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Socialism in Iran

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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Socialism in Iran or Iranian socialism is a political ideology that traces its beginnings to the 20th century and encompasses various political parties in the country. Iran experienced a short Third World Socialism period at the zenith of the Tudeh Party after the abdication of Reza Shah and his replacement by his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (though the party never rose to power). After failing to reach power, this form of third world socialism was replaced by Mosaddegh's populist, non-aligned Iranian nationalism of the National Front party as the main anti-monarchy force in Iran, reaching power (1949–1953), and it remained with that strength even in opposition (after the overthrowing of Mossadegh) until the rise of Islamism and the Iranian Revolution.[1] The Tudehs have moved towards basic socialist communism since then.[2]

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Transcription

Hi, I’m John Green and this is Crash Course World History and today we’re talking about Iran. Oh, Mr. Green? Mr. Green? I know that country. It’s in the Middle East. It’s with Egypt. No, Me from the Past, we’re going to talk about Iran. Now, I used to be you so I remember when you would look at this part of the world and you would be like, “oh yeah, that’s a thing.” And in your case that “thing” extended more or less from I guess, like, western China to, like, uh, Poland. Then you’d make a bunch of broad generalizations about that area and no doubt use the terms Arab and Muslim interchangeably. But as usual Me From the Past the truth resists simplicity. So today we are going to talk about Iran and just Iran. Specifically, the 1979 Iranian Revolution. So the 1979 Iranian Revolution and its aftermath are often seen by detractors as the first step in the creation of an isolated, fundamentalist state that supports terrorism, and, you might be surprised to hear me say, that there is some truth to that interpretation. That said, the way you think about the Iranian Revolution depends a lot of which part of it you are looking at. And regardless, it’s very important because it represents a different kind of revolution from the ones that we usually talk about. So the 1979 uprisings were aimed at getting rid of the Pahlavi Dynasty, which sounds, like, impressive, but this dynasty had only had two kings, Reza Shah and Mohammed Reza Shah. Before the Pahlavis, Iran was ruled by the Qajar dynasty, and before that the Safavids. The Safavids and Qajars were responsible for two of the most important aspects of Iran: The Safavids made Shia Islam the official state religion in Iran, starting with Ismail I in 1501, and the Qajars gave the Muslim clergy – the ulema – political power. So most of the world’s Muslims are Sunnis but the Shia, or Shiites are an important sect that began very early on – around 680 CE and today form the majority of Muslims in Iran and Iraq. Now within both Sunni and Shia there are further divisions and many sects, but we’re just going to talk about, like, the historical difference between the two. Shia Muslims believe that Ali should’ve been the first Caliph, Sunni Muslims think that Abu Bakr, who was the first Caliph, was rightly chosen. Since that disagreement, there have been many others, many doctrinal differences but what’s more important is that from the very beginning, Shia Muslims saw themselves as the party of the oppressed standing up against the wealthy and powerful and harkening back to the social justice standard that was set by the prophet. And this connection between religious faith and social justice was extremely important to the Iranian Revolution in 1979 and also to previous revolutions in Iran. This is really crucial to understand because many historians argue that the Iranian revolution represents what the journalist Christian Caryl called an “odd fusion of Islam and late-twentieth century revolutionary politics.” But actually, in the scheme of Iranian history, its not so odd. Because 1979 was not Iran’s first revolution. The first major one was in 1906. It forced the ruling Qajars to accept a constitution. It created a parliament and supposedly some limits on the king, and made Shia Islam the official state religion, but it also protected the rights of minorities in Iran. It ultimately failed partly because the clergy withdrew their support, partly because the shah worked very actively against it, and maybe most importantly, because the Russians and the British worked to keep Persia weak so they could continue to try to dominate the region. Which reminds me that most people in Iran are not Arabs, they are Persian. And most people in Iran don’t speak Arabic, they speak Farsi, or as we often call it in English, Persian. So after WWI European rivalries really heated up because of the discovery of oil in the Middle East. The British established the Anglo Iranian Oil Company – which would later come to be known as BP. They also extracted a bunch of concessions from the Iranian government in addition to extracting lots of oil. And they helped to engineer a change in dynasty by supporting military commander Reza Khan in his coup in February 1921. Reza Khan became Reza Shah and then he attempted to turn Persia, which he re-named Iran in 1935, into a modern, secular, western-style state kind of like Turkey was under Ataturk. But Reza Shah is perhaps best remembered for his over the top dictatorial repression, which turned the clergy against him. Okay, so during World War II Reza Shah abdicated and his young son Mohammad Reza Shah became the leader of Iran. Which he remained, mostly, until 1979 when he definitely stopped being the leader of Iran. So after World War II, the British allowed greater popular participation in Iran’s government. The main party to benefit from this openness was Tudeh, the Iranian communist party. Mohammed Mosaddegh was elected prime minister in 1951 and led the parliament to nationalize Iran’s oil industry, and that was the end of the democratic experiment. Now most history books say that in 1953 the British and the CIA engineered a coup to remove Mosaddegh from office. And that is quite possibly true. It is definitely true that we tried to engineer a coup. It’s also true that Mosaddegh quit and fled Iran following demonstrations against him. But we also know that the Shia clergy encouraged those demonstrations. That’s a bit of a weird decision for the Clergy, considering that Shia Islam traditionally takes a radical stance against oppression. But it’s important to remember that Mosaddegh was supported by the Tudeh party and they were communists. Nationalization of the oil industry was one thing, but a further shift toward communism might mean appropriation of the land that supported the clergy, maybe even a rejection of religion altogether. So now we’ve seen two occasions where the Shia clergy support helped facilitate change. Right, in 1906 and again in 1953. So, let’s flash ahead to 1979. The Shah was definitely an autocrat, and he employed a ruthless secret police called the SAVAK to stifle dissent. In 1975, the Shah abolished Iran’s two political parties and replaced them with one party the Resurgence party. You’ll never guess who was resurging - the Shah. There was a huge round of censorship and arrests and torture of political prisoners signaling that autocracy was in Iran to stay. But before those events in 1975, say between 1962 and 1975, by most economic and social measures Iran saw huge improvements. In 1963, the Shah had tried to institute what he called a White Revolution – top-down modernization led by the monarchy, and in many ways he was successful, especially in improving industry and education. Oil revenues rose from $555 million in 1964 to $20 billion in 1976. And the Shah’s government invested a lot of that money in infrastructure and education. The population grew and infant mortality fell. A new professional middle class arose. But the White Revolution wasn’t universally popular. For instance, it was opposed by one particular Shia cleric - the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Khomeini spoke out against the White Revolution from the religious center of Iran, Qom. One of his main complaints was that the reforms would grant more rights to women, including the right to vote, but he also attacked the government for, quote: “the rigging of elections and other constitutional abuses, neglect of the poor and the sale of oil to Israel.” And in general, Khomeini felt that a king’s power was inherently un-Islamic and that Shia tradition was to fight that power. That noted about Khomeini, the 1979 revolution didn’t start out to create an Islamic state. At first it was a pretty typical uprising by dissatisfied Iranians to overthrow a government that they perceived as corrupt and unresponsive to their needs. In spite of, or arguably because of, oil-fueled economic growth, many Iranians weren’t enjoying economic success. The universities were turning out more graduates than there were jobs and the mechanization of agriculture had the predictable result of displacing farmers who moved to cities. Especially the capital city of Tehran where there weren’t nearly enough jobs for the number of people. So, I think it’s unfair to say that a majority of the demonstrators who took to the streets in late 1978 were motivated by a fundamentalist vision of Islam. They were dissatisfied with economic inequality and political repression and a corrupt regime. So why do we generally remember the 1979 revolution as having been motivated by Shia Islam. Well, Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. So the initial demonstrations did begin after an Iranian newspaper on January 7, 1978 published an article that was critical of Khomeini. By the way, at the time he was living in Paris. These initial demonstrations were pretty small, but when the government police and army forces starting firing on demonstrators, killing some of them, the protests grew. Each time marchers protested against the violent treatment of demonstrators, the government would crack down, and their violent reaction would spur more demonstrations. There was also a lot of criticism of the west tied up in the revolution. According to one woman who participated: “American lifestyles had come to be imposed as an ideal, the ultimate goal. Americanism was the model. American popular culture – books, magazines, film – had swept over our country like a flood...We found ourselves wondering ‘Is there any room for our own culture?’” The Shah never understood why so many people were protesting against him; he thought that they were communists, or being supported by the British. He also thought that merely bringing prosperity would be enough to keep him in power. It wasn’t. On January 16, 1979 he left Iran. He eventually ended up in the U.S., which had unfortunate consequences for diplomatic relations between the U.S. and Iran. But the point here is that the first part of the Iranian revolution was relatively peaceful protests followed by a government crackdown, more protests that eventually led to the collapse of the monarchy, and that looks kind of familiar, especially if you’ve studied, like, the French or Russian or even the American Revolutions. And most historians argue these protests weren’t about Islam, but rather, “The discontent over living conditions, pay cuts, and the threat of unemployment fused with the general disillusionment and anger with the regime.” The government that eventually replaced the monarchy was the second, and in many ways much more revolutionary revolution. Thanks Thought Bubble. So the new Islamic Republic of Iran was based on Khomeini’s idea about what an Islamic government should be, a principle he called velayat-e faqih. Mainly it was that a sharia law scholar, would have ultimate authority, because he was more knowledgeable than anyone about law and justice. There would be a legislature and a president and a prime minister, but any of their decisions could be overturned by the supreme ruler who from 1979 until his death was Khomeini. Now, if democracy is only about holding elections, then the new Iran was a democracy. I mean, Iran has elections, both for president and for the parliament. And for the record, despite what Khomeini might have thought in the ‘60s, women can vote in Iran and they do. They also serve in the parliament and the president’s cabinet. And in the referendum on whether to create an Islamic Republic of Iran, the vast majority of Iranians in a free and open vote, voted “yes.” Now governance in Iran is extremely complicated, too complicated for one Crash Course video. But in once sense at least, Iran is definitely not a democracy. The ultimate authority, written into the constitution, is not the will of the people but god, who is represented by the supreme religious leader. And the actions of the Islamic Republic, especially in the early chaotic days of 1979 but also many times since, don’t conform to most ideas of effective democracy. Like one of the first things that Khomeini did to shore up his support was to create the Islamic Revolutionary Guards and Hezbollah to defend the revolution against coup attempts. Although initially there were opposition parties, their activities were curtailed by the new “revolutionary courts” that applied sharia law in a particularly harsh fashion. Like it’s estimated that by October 1979, several hundred people had been executed. And under the new constitution, Khomeini was given extensive power. I mean, he could appoint the heads of the armed services, and the Revolutionary Guard and the national TV and radio stations. He also approved the candidates for presidential elections and appointed six of the twelve members of the Guardian Council that approved legislation from the parliament before it became law. So structurally Iran’s government looked kind of like other governments, but as Michael Axworthy points out it was different because, quote, “above and beyond stood the faqih, with the power and the responsibility to intervene directly in the name of Islam; indeed with powers greater than those given to most monarchs in constitutional monarchies.” By 1979, Iran already had a long history of clerical involvement in protest and dynamic change, but it also had a long history of pushing for constitutions and liberty. The current end result is the Islamic Republic of Iran, but it’s worth remembering that both those threads of history are still part of Iranian life. Like we saw that in 2009 and 2010 with the so-called Green Revolution where there were huge protests after an Iranian election. Those protests involved young people arguing for more rights and liberties.. But they were also led by, and encouraged by, reformist Shia clerics. In the U.S. we mostly remember the 1979 Iranian Revolution for its burning of American flags and taking of hostages in the American Embassy. That belonged more to the second phase of the revolution, the chaotic period when the Islamic republic was being born. Life in the Islamic Republic of Iran remains highly repressive. I mean, for instance, Iran still executes a very high percentage of criminals. But it’s inaccurate to say that Iran is merely a dictatorship, or that it’s merely repressive. And one of the challenges for people in the West trying to understand Iran is that we have to disentangle the various aspects of the revolution rather than simply relying on the images that have defined it for us. I hope this episode can help a little. You can find more resources in the links below. Thanks for watching. Crash Course is filmed here in the Chad and Stacey Emigholz studio in Indianapolis and it’s made possible because of the hard worth of all of these people. Thank you for watching and as we say in my hometown, “don’t forget to be awesome.”

Iranian Socialist organizations during 1900–1979

Social Democratic Party

Main article: Social Democratic Party (Persia)

In 1904 or 1905, the Social Democratic Party was formed by Persian emigrants in Transcaucasia with the help of local revolutionaries, maintaining close ties to the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party and Hemmat Party.[3][4] It was the first Iranian socialist organization.[5] The party created its own mélange of European socialism and indigenous ideas and upheld liberalism and nationalism. It maintained some religious beliefs[4] while being critical of the conservative ulama[4] and embracing separation of church and state.[6] It was founded by Haydar Khan Amo-oghli and led by Nariman Narimanov.[3][4][6]

Unified Socialist Party and Social Reformers Party

Main article: Unified Socialist Party (Persia)

During the constitutional period, the Unified Socialist and Social Reformers Party were both socialist political parties in Persia.[7] The Social Reformers Party was considered to follow a moderate line in comparison to the Democrat Party and the Social Democratic Party's economic platform, but opposed the landlords likewise.[8]

Union and Progress Party

Main article: Union and Progress Party (Persia)

Democrat Party

Main article: Democrat Party (Persia)

Founded in 1909 in Qajari Persia during the constitutional period, the Democrat Party was one of two major parliamentary parties at the time alongside its rival, the Moderate Socialists Party.[6] The party had a social democrat ideology, initially was an offshoot of the Transcaucasia-based Social Democratic Party. It severed direct ties with Baku and dropped "Socialist" from the name in deference to the conservative public. Its ideology, however, remained heavily borrowed from the old party.[9] It was largely composed of middle-class intellectuals and stood for the separation of church and state.[9]

In 1918, the party had split definitively into the Pro-Reorganization Democrats led by Bahar; and the Anti-Reorganization Democrats.[6]

Notable members were Hassan Taqizadeh and Haydar Khan Amo-oghli.[9][6]

Socialist Revolutionary Party

Main article: Socialist Revolutionary Party (Persia)

Founded in the 1900s, the Socialist Revolutionary Party, also known as Social-Revolutionaries, was a Persian revolutionary socialist party based in Baku, Caucasus Viceroyalty.[10] It was one of the most important parties established by the Persian emigrants in Transcaucasia during Qajar dynasty.[11] The party published an Azerbaijani language newspaper twice a week, named Ekinçi ve Fe'le and edited by Hosayn Israfilbekov.[12]

Communist Party of Persia

Originally established as the Justice Party in 1917, the Communist Party of Iran was an Iranian communist party founded by former Social Democratic Party's members who supported Baku-based Bolsheviks, the party participated in Third International in 1919 and was renamed to the Communist Party of Iran in 1920.[13]

Socialist Party

Main article: Socialist Party (Iran)

During the 1920s, the Socialist Party was a leading left-wing political party that was close to the Tudeh Party of Iran and it joined the Tudeh-led United Front of Progressive Parties in 1946, effectively absorbed by the larger group.[14] The roots of the Socialist Party lay in the Democrat Party, a reformist group active in the first two decades of the twentieth century. Following the disintegration of this movement those members who retained faith in the masses and hoped to mobilise the lower and middle classes grouped together under the Socialist Party banner in 1921.[15] The party was led by Sulayman Eskandari, Muhammad Musavat and Qasim Khan Sur as well as Muhammad Sadiq Tabatabai, a member of a leading clerical family recruited largely to hold off the inevitable attacks from conservative clerics.[16] Their main newspaper, Toufan (Storm), was edited by the outspoken and controversial poet Mohammad Farrokhi Yazdi.[16]

