arrested and tried in 1872. He died in Ludlow Street Jail, and political reformers took over the city and state governments.[50] Following Tweed's arrest, Tammany survived but was no longer controlled just by Protestants and was now dependent on leadership from bosses of Irish descent.[35]

Puck cartoon by Frederick Burr Opper: "Lots of hunters after a very sick tiger" (1893)
Puck cartoon by Frederick Burr Opper: "Lots of hunters after a very sick tiger" (1893)

1870–1900

Tammany did not take long to rebound from Tweed's fall. Reforms demanded a general housecleaning, and former county sheriff "Honest John" Kelly was selected as the new leader. Kelly was not implicated in the Tweed scandals, and was a religious Catholic related by marriage to Archbishop John McCloskey. He cleared Tammany of Tweed's people, and tightened the Grand Sachem's control over the hierarchy. His success at revitalizing the machine was such that in the election of 1874, the Tammany candidate, William H. Wickham, unseated the unpopular reformist incumbent, William F. Havemeyer, and Democrats generally won their races, delivering control of the city back to Tammany Hall.[54]

1886 mayoral election

The mayoral election of 1886 was a seminal one for the organization. Union activists had founded the United Labor Party (ULP), which nominated political economist Henry George, the author of Progress and Poverty, as its standard-bearer. George was initially hesitant about running for office, but was convinced to do so after Tammany secretly offered him a seat in Congress if he would stay out of the mayoral race. Tammany had no expectation of George being elected, but knew that his candidacy and the new party were a direct threat to their own status as the putative champions of the working man.[55]

Having inadvertently provoked George into running, Tammany now needed to field a strong candidate against him, which required the cooperation of the Catholic Church in New York, which was the key to getting the support of middle-class Irish-American voters. Richard Croker, Kelly's right-hand man, had succeeded Kelly as Grand Sachem of Tammany, and he understood that he would also need to make peace with the non-Tammany "Swallowtail" faction of the Democratic Party to avoid the threat that George and the ULP posed, which was the potential re-structuring of the city's politics along class lines and away from the ethnic-based politics which has been Tammany's underpinning all along. To bring together these disparate groups, Croker nominated Abram Hewitt as the Democratic candidate for mayor. Not only was Hewitt the leader of the Swallowtails, but he was noted philanthropist Peter Cooper's son-in-law, and had an impeccable reputation. To counter both George and Hewitt, the Republicans put up Theodore Roosevelt, the former state assemblyman.[56]

Tammany Hall decorated for the 1868 Democratic National Convention
Tammany Hall decorated for the 1868 Democratic National Convention

In the end, Hewitt won the election, with George out-polling Roosevelt, whose total was some 2,000 votes less than the Republicans had normally received. Despite their second-place finish, things seemed bright for the future of the labor political movement, but the ULP was not to last, and was never able to bring about a new paradigm in the city's politics. Tammany had once again succeeded and survived. More than that, Croker realized that he could utilize the techniques of the well-organized election campaign that ULP had run. Because Tammany's ward-heelers controlled the saloons, the new party had used "neighborhood meetings, streetcorner rallies, campaign clubs, Assembly District organizations, and trade legions – an entire political counterculture"[57] to run their campaign. Croker now took these innovations for Tammany's use, creating political clubhouses to take the place of the saloons and involving women and children by sponsoring family excursions and picnics. The New Tammany appeared to be more respectable, and less obviously connected to saloon-keepers and gang leaders, and the clubhouses, one in every Assembly District, were also a more efficient way of providing patronage work to those who came looking for it; one simply had to join the club, and volunteer to put in the hours needed to support it.[58]

Hewitt turned out to be a terrible mayor for Croker, due to his personality defects[citation needed] and his nativist views, and in 1888 Tammany ran Croker's hand-picked choice, Hugh J. Grant, who became the first New York-born Irish-American mayor. Although Hewitt ran an efficient government, Croker viewed Hewitt as being too self-righteous and did not grant Croker the patronage jobs he was expecting from a mayor. Hewitt had also offended Irish voters by deciding not to review a St. Patrick's Day parade they requested of him.[59] Grant allowed Croker free run of the city's contracts and offices, creating a vast patronage machine beyond anything Tweed had ever dreamed of, a status which continued under Grant's successor, Thomas Francis Gilroy. With such resources of money and manpower – the entire city workforce of 1,200 was essentially available to him when needed – Croker was able to neutralize the Swallowtails permanently. He also developed a new stream of income from the business community, which was provided with "one stop shopping": instead of bribing individual office-holders, businesses, especially the utilities, could go directly to Tammany to make their payments, which were then directed downward as necessary; such was the control Tammany had come to have over the governmental apparatus of the city.[60]

Croker mended fences with labor as well, pushing through legislation which addressed some of the inequities which had fueled the labor political movement, making Tammany once again appear to be the "Friend of the Working Man" – although he was careful always to maintain a pro-business climate of laissez-faire and low taxes. Tammany's influence was also extended once again to the state legislature, where a similar patronage system to the city's was established after Tammany took control in 1892. With the Republican boss, Thomas Platt, adopting the same methods, the two men between them essentially controlled the state.[61]

Fassett Committee

The 1890s began with a series of what would be three political investigations into Tammany Operations, reminiscent of the early 1870s. Platt was the key organizer of most of these committees, the first of which was the Fassett Committee of 1890. This first committee featured testimony from Croker's brother-in-law, revealing gifts of cash surrounding his hotel business. The recorded testimonies resulted in no indictments and the Democrats would not suffer in the elections of 1890 or 1892.

1894 mayoral election and the Lexow Committee

A bird's-eye-view map of New York and Brooklyn (1893), titled "A Cinch. Says Boss Croker to Boss McLaughlin: "Shake!"(The boss of Tammany Hall in New York, Richard Croker, and the boss of the Brooklyn political machine, Hugh McLaughlin, reach across the East River to shake hands in cooperation).
A bird's-eye-view map of New York and Brooklyn (1893), titled "A Cinch. Says Boss Croker to Boss McLaughlin: "Shake!"
(The boss of Tammany Hall in New York, Richard Croker, and the boss of the Brooklyn political machine, Hugh McLaughlin, reach across the East River to shake hands in cooperation).

In 1894, Tammany suffered a setback when, fueled by the public hearings on police corruption held by the Lexow Committee based on the evidence uncovered by the Rev. Charles Parkhurst when he explored the city's demi monde undercover, a Committee of Seventy was organized by Council of Good Government Clubs to break the stranglehold that Tammany had on the city. Full of some of the city's richest men – J.P. Morgan, Cornelius Vanderbilt II, Abram Hewitt and Elihu Root, among others – the committee supported William L. Strong, a millionaire dry-goods merchant, for mayor, and forced Tammany's initial candidate, merchant Nathan Straus, co-owner of Macy's and Abraham & Straus, from the election by threatening to ostracize him from New York society. Tammany then put up Hugh Grant again, despite his being publicly dirtied by the police scandals. Backed by the Committee's money, influence and their energetic campaign, and helped by Grant's apathy, Strong won the election handily, and spent the next three years running the city on the basis of "business principles", pledging an efficient government and the return of morality to city life. The election was a Republican sweep statewide: Levi Morton, a millionaire banker from Manhattan, won the governorship, and the party also ended up in control of the legislature.[62] Croker was absent from the city for three years starting at the onset of the Lexow Committee, residing in his homes in Europe.

Still, Tammany could not be kept down for long, and in 1898 Croker, aided by the death of Henry George – which took the wind out of the sails of the potential re-invigoration of the political labor movement – and returned from his stay in Europe, shifted the Democratic Party enough to the left to pick up labor's support, and pulled back into the fold those elements outraged by the reformers' attempt to outlaw Sunday drinking and otherwise enforce their own authoritarian moral concepts on immigrant populations with different cultural outlooks. Tammany's candidate, Robert A. Van Wyck easily outpolled Seth Low, the reform candidate backed by the Citizens Union, and Tammany was back in control. Its supporters marched through the city's streets chanting, "Well, well, well, Reform has gone to Hell!"[63]

All politics revolved around the Boss. 1899 cartoon from Puck.
All politics revolved around the Boss. 1899 cartoon from Puck.

Mazet Investigation

A final state investigation began in 1899 at the prompting of newly elected Theodore Roosevelt. This Mazet Investigation was chaired by Republican assemblyman Robert Mazet and led by chief counsel Frank Moss, who had also participated in the Lexow Committee. The investigation reveal further detail about Croker's corporate alliances and also yielded memorable quotes from police chief William Stephen Devery and Croker. This was also the committee that began probing Croker about his holdings in ice companies.[64]

Despite occasional defeats, Tammany was consistently able to survive and prosper. Under leaders such as Charles Francis Murphy and Timothy Sullivan, it maintained control of Democratic politics in the city and the state.

20th century

Machine politics versus the reformers

The politics of the consolidated city from 1898 to 1945 revolved around conflicts between the political machines and the reformers. In quiet times the machines had the advantage of the core of solid supporters and usually exercised control of city and borough affairs; they also played a major role in the state legislature in Albany. Tammany for example from the 1880s onward built a strong network of local clubs that attracted ambitious middle-class ethnics.[65][66] In times of crisis however, especially in the severe depressions of the 1890s and the 1930s, the reformers took control of key offices, notably the mayor's office. The reformers were never unified; they operated through a complex network of independent civic reform groups, each focused its lobbying efforts on its own particular reform agenda. The membership included civic minded, well-educated middle-class men and women, usually with expert skills in a profession or business, who deeply distrusted the corruption of the machines.[67] Consolidation in 1898 multiplied the power of these reform groups, so long as they could agree on a common agenda, such as consolidation itself.[68]

There was no citywide machine. Instead Democratic machines flourished in each of the boroughs, with Tammany Hall in Manhattan the most prominent. They typically had strong local organizations, known as "political clubs", as well as one prominent leader often called the "boss". Charles Murphy was the highly effective but quiet boss of Tammany Hall from 1902 to 1924.[69] "Big Tim" Sullivan was the Tammany leader in the Bowery, and the machine's spokesman in the state legislature.[70] Republican local organizations were much weaker, but they played key roles in forming reform coalitions. Most of the time they looked to Albany and Washington for their sphere of influence.[71][72] Seth Low, the president of Columbia University, was elected the reform mayor in 1901. He lacked the common touch, and lost much of his working class support when he listened to dry Protestants eager to crack down on the liquor business.[73][74]

From 1902 until his death in 1924, Charles Francis Murphy was Tammany's boss. Murphy wanted to clean up Tammany's image, and he sponsored progressive era reforms benefiting the working class through his two protégés, Governor Al Smith and Robert F. Wagner. Ed Flynn, a protégé of Murphy who became the boss in the Bronx, said Murphy always advised that politicians should have nothing to do with gambling or prostitution, and should steer clear of involvement with the police department or the school system.[75]

A new challenge to Tammany came from William Randolph Hearst, a powerful newspaper publisher who wanted to be president. Hearst was elected to Congress with Tammany support, was defeated for mayor after a bitter contest with Tammany, and won Tammany support for his unsuccessful quest for the governorship of New York. Hearst did manage to dominate Tammany mayor John F. Hylan (1917–25), but he lost control when Smith and Wagner denied Hylan renomination in 1925. Hearst then moved to California.[76]

Power vacuum and the Seabury Commission (1925-1932)

After Charles Francis Murphy's death in 1924, Tammany's influence on Democratic politics began its wane. Muphy's successor as the Boss in 1924 was George W. Olvany. Olvany was the first Tammany Hall boss to have received a college education. When Tammany's Jimmy Walker became the city mayor over Hyman in 1925, things were looking bright for the hall. Olvany was not an overbearing Boss, and the familiar Tammany Hall schemes from a pre-Murphy era began. Police received protection money from shopkeepers, rackets surrounded the fish and poultry markets, as well as the docks, and licensing fees for various professions were increased with Tammany Hall middlemen reaping the benefits. This bright period of influence for Tammany Hall was to be short lived. The population of Manhattan, Tammany's stronghold, no longer represented the population of the city as other boroughs like Brooklyn and the Bronx made gains. Franklin D. Roosevelt's election as New York State Governor in 1928 further reduced Tammany Hall's power. Although Al Smith guided Roosevelt to the governorship, Roosevelt did not request Smith's advice once there and instead, appointed Bronx Boss Edward J. Flynn as Secretary of State. The stock market crash of 1929 and the increasing press attention on organized crime during the Prohibition era also contributed to the hall's decline. Olvany resigned as the Boss in 1929, and John F. Curry was tapped to fill the role. Curry beat Eddy Ahearn for the role, Al Smith's choice and often considered to be an abler man. Although he looked the part, Curry was not considered smart enough to fill the role and proceeded to make a series of poor decisions on behalf of Tammany.[77]

The organized crime robbery of a city judge and leader of the Tepecano Democratic Club, Albert H. Vitale, during a dinner party on December 7, 1929, and the subsequent recovering of the stolen goods from gangsters following a few calls from Magistrate Vitale, prompted the public to request a closer look at the ties of organized crime, law enforcement and the judicial system within the city. Vitale was accused of owing $19,600 to Arnold Rothstein, and was investigated by the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court for failing to explain how he accrued $165,000 over four years while receiving a total judicial salary of $48,000 during that same period. Vitale was removed from the bench. A further investigation by U.S. district attorney Charles H. Tuttle discovered that Brooklyn Judge Bernard Vause was paid $190,000 in return for obtaining pier leases for a shipping company, and that another city judge, George Ewald had paid Tammany Hall $10,000 for the replacement seat of Judge Vitale. FDR responded by launching three investigations between 1930 and 1932, headed by Samuel Seabury, called the Seabury Commission. Another Tammany Hall associate, state Supreme Court Justice Joseph Force Crater, disappeared in August 1930, after the start of the first investigation, in what would become an unsolved case. Crater was president of a Tammany Hall Club on the Upper West Side.[78] During questioning, Tammany associate and New York County Sheriff Thomas M. Farley denied that gambling took place in his political clubs and could not account for the frequent presence of associates of Arnold Rothstein. Other questioning focused on the combined police, court, and bail bonding scheme surrounding the improper arrest of prostitutes and innocent women. The outcome of these investigations included the dismissal of several corrupt judges, including the city's first female judge, Jean H. Norris, the resignation of Mayor Jimmy Walker, the indictment of Deputy City Clerk James J. McCormick and the arrest of State Senator John A. Hastings. Sheriff Thomas M. Farley was removed from office by Gov. Franklin D. Roosevelt.[79]

La Guardia in, Tammany out: 1933 to 1945

In 1932, the machine suffered a dual setback when Mayor James Walker was forced from office by scandal and reform-minded Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected president of the United States. Tammany Hall leader John F. Curry and Brooklyn political boss John H. McCooey had joined forces to support Al Smith's candidacy.[80] Roosevelt and his lead campaign manager James Farley stripped Tammany of federal patronage, which had been expanded under the New Deal—and passed it instead to Ed Flynn, boss of the Bronx who had kept his district clean of corruption.[81] Roosevelt helped Republican Fiorello La Guardia become mayor on a Fusion ticket, thus removing even more patronage from Tammany's control. La Guardia was elected in 1933.[82] After becoming mayor, LaGuardia reorganized the city cabinet with non-partisan officials and sought to develop a clean and honest city government.[82]

As mayor, LaGuardia successfully led the effort to have a new city charter adopted which would mandate a proportional representation method of electing members of the City Council. The measure won on a referendum in 1936.[82] After the new charter went into effect in 1938, the ward system which had allowed only a small number of people to serve on the City Council since 1686 ceased to exist, and the new 26-member New York City Council now had certain functions governed by the Board of Estimate.[83] La Guardia's appointees filled the board of magistrates and virtually every other long-term appointive office, and the power of Tammany Hall had now been reduced to a shadow of what it once was.[82] LaGuardia also greatly increased the number of city jobs awarded by the civil service system: about half of city positions required job seekers to take an exam in 1933, compared to about three-quarters in 1939.[84] In 1937, LaGuardia became the first anti-Tammany "reform" Mayor to ever be re-elected in the city's history[82] and was again re-elected in 1941 before retiring in 1945.[82] His extended tenure weakened Tammany in a way that previous reform mayors had not.[82]

Tammany depended for its power on government contracts, jobs, patronage, corruption, and ultimately the ability of its leaders to control nominations to the Democratic ticket and swing the popular vote. The last element weakened after 1940 with the decline of relief programs like WPA and CCC that Tammany used to gain and hold supporters. Congressman Christopher "Christy" Sullivan was one of the last "bosses" of Tammany Hall before its collapse.

Criminal issues

Manhattan District Attorney Thomas E. Dewey also got longtime Tammany Hall boss Jimmy Hines convicted of bribery in 1939[9] and sentenced to 4–8 years.[85] The loss of Hines would serve as a major blow to Tammany, as he had given the political machine strong ties to the city's powerful organized crime figures since the 1920s.[86] A few years prior, Dewey also had powerful mobster and strong Tammany ally Lucky Luciano convicted of racketeering and sentenced to 30–50 years;[87] however, Luciano was still able to maintain control of the powerful Luciano crime family from prison until his sentence was commuted to deportation to Italy in 1946.[88] Several Tammany Hall officials affiliated with Hines and Luciano were also successfully prosecuted by Dewey.[87] In 1943, district attorney Frank Hogan provided a transcript of a recorded phone message between Frank Costello and Judge Thomas A. Aurelio, a Tammany associate running for state Supreme Court on both Republican and Democrat tickets, wherein Aurelio pledged his loyalty to Costello.[89]

Indian Summer, 1950s

Although the Kefauver hearings, an investigation into organized crime, did not directly impact Tammany, it did not help its image regarding its appeared connection to organized crime.[90] Tammany never recovered from prosecutions of the 1940s, but it staged a small-scale comeback in the early 1950s under the leadership of Carmine DeSapio, who succeeded in engineering the elections of Robert F. Wagner, Jr., an outspoken liberal Democrat,[91] as mayor in 1953 and W. Averell Harriman as state governor in 1954, while simultaneously blocking his enemies, especially Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Jr. in the 1954 race for state Attorney General. Unlike previous Tammany bosses, however, DeSapio had promoted himself as a reformer and always made his decisions known to the public.[92] The fact that DeSapio was of Italian descent also demonstrated that Tammany was no longer dominated by Irish-American politicians.[92] Under DeSapio's leadership, the nationality of Tammany Hall's leaders diversified.[92] However, DeSapio's close ties with the city's lead mobster Frank Costello, Luciano's self-appointed successor,[88] helped establish him as a corrupt figure.[92] During DeSapio's reign, Costello was the main person who influenced the decisions made by Tammany Hall officials.[92]

By 1956, however, Costello, who was convicted of tax evasion in 1954 and now controlled the Luciano family from prison, was engaged in a major power struggle with fellow associate Vito Genovese and his grip on power greatly weakened.[88] In 1957, Costello was released from prison after winning an appeal but officially abandoned his role as head of the Luciano family following a failed assassination attempt.[88] In 1958, DeSapio's "reform" image was severely damaged after he ran his own candidate for Senate, Manhattan District Attorney Frank Hogan.[92] New Yorkers now saw DeSapio as an old-time Tammany Hall boss, and Hogan would lose the Senate election to Republican Kenneth Keating;[92] Republican Nelson Rockefeller would also be elected Governor the same year.[92] Democrats who once praised De Sapio now excoriated him.[92] In 1961, Wagner won re-election by running a reformist campaign that denounced his former patron, DeSapio, as an undemocratic practitioner of Tammany machine politics.[92] After World War II, a group of young World War II veterans and other reform-minded Democrats began the Lexington Democratic Club in response to being denied access to Tammany Hall politics by the old guard.[93][94] Eleanor Roosevelt organized a counterattack with Herbert H. Lehman and Thomas K. Finletter to form the New York Committee for Democratic Voters, a group dedicated to fighting Tammany. In 1961, the group helped remove DeSapio from power. The once mighty Tammany political machine, now deprived of its leadership, quickly faded from political importance, and by 1967 it ceased to exist; its demise as the controlling group of the New York Democratic Party was sealed when the Village Independent Democrats under Ed Koch wrested away control of the Manhattan party.

Leaders

There were two distinct entities: the Tammany Society, headed by a Grand Sachem elected annually on May 23; and the Tammany Hall political machine headed by a "boss". The following list names the political bosses, as far as could be ascertained. Tammany Hall operated with obfuscation in mind, so these public leaders may not represent actual leadership.[95]

Headquarters

170 Nassau Street in 1893
170 Nassau Street in 1893
Tammany Hall on East 14th Street between Third Avenue and Irving Place in Manhattan, New York City (1914).  The building was demolished c.1927.
Tammany Hall on East 14th Street between Third Avenue and Irving Place in Manhattan, New York City (1914). The building was demolished c.1927.
The former Tammany Hall building at 17th Street and Park Avenue South, across from Union Square, housed a theatre and a film school until renovations commenced in 2016.
The former Tammany Hall building at 17th Street and Park Avenue South, across from Union Square, housed a theatre and a film school until renovations commenced in 2016.

In its very early days, the Tammany Society met in the back rooms of various taverns, most often in Barden's Tavern on Broadway near Bowling Green.[99] These back rooms served as unofficial campaign headquarters on election days.[100]

In 1791, the society opened a museum designed to collect artifacts relating to the events and history of the United States. Originally presented in an upper room of City Hall, it moved to the Merchant's Exchange when that proved to be too small. The museum was unsuccessful, and the Society severed its connections with it in 1795.[101]

Then, in 1798, the Society moved to more permanent and spacious quarters, the "Long Room" of "Brom" Martling's Tavern, at Nassau Street and Spruce Street, near where City Hall is today. Tammany controlled the space, which it dubbed "The Wigwam", and let other responsible political organizations it approved of use the room for meetings. This space became commonly known as "Tammany Hall".[99]

Their new headquarters had limitations as well as advantages, and in 1812 Tammany moved again, this time to a new five-story $55,000 building it built at the corner of Nassau and Frankfort Streets, just a few blocks away. The new Tammany Hall had a large room that could accommodate up to 2,000 people for political and social events, and the rest of the building was run as a hotel. The Society was to remain there for 55 years.[102]

By the 1860s, Tammany under Tweed had much greater influence – and affluence, so new headquarters was deemed desirable. The cornerstone for the new Tammany headquarters was laid on July 14, 1867, at 141 East 14th Street between Third Avenue and Fourth Avenues (the building at Nassau and Frankfort was sold to Charles Dana and his friends, who bought a newspaper, The Sun, and moved it there[103]).

When the leaders of the Society found that they had not raised enough funds, and needed $25,000 more, a meeting was held at which $175,000 was immediately pledged.[104] The new Wigwam was completed in 1868. It was not just a political clubhouse:

Tammany Hall merged politics and entertainment, already stylistically similar, in its new headquarters. ... The Tammany Society kept only one room for itself, renting the rest to entertainment impresarios: Don Bryant's Minstrels, a German theater company, classical concerts and opera. The basement – in the French mode – offered the Café Ausant, where one could see tableaux vivant, gymnastic exhibitions, pantomimes, and Punch and Judy shows. There was also a bar, a bazaar, a Ladies' Cafe, and an oyster saloon. All this – with the exception of Bryant's – was open from seven till midnight for a combination price of fifty cents.[105]

The building had an auditorium big enough to hold public meetings, and a smaller one that became Tony Pastor's Music Hall, where vaudeville had its beginnings.[106] The structure was topped off by a large-than-life statue of Saint Tammany.[104]

In 1927 the building on 14th Street was sold, to make way for the new tower being added to the Consolidated Edison Company Building. The Society's new building, in Manhattan on East 17th Street and Union Square East, was finished and occupied by 1929.[107] When Tammany started to lose its political influence, and its all-important access to graft, it could no longer afford to maintain the 17th Street building, and in 1943 it was bought by a local affiliate of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union. Tammany left, and its leaders moved to the National Democratic Club on Madison Avenue at East 33rd Street, and the Society's collection of memorabilia went into a warehouse in the Bronx.[108] The building housed the New York Film Academy and the Union Square Theatre, and retail stores at street level, until a complete renovation of the building began in January 2016.[109][110] The New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission designated it in October 2013.[111] Plans to add a glass dome to the building were nixed by the Landmarks Commission in 2014; however, the interior is still slated to be completely rebuilt, including demolishing the theater.[110] In 2015, a scaled-back version of the glass dome was approved by the commission.[112]

In popular culture

  • The 1959 Broadway musical Fiorello! describes Fiorello H. La Guardia's 1933 campaign for Mayor of New York City against Tammany Hall.
  • Tammany Hall is prominently featured in the film Gangs of New York, with Jim Broadbent portraying "Boss" Tweed.
  • Tammany Hall features as a power-broking group in the 2012 TV series Copper, pulling strings behind the scenes in the Five Points neighborhood of New York City.
  • Tammany Hall is featured in the novel A Tree Grows in Brooklyn, in which they sponsor a family outing. Johnny and Katie Nolan debate the merit of the organization, with Johnny for and Katie opposed to it.
  • Tammany Hall was an antagonist in the Clive Cussler novel The Gangster, part of Cussler's Issac Bell series.
  • The 2007 area control board game "Tammany Hall" is based on Tammany Hall politics, with players vying for support from different immigrant populations in order to achieve dominance in New York City.[113]
  • Walt Kelly's Pogo (comic strip) depicts a politically-minded tiger, Tammananny, as one of the creatures who shows up in the swamp in election years, spouting ideas to help the reluctant Pogo campaign for President of the United States.
  • Samuel Hopkins Adams's 1959 posthumous novel Tenderloin about the battle between social reformer Charles Henry Parkhurst and the Tammany Hall political machine was produced as a successful Broadway musical Tenderloin in 1960.

See also

References

Notes

  1. ^ "Tammany Hall Today: A Site of Higher Education in Union Square". Untapped Cities. April 8, 2014.
  2. ^ Peel, Roy V. The Political Clubs of New York City (1935)
  3. ^ Shefter, Martin. "The electoral foundations of the political machine: New York City, 1884–1897." in Joel Silbey et al. eds., The history of American electoral behavior (1978) pp: 263–98, esp pp 294–95.
  4. ^ Huthmacher (1965)
  5. ^ Czitrom, Daniel. "Underworlds and underdogs: Big Tim Sullivan and metropolitan politics in New York, 1889–1913," Journal of American History (1991) 78#2 pp 536–558 in JSTOR
  6. ^ Slayton, Robert A. Empire Statesman: The Rise and Redemption of Al Smith (2001). ch 6–15.
  7. ^ Huthmacher, J. Joseph. Senator Robert F. Wagner and the rise of urban liberalism (1968) ch 1–4
  8. ^ Hodge, Frederick Webb (ed.) Handbook of Indians North of Mexico (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 30. GPO 1911), 2:683–684
  9. ^ a b c "Sachems & Sinners: An Informal History of Tammany Hall" Time (August 22, 1955)
  10. ^ a b The History of New York State Archived September 30, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
  11. ^ Allen pp. 5-6
  12. ^ Allen p.7, 10
  13. ^ Allen pp.7-10
  14. ^ Parmet and Hecht, pp. 149–150
  15. ^ a b c Myers, p. 17
  16. ^ Allen pp. 13,14,18
  17. ^ a b c Myers, p. 21
  18. ^ a b c d e f g h i Myers, p. 28
  19. ^ Allen pp. 13,14,18
  20. ^ a b c d Myers, p. 23
  21. ^ Myers, p. 24
  22. ^ a b c Myers, p. 26
  23. ^ Myers, pp. 27–30
  24. ^ Myers, p. 30
  25. ^ Allen p.21
  26. ^ a b Myers, p. 27
  27. ^ Myers, pp. 36–38
  28. ^ Myers, p. 38
  29. ^ Myers, p. 39
  30. ^ a b Myers, p. 36
  31. ^ Allen p. 24
  32. ^ Myers, p. 35
  33. ^ a b Myers, p. 46
  34. ^ Allen pp.27-50
  35. ^ a b Panayiotopoulos, Prodromos (2006). Immigrant enterprise in Europe and the USA. Routledge Studies in the Modern World Economy. p. 52. ISBN 978-0-415-35371-7.
  36. ^ a b "New York Election Results". Mahalo.com.
  37. ^ a b c d "Tammany Hall".
  38. ^ Allen pp. 42-43
  39. ^ Allen pp. 36,48
  40. ^ New York City used the designation "ward" for its smallest political units from 1686–1938. The 1686 Dongan Charter divided the city into six wards and created a Common Council which consisted of an alderman and an assistant alderman elected from each ward. In 1821, the Common Council's authority was expanded so it would also elect the city's mayor, which had previously been appointed by the state government. In 1834, the state constitution was amended and required the city's mayor to be elected by direct popular vote. In 1834, Cornelius Van Wyck Lawrence, a pro-Tammany Democrat, would become the first mayor ever elected by popular vote in the city's history. See "A Brief History of Election Law in New York" on the Gotham Gazette website
  41. ^ "Tammany Hall: Boss Tweed & Thomas Nast" Racontours
  42. ^ a b c d e "Gale - Enter Product Login".
  43. ^ Allen
  44. ^ "Tammany Hall". www2.gwu.edu. Retrieved October 28, 2016.
  45. ^ Riordin, pp.91–93
  46. ^ Connable and Silberfarb, p.154
  47. ^ Allen pp. 54-62
  48. ^ Allen pp. 54-62
  49. ^ Allen pp.52-53,63,67-76
  50. ^ a b Burrows & Wallace, p.837 and passim
  51. ^ Ackerman, Kenneth D. Boss Tweed: The Rise and Fall of the Corrupt Pol Who Conceived the Soul of Modern New York New York: Carroll & Graf, 2005; quoted in Hammill, Pete, "'Boss Tweed': The Fellowship of the Ring" New York Times (March 27, 2005)
  52. ^ Allen, pp. 118-125
  53. ^ Allen, pp. 118-125
  54. ^ Burrows & Wallace, p.1027
  55. ^ Burrows & Wallace, p.1099
  56. ^ Burrows & Wallace, pp.1103–1106
  57. ^ Burrows & Wallace, p.1100
  58. ^ Burrows & Wallace, pp.1106–1108
  59. ^ Allen p.175
  60. ^ Burrows & Wallace, pp.1108–1109
  61. ^ Burrows & Wallace, pp.1109–1110
  62. ^ Burrows & Wallace, pp.1192–1194
  63. ^ Burrows & Wallace, pp.1206–1208
  64. ^ Allen pp.197-200
  65. ^ Roy V. Peel, The Political Clubs of New York City (1935)
  66. ^ Martin Shefter, "The electoral foundations of the political machine: New York City, 1884–1897." in Joel Silbey et al. eds., The history of American electoral behavior (1978) pp: 263–98, esp pp 294–95.
  67. ^ Richard Skolnik, "Civic Group Progressivism In New York City," New York History (1970) 51#5 pp 411–439.
  68. ^ David C. Hammack, Power and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century (1982) pp 308–13
  69. ^ J. Joseph Huthmacher, "Charles Evans Hughes and Charles Francis Murphy: The Metamorphosis of Progressivism." New York History' (1965): 25–40. in JSTOR
  70. ^ Daniel Czitrom, "Underworlds and underdogs: Big Tim Sullivan and metropolitan politics in New York, 1889–1913," Journal of American History (1991) 78#2 pp 536–558 in JSTOR
  71. ^ Jackson, Encyclopedia of New York City, (1996) pp 914, 999, 1149–51
  72. ^ Marvin G. Weinbaum, "New York County Republican Politics, 1897–1922: The Quarter-Century After Municipal Consolidation." New York Historical Society Quarterly (1966) 50#1 pp: 62–70.
  73. ^ "Seth Low," in Jackson,Encyclopedia of New York City, (1996) p 695
  74. ^ Steven C. Swett, "The Test of a Reformer: A Study of Seth Low, New York City Mayor, 1902–1903," New-York Historical Society Quarterly (1960) 44#1 pp 5–41
  75. ^ Terry Golway, Machine Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American Politics (2014) p 186
  76. ^ Ben Proctor, William Randolph Hearst: The Early Years, 1863–1910 the parenthesis 1998) ch 11
  77. ^ Allen pp. 233-250
  78. ^ Allen p.242
  79. ^ Allen pp. 233-250
  80. ^ "Curry and McCooey to Support Ticket; Roosevelt Held 'Luckiest Man' in Nation". The New York Times. July 3, 1932. p. 10. Retrieved June 8, 2012.
  81. ^ "Edward Flynn (1891–1953)" George Washington University website
  82. ^ a b c d e f g "La Guardia Is Dead; City Pays Homage To 3-Time Mayor". The New York Times.
  83. ^ New York City Council website
  84. ^ Allen p. 256
  85. ^ Hines, James J. Newspaper Clippings from the Trials, 1938–1940: Finding Aid Harvard Law School Library website
  86. ^ "truTV - Reality TV - Comedy".
  87. ^ a b "truTV - Reality TV - Comedy".
  88. ^ a b c d "Articles/Biographies/Criminals/Costello, Frank". Free Information Society.
  89. ^ Allen p. 258
  90. ^ Allen p. 271
  91. ^ Clarity, James F. (February 13, 1991). "Robert Wagner, 80, Pivotal New York Mayor, Dies". The New York Times.
  92. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Kandell, Jonathan (July 28, 2004). "Carmine De Sapio, Political Kingmaker and Last Tammany Hall Boss, Dies at 95". The New York Times.
  93. ^ Allen p.275
  94. ^ "About the club". lexclub.org. Retrieved January 15, 2019.
  95. ^ Allen, p. 1
  96. ^ a b Wiles, David (2003). "Boss Tweed and the Tammany Hall Machine". New York State University at Albany. Retrieved November 11, 2014.
  97. ^ Technically, Costikyan was not leader of Tammany Hall itself, but of the New York Democratic Committee
  98. ^ Hevesi, Dennis (June 23, 2012). "Edward N. Costikyan, Adviser to New York Politicians, Is Dead at 87". New York Times. Retrieved October 8, 2012.
  99. ^ a b Allen, pp.7–8
  100. ^ Burrows & Wallace p.322
  101. ^ Burrows & Wallace p.316
  102. ^ Allen, p.24
  103. ^ O'Brien, Frank Michael. The Story of the Sun: New York, 1833–1918 George H. Doran Co, 1916. p. 229
  104. ^ a b Allen, pp.99–100
  105. ^ Burrows & Wallace p.995
  106. ^ Wurman, Richard Saul. Access New York City. New York: HarperCollins, 2000. ISBN 0-06-277274-0
  107. ^ "Second Tammany Hall Building Proposed as Historic Landmark". Retrieved March 3, 2008.
  108. ^ Allen, p.259
  109. ^ Moss, Jeremiah (January 11, 2016). "Tammany Hall Empties Out". Vanishing New York.
  110. ^ a b Bindelglass, Evan (November 26, 2014). "Landmarks Nixes Tammany Hall's Glass Tortoise Shell Topper". Curbed NY.
  111. ^ Tammany Hall a Landmark New York Daily News
  112. ^ "Shrunken Tortoise Shell Topper Approved for Tammany Hall". Curbed NY. March 11, 2015.
  113. ^ "Tammany Hall" Board Game Geek

Bibliography

Primary sources

  • Costikyan, Edward N. (1993). "Politics in New York City: a Memoir of the Post-war Years". New York History. 74 (4): 414–434. ISSN 0146-437X
  • Riordan, William (1963). Plunkitt of Tammany Hall: A Series of Plain Talks on Very Practical Politics. New York: E.P. Dutton.; 1915 memoir of New York City ward boss George Washington Plunkitt who coined the term "honest graft"

This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Eleanor Roosevelt National Historic Site operated by the National Park Service

Further reading

  • Colburn, David R.; Pozzetta, George E. (1976). "Bosses and Machines: Changing interpretations in American history". The History Teacher. 9 (3): 445–463. doi:10.2307/492336. JSTOR 492336.
  • Cornwell, Elmer E., Jr. (1976). "Bosses, Machines, and Ethnic Groups". In Callow, Alexander B., Jr. (ed.). The City Boss in America: An Interpretive Reader. New York: Oxford University Press.
  • Erie, Steven P (1988). Rainbow's End: Irish-Americans and the Dilemmas of Urban Machine Politics, 1840–1985.
  • Finegold, Kenneth (1995). Experts and Politicians: Reform Challenges to Machine Politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-03734-9. OCLC 30666095.
  • Golway, Terry (2014). Machine Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American Politics. Liveright: W. W. Norton & Company.
  • Henderson, Thomas M. (1976). Tammany Hall and the New Immigrants: The Progressive Years. Ayer Company Publishers.
  • Home, Rufus (April 1872). "The Story of Tammany, Part I: How It was Made a Political Power". Harper's New Monthly Magazine. 44 (263): 685–96.
  • Home, Rufus (May 1872). "The Story of Tammany, Part II: How It Grew to Political Supremacy". Harper's New Monthly Magazine. 44 (264): 835–48.
  • LaCerra, Charles (1997). Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Tammany Hall of New York. University Press of America.
  • Lash, Joseph (1972). Eleanor: The Years Alone. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. pp. 274–6.
  • Low, A. Maurice. "Tammany Hall: Its Boss, Its Methods, and Its Meaning". In Norman, Henry (ed.). The World's Work, Volume II: June to November 1903. pp. 378–82.
  • Lui, Adonica Y. (1995). "The Machine and Social Policies: Tammany Hall and the Politics of Public Outdoor Relief, New York City, 1874–1898". Studies in American Political Development. 9 (2): 386–403. doi:10.1017/S0898588X0000136X. ISSN 0898-588X.
  • Mandelbaum, Seymour Jacob (1965). Boss Tweed's New York. New York: Wiley Press. OCLC 925964624.
  • Moscow, Warren (1971). The Last of the Big-Time Bosses: The Life and Times of Carmine de Sapio and the Rise and Fall of Tammany Hall. New York: Stein and Day.
  • Mushkat, Jerome (1990). Fernando Wood: A Political Biography. The Kent State University Press.
  • Sloat, Warren (2002). A Battle for the Soul of New York: Tammany Hall, Police Corruption, Vice, and Reverend Charles Parkhurst's Crusade against Them, 1892–1895. Cooper Square.
  • Stave, Bruce M.; Allswang, John M.; McDonald, Terrence J.; Teaford, Jon C. (May 1988). "A Reassessment of the Urban Political Boss: An Exchange of Views". The History Teacher. 21 (3): 293–312. doi:10.2307/492997. JSTOR 492997.
  • Steffens, Lincoln (1904). The Shame of the Cities. McClure, Philips, and Company.
  • Stoddard, T. L. (1931). Master of Manhattan: The Life of Richard Croker. Longmans, Green and Company. OCLC 1535182.
  • Thomas, Samuel J. (2004). "Mugwump Cartoonists, the Papacy, and Tammany Hall in America's Gilded Age". Religion and American Culture. 14 (2): 213–250. doi:10.1525/rac.2004.14.2.213. ISSN 1052-1151.
  • Werner, Morris Robert (1928). Tammany Hall. New York: Doubleday.

External links

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