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Slavery in the Spanish New World colonies

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Slavery in the Spanish American colonies was an economic and social institution central to the operation of the Spanish Empire – it bound Africans and indigenous people to a relationship of colonial exploitation. Spanish colonists provided the Americas with a colonial precedent for slavery; however, early on opposition from the enslaved Indians and influential Spaniards moved the Crown to limit the bondage of indigenous people, and initiated debates that challenged the idea of slavery based on race. Spaniards regarded some indigenous people as tribute under the encomienda system during the late 1400s and part of the 1500s.[1]

Spanish slavery in the Americas did not diverge drastically from that in other European colonies. It reshuffled the Atlantic World's populations through forced migrations, helped transfer American wealth to Europe, and promoted racial and social hierarchies (castas) throughout the empire.[2] Spanish enslavers justified their wealth and status earned at the work of the mines at the expense of captive workers by considering them inferior beings with limited capacities and holding them as personal property (chattel slavery), often under barbarous conditions.[3] In fact, Spanish colonization set some egregious records in the field of slavery.[4] The Asiento, the official contract for trading in slaves in the vast Spanish territories was a major engine of the Atlantic slave trade. When Spain first enslaved Native Americans on Hispaniola, and then replaced them with captive Africans, it established unfree labor as the basis for colonial mass-production. Subsequently, in the mid-nineteenth century when most countries in the Americas reformed to disallow chattel slavery, Cuba and Puerto Rico – the last two remaining Spanish American colonies – maintained slavery the longest.[a][5]

Enslaved people challenged their captivity in ways that ranged from introducing non-European elements into Christianity (syncretism) to mounting alternative societies outside the plantation system (Maroons). The first open black rebellion occurred in Spanish plantations in 1521.[6] Resistance, particularly to the enslavement of indigenous people, also came from Spanish religious and legal ranks.[7] The first speech in the Americas for the universality of human rights and against the abuses of slavery was also given on Hispaniola, a mere nineteen years after the first contact.[8] Resistance to Amerindian captivity in the Spanish colonies produced the first modern debates over race and the legitimacy of slavery.[b] And uniquely in the Spanish American colonies, laws like the New Laws of 1542, were enacted early in the colonial period to protect natives from bondage.[9][10] To complicate matters further, Spain's haphazard grip on its extensive American dominions and its erratic economy acted to impede the broad and systematic spread of plantations similar to those of the French in Saint Domingue or of the British in Jamaica. Altogether, the struggle against slavery in the Spanish American colonies left a notable tradition of opposition that set the stage for current conversations about human rights.[11]