Branches were set up in Rasht, Qazvin, Bandar Anzali, Tabriz, Mashhad, Kerman and Kermanshah although Tehran was the main base of operations and it was in the capital that the party founded four newspapers and established affiliated groups such as the Union of Employees in the Ministry of Post and Telegraph, a Tenants Association and Patriotic Women's Society.[16] The latter group campaigned for a wider role for women in Iranian society, promoting such initiatives as education for girls and wider provisions for women's health. It had been established in 1922 by Mohtaram Eskandari and quickly affiliated to her husband's party.[17]

The party's programme called for the eventual establishment of equality in society, nationalisation of the means of production, irrigation schemes, a new level of regional government, a free and equal judiciary, the rights of free speech, free assembly and trade union rights, free elections, wider access to education, improved working conditions including an end to child labour and government intervention against unemployment.[18] The party gained some support, attracting 2500 members in Tehran alone soon after its formation.[18]

Along with the Reformist Party, the Revival Party and the Communist Party the Socialist Party was one of the four groups courted by Rezā Shāh as he made his play for the throne of Persia.[19] Along with the Revival Party it formed a working majority in the Iranian parliament that allowed Reza Khan, as he was still known, he form his own reformist government.[20] Khan soon broke from the Socialists and threw in his lot with more conservative elements when he decided to abandon plans for a republic and instead establish himself as king. 134 The part was one of the few in parliament not to actively support Reza's rise to the throne, arguing that despite their support for many of his reforms their republican principles prevented them from endorsing him as a monarch.[21] Following Rezā Shāh's ascension to the throne the Socialist Party disappeared as part of a wider crackdown on anti-monarchist dissent. Iskandari was forced to retire from public life and mobs were organised to harass the party and attack their properties. A Socialist Theatre in Enzeli was razed to the ground by a police-led mob on the pretext that during a performance of Tartuffe a female actor had been on stage whilst in Tehran the Patriotic Women's Society was stoned and their library burnt down.[22] A minor group of the same name emerged in 1944 when radical members of the Comrades Party broke from that group over its failure to support striking workers in Isfahan.[23]

Young Communist League of Persia

Founded in the midst of the Gilan Revolution, the Young Communist League of Persia was a communist youth organization in Persia set up following the July 31, 1920 split between the communist and non-communist Jangali elements. The YCL of Persia conducted agitation and propaganda activities and organized armed actions against the followers of Kuchik Khan.[24][25] The organization was crushed after the defeat of the Gilan soviet.[26]

In 1927 different communist youth groups merged, recreating the YCL of Persia.[26] It was a section of the Young Communist International.[26] In the fall of 1928, the organization was suppressed along with other left groups.[27]

Revolutionary Republican Party of Iran

Founded in late 1924 by Iranian diaspora in Germany, the Revolutionary Republican Party of Iran was a moderate leftwing political party in Persia with socialist reformist tendencies that published its platform in 1926.[28][29]

Jungle Party

Main article: Jungle Party

Active in northern Iran during the 1940s, the Jungle Party was a secessionist, nationalist and socialist party founded by armed rebels who tried to revive the Persian Socialist Soviet Republic created in 1921 and used its red flag as a symbol.[30][31][13][32] and some of Mirza Kuchik Khan's old associates[33][34] It allied with the Iran Party, Tudeh Party of Iran, Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan and Azerbaijani Democratic Party in 1946.[35]

Iran Party

Main article: Iran Party

Established in 1941, the Iran Party is described as the "backbone of the National Front", the leading umbrella organization of Iranian nationalists.[36][37][38] Founded by mostly of European-educated technocrats, it advocated "a diluted form of French socialism"[39] (i.e. it "modeled itself on" the moderate Socialist Party of France)[40] and promoted social democracy,[41] liberal nationalism and secularism.[36][42] The socialist tent of the party was more akin to that of the Fabian Society than to the scientific socialism of Karl Marx.[43] Its focus on liberal socialist and democratic socialist principles, made it quite different from pure left-wing parties and it did not show much involvement in labour rights discussions.[44] The Iran Party's basic nucleus were members of the Iranian Engineers' Association.[44] In the Iranian legislative election of 1944, five of the party's leaders including Rezazadeh Shafaq, Ghulam'Ali Farivar, AhdulHamid Zanganeh, Hussein Mu'aven, and Abdallah Mu'azemi won seats, as well as Mohammad Mossadegh who was not a member but the party effectively supported.[39] The party helped Mossadegh establish the National Front, nationalize the oil industry and rise to power. Some members held office during Mosaddegh government.[44] In the 1950s, the party was led by Karim Sanjabi and Allah-Yar Saleh.[45] It was suppressed following the British–American backed coup d'état in 1953[44] and was outlawed in 1957, on the grounds that it had an alliance with the Tudeh Party of Iran ten years earlier.[46] It was revived in 1960 and actively contributed to the National Front (II), which was disintegrated in 1963 and forced to survive secretly. Iran Party held a congress in 1964.[44] Not much is known about the activities of the party between 1964 and the mid-1970s except of some irregular meetings and exchanging views.[44] In 1977, alongside League of Socialists and Nation Party it revived the National Front (IV) and demanded Ruhollah Khomeini's return to Iran.[44] In early 1979, then secretary-general of the party, Shapour Bakhtiar was appointed as the last Prime Minister by the Shah and included two Iran Party members in his cabinet.[44] The party however denounced his acceptance of the post, expelled him and called him a "traitor".[47] The party did not play an important role in Iranian political arena after 1979 and was soon declared banned.[44]

Comrades Party

Main article: Comrades Party

During the 1940s, the Comrades Party was part of a wave of political groupings established in the early 1940s following the removal of Rezā Shāh.[48] The party was formed in November 1942 by Mustafa Fateh, a British-educated economist who was close to the Tudeh Party of Iran but who disliked the close relationship which that party had with the Soviet Union.[49] Fateh, who had been an important figure in the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company edited the Tudeh paper Mardom for a time before establishing his own journal, Emruz va Farda.[49] Abbas Narraqi, another founding member had been one of 53 men imprisoned in 1937 on charges of conspiring to lead a communist revolution.[49]

The Comrades Party called for two main aims i.e. political equality to all Iranians and nationalisation of the means of production.[49] It put forward ten candidates in the 1944 election, all of whom came from professional backgrounds.[49] Two members of the Comrades Party were elected to the Majlis of Iran where they sat with the Individuals' Caucus, a group they made up along with the Iran Party and various independents, all of whom largely followed the lead of Mohammad Mosaddegh.[50]

The party split in 1944, following a dispute in Isfahan where clashes between striking workers and local tribes loyal to the Shah had broken out amid accusations that the workers were attempting to lead a communist revolution.[51] The Majlis-based wing of the Comrades Party condemned the workers and affirmed their loyalty to the Shah but another external group joined Tudeh in supporting the strikers and this group, which maintained control of Emruz va Farda, broke away to form the Socialist Party.[52]

Movement of God-Worshipping Socialists

Main article: Movement of God-Worshipping Socialists

Founded in 1943, Movement of God-Worshipping Socialists was one of six original member organizations of the National Front.[53] The party was led by Muhammed Nakhshab. The organization was founded through the merger of two groupings, Nakhshab's circle of high school students at Dar al-Fanoun and Jalaleddin Ashtiyani's circle of about 25 students at the Faculty of Engineering at Tehran University. The organization was initially known as League of Patriotic Muslims. It combined religious sentiments, nationalism and socialist thoughts.[54]

Nakhshab is credited with the first synthesis between Shi'ism and European socialism.[55] Nakhshab's movement was based on the tenet that Islam and socialism were not incompatible, since both sought to accomplish social equality and justice. His theories had been expressed in his B.A. thesis on the laws of ethics.[56]

Azerbaijani Democratic Party

Main article: Azerbaijani Democratic Party

United Front of Progressive Parties

From 1946 to 1948, the United Front of Progressive Parties was a political alliance of left-wing parties in Iran originally founded by the communist Tudeh Party and the socialist Iran Party, they invited other parties to join them in their alleged struggle for "social progress and national independence".[57][58] One of the main planks of the united front was to recognize Central Council of United Trade Unions as the sole legitimate organization of the working-class in Iran.[59]

Iran Unity Party

Main article: Iran Unity Party

The Iran Unity Party was a socialist political party that split the Iran Party following its alliance with the communist Tudeh Party of Iran in 1946.[44] According to Leonard Binder, the party was in a coalition with the National Union Party and Socialist Party in the 14th parliament.[60]

Toilers Party of the Iranian Nation

Main article: Toilers Party of the Iranian Nation

Founded on 16 May 1951 by Mozzafar Baghai,[61][62] the Toilers Party of the Iranian Nation was a social-democratic political party,[63] initially a member of the National Front, that pledged support for the nationalization of the Iran oil industry and opposed Tudeh Party.[64] They successfully attracted a considerable amount of educated youth (especially in the University of Tehran), Third Force activists and shopkeepers from Kerman in bazzar. Yet the party also included a nucleus of čāqukeš and čumāqdār.[62][65]

In the 1952 legislative election, the party won two seats by Baghai and Zohari.[64] The party split in 1952 over its relationship with Government of Mosaddegh. Under leadership of Mozzafar Baghai, Toilers left National Front and openly opposed the government while Khalil Maleki reestablished Third Force under the name of Toilers Party of the Iranian Nation — Third Force and continued to support the government.[66]

Toilers formed an alliance with Society of Mujahed Muslims, led by Ayatollah Kashani, pooling their resources and coordinating their activities against government.[62] They actively participated in the 1953 coup d'état and called it a "national uprising", however opposed Fazlollah Zahedi's post-coup military government.[64] Following their opposition, their newspapers was banned and their party office was confiscated by the government and the party went on a hiatus until Iranian legislative election, 1960. They resumed activity in 1961 and expressed support for Ayatollah Khomeini in 5 June 1963 demonstrations.[64] In 1971, the party was reorganized with the permission of the government, but was forced to cease its activities in 1975 after announcement of the one-party state under Resurgence Party.[64] In 1977, Baghai made an attempt to revive the party after declaring loyalty to the Pahlavi dynasty, albeit at restricted level.[64] It was soon after dissolved after the revolution of 1979.[64]

League of Iranian Socialists

Main article: League of Iranian Socialists

In 1960, the League of Socialists of the National Movement of Iran or Society of Iranian Socialists was founded by Third Force activists led by Khalil Maleki and a number of radical nationalists, most of whom had social democratic leanings and some members with Islamic socialist tendencies. Hossein Malek, Ahmad Sayyed Javadi and Jalal Al-e-Ahmad were among people associated with the group.[67] The party of socialist and nationalist ideology, formally joined the Socialist International upon establishment.[68]

The organization was a founding member of the National Front (II)[69] and was considered the "extreme left-wing" within the front.[68] It broke with the front and joined the National Democratic Front after the Iranian Revolution.[70] In the Iranian presidential election, 1980, the group supported People's Mujahedin of Iran nominee Massoud Rajavi.[71]

Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas

Main article: Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas

Founded in 1963, the Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (OIPFG) was a Marxist-Leninist underground guerrilla organization that pursued ideologically an Anti-imperialist agenda and embraced armed propaganda to justify its revolutionary armed struggle against Iran's monarchy system.[72][73][74] They also believed in Materialism.[75] They rejected reformism, and were inspired by thoughts of Mao Zedong, Che Guevara, and Régis Debray.[76] Bijan Jazani, known as the "intellectual father" of the organization, contributed to its ideology by writing a series of pamphlets such as Struggle against the Shah's Dictatorship, What a Revolutionary Must Know and How the Armed Struggle Will Be Transformed into a Mass Struggle?. The pamphlets were followed by Masoud Ahmadzadeh's treatise Armed Struggle: Both a Strategy and a Tactic and The Necessity of Armed Struggle and the Rejection of the Theory of Survival by Amir Parviz Pouyan.[77]

They criticized the National Front and the Liberation Movement as "Petite bourgeoisie paper organizations still preaching the false hope of peaceful change".[77] Fedai Guerrillas initially criticized the Soviet Union and the Tudeh Party as well, however they later abandoned the stance as a result of cooperation with the socialist camp.[76]

In June 1973 the organization merged with the People's Democratic Front.[78] Ideological differences had existed between the People's Democratic Front and OIPFG. Front's members opposed Leninism, which they saw as a deviation from Marxism.[78]

Organization of Communist Revolutionaries (Marxist–Leninist)

Main article: Organization of Communist Revolutionaries (Marxist–Leninist)

Founded in 1969, the Organization of Communist Revolutionaries (Marxist–Leninist) was formed in opposition to the Shah regime in Iran and was active in the Iranian student movement in exile. It was a Marxism–Leninist and Maoist ideology and it merged with Union of Iranian Communists (Sarbedaran).[79]

People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran

Main article: People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran

Founded on 5 September 1965, the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (MEK) is regarded an Islamic Marxist organization. Since the 'ideological revolution' in 1985, the organization has no public utterance of ideology subject to its survivalist doctrine.[80]

Union of Iranian Communists (Sarbedaran)

Main article: Union of Iranian Communists (Sarbedaran)

Peykar

Main article: Organization of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class

Founded in 1975, the Organization of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class, or Peykar, also called the Marxist Mojahedin, was a secular splinter group from the People's Mujahedin of Iran (PMoI), the largest of Iran's guerrilla groups. Its members broke away from the PMoI to support of secular Marxism Leninism, rather than the Leftist Islamist modernism of the People's Mujahedin. Its leader were Alireza Sepasi-Ashtiani[81] and Hossein Rouhani[82] By the early 1980s Peykar was no longer considered active.[83]

Movement of Militant Muslims

Founded in 1977, the Movement of Militant Muslims is an Iranian Islamic socialist political group led by Habibollah Payman.[84] The group had been revolutionary[84] and is close to Council of Nationalist-Religious Activists of Iran.[85] The party's ideology is Islamic socialism,[84] Social democracy[84] and Anti-imperialism.[84]

Union of Communist Militants

Main article: Union of Communist Militants

Founded in December 1978, the Union of Communist Militants (EMK) was an Iranian maoist group founded by Mansoor Hekmat. It took part in the Iranian Revolution of 1979 — marked by the creation of workers' councils (shoras). Because of mounting repression in Iran, the organisation sought refuge in Kurdistan in 1981. In Kurdistan, the organization merged with a Kurdish group of Maoist roots, Komalah. Together, they formed the Communist Party of Iran (CPI) in September 1983.[86]

Iranian Socialist organizations after 1979

Organization of Iranian People's Fedaian (Majority)

Main article: Organization of Iranian People's Fedaian (Majority)

Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas

Main article: Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas

Founded in c. April 1979, the Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (IFPG), also known as Dehghani faction, after its leader Ashraf Dehghani, is an Iranian communist organization that split from the Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (OIFPG) in 1979, dropping the word 'organization' from its name.[87][88] Dehghani broke away from the OIFPG when these accused it of deviating from the strategy of guerrilla warfare. From the early days of Iranian Revolution, the group claimed to be the "sole genuine communist organization" and opposed the Islamic Republic. Reportedly, as much as 30% of OIFPG members joined the group and fought in the 1979 Kurdish rebellion against government forces, backing the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan.[87] Surviving members of the group and its factions moved to Europe in the 1990s.[89]

Organization of Working-class Freedom Fighters

Main article: Organization of Working-class Freedom Fighters

Founded in 1979, the Organization of Working-class Freedom Fighters or simply Razmandegan was a communist party in Iran that opposed both the Soviet line and the guerrilla doctrine.[79]

Fedaian Organisation (Minority)

Main article: Fedaian Organisation (Minority)

Founded in 1980, the Fedaian Organisation (Minority) was an Iranian Marxist-Leninist organisation and an offshoot of the Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas,[89] it split over the dispute with the majority faction, adhering to the original militant policy of the group, opposing the Tudeh Party and insisted on challenging the Islamic Republic.[79] In January 1982, it was joined by "Organization of Iranian People's Fedaian-Majority Left Wing" led by Moṣṭafā Madani, an offshoot of Organization of Iranian People's Fedaian (Majority) that broke away from the latter in October 1980.[89]

Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas – Followers of the Identity Platform

Main article: Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (In Search of Identity Program)

Communist Party of Iran

Main article: Communist Party of Iran

Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (1985)

Main article: Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (1985)

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