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Transcription

Episode 13 – Slavery Hi, I’m John Green. This is Crashcourse U.S. history and today we’re gonna to talk about slavery, which is not funny. Yeah, so we put a lei on the eagle to try to cheer you up, but, let’s face it, this is going to be depressing. With slavery, every time you think, like, “Oh, it couldn’t have been that bad,” it turns out to have been much worse. Mr. Green, Mr. Green, but what about-- Yeah, Me from the Past, I’m gonna stop you right there because you’re going to embarrass yourself. Slavery was hugely important to America. I mean, it led to a civil war. And it also lasted what at least in U.S. history counts as a long ass time—from 1619 to 1865 And, yes, I know there’s a 1,200 year old church in your neighborhood in Denmark, but we’re not talking about Denmark! But slavery is most important because we still struggle with its legacy. So, yes, today’s episode will probably not be funny. But it will be important. INTRO So, the slave-based economy in the South is sometimes characterized as having been separate from the market revolution, but that’s not really the case. Without southern cotton, the north wouldn’t have been able to industrialize, at least not as quickly, because cotton textiles were one of the first industrially produced products and the most important commodity in world trade by the 19th century. And ¾ of the world’s cotton came from the American South. And, speaking of cotton, why has no one mentioned to me that my collar has been half-popped this entire episode, like I’m trying to recreate the flying nun’s hat? And although there were increasingly fewer slaves in the North as northern states outlawed slavery, cotton shipments overseas made Northern merchants rich, northern bankers financed the purchase of land for plantations. Northern insurance companies insured slaves, who were, after all considered property and very valuable property. And, in addition to turning cotton into cloth for sale overseas, northern manufacturers sold cloth back to the south where it was used to clothe the very slaves who had cultivated it. But certainly the most prominent effects of the slave-based economy were seen in the South. The profitability of slave-based agriculture, especially “King Cotton,” meant that the south would remain largely agricultural and rural. Slave states were home to a few cities, like St. Louis and Baltimore, but with the exception of New Orleans, almost all southern urbanization took place in the Upper South, further away from the large cotton plantations. And slave-based agriculture was so profitable that it siphoned money away from other economic endeavors. Like, there was very little industry in the South – it produced only 10% of the nation’s manufactured goods, and as most of the capital was being plowed into the purchase of slaves, there was very little room for technological innovation like, for instance, railroads. This lack of industry and railroads would eventually make the south suck at the civil war, thankfully. In short, slavery dominated the south, shaping it both economically and culturally. And, slavery wasn’t a minor aspect of American society. By 1860, there were 4 million slaves in the U.S., and in the South, they made up 1/3 of the total population. Although in the popular imagination, most plantations were these sprawling affairs with hundreds of slaves, in reality the majority of slave-holders owned five or fewer slaves. And of course, most white people in the south owned no slaves at all, although if they could afford to, they would sometimes rent slaves to help with their work. These were the so-called “yeoman” farmers who lived self-sufficiently, raised their own food and purchased very little in the market economy. They worked the poorest land and as a result were mostly pretty poor themselves. But even they largely supported slavery, partly perhaps for aspirational reasons and partly because the racism inherent to the system gave even the poorest whites legal and social status. And southern intellectuals worked hard to encourage these ideas of white solidarity and to make the case for slavery. Many of the founders, a bunch of whom you’ll remember held slaves, saw slavery as a necessary evil. Jefferson once wrote, “As it is, we have the wolf by the ear, and we can neither hold him, nor safely let him go. Justice is in one scale, and self-preservation in the other.” The belief that justice and self-preservation couldn’t sit on the same side of the scale was really opposed the American idea and, in the end, it would make the civil war inevitable. But as slavery became more entrenched – and as ideas of liberty and political equality were embraced by more people – some Southerners began to make the case that slavery wasn’t just a necessary evil. They argued, for instance, that slaves benefited from slavery. Because, you know, their masters fed them and clothed them and took care of them in their old age. You still hear this argument today, astonishingly. In fact, you’ll probably see asshats in the comments saying that. I will remind you, it’s not cursing if you are referring to an actual ass. This paternalism allowed masters to see themselves as benevolent, and to contrast their family oriented slavery with the cold mercenary capitalism of the free labor north. So, yeah, in the face of rising criticism of slavery, some Southerners began to argue that the institution was actually good for the social order. One of the best-known proponents of this view was John C. Calhoun who, in 1837 said this in a speech on the Senate floor: “I hold that in the present state of civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are brought together, the relation now existing in the slaveholding States between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good — a positive good.” John: Now, of course, John C. Calhoun was a fringe politician and nobody took his views particularly seriously … Stan: Well, he was secretary of state from 1844 to 1845. John: Well, I mean, who really cares about the Secretary of State, Stan … Danica: Ehh, also Secretary of War from 1817 to 1825. John: Alright, but we don’t even have a Secretary of War anymore. Meredith: And he was Vice President from 1825 to 1832. John: Oh my God, were we insane? We were, of course. But we justified the insanity—with biblical passages and with the examples of the Greeks and Romans and with outright racism, arguing that black people were inherently inferior to whites and that NOT to keep them in slavery would upset the natural order of things, a worldview popularized millennia ago by my nemesis, Aristotle. God, I hate Aristotle. You know what defenders of Aristotle always say? He was the first person to identify dolphins. Well, okay. Dolphin-identifier. Yes, that is what he should be remembered for, but he’s a terrible philosopher. Here’s the truth about slavery: It was coerced labor that relied upon intimidation and brutality and dehumanization. And this wasn’t just a cultural system, it was a legal one. I mean, Louisiana law proclaimed that a slave “owes his master…a respect without bounds, and an absolute obedience.” The signal feature of slaves’ lives was work. I mean, conditions and tasks varied, but all slaves labored, usually from sunup to sundown, and almost always without any pay. Most slaves worked in agriculture on plantations and conditions were different depending on which crops were grown. Like, slaves on the rice plantations of South Carolina had terrible working conditions but they labored under the task system, which meant that once they had completed their allotted daily work, they would have time to do other things. But lest you imagine this as like how we have work and leisure time, bear in mind that they were owned and treated as property. On cotton plantations, most slaves worked in gangs, usually under the control of an overseer or another slave who was called a driver. This was backbreaking work done in the southern sun and humidity and so it’s not surprising that whippings or the threat of them were often necessary to get slaves to work. It’s easy enough to talk about the brutality of slave discipline, but it can be difficult to internalize it. Like, you look at these pictures, but because you’ve seen them over and over again, they don’t have the power they once might have. The pictures can tell a story about cruelty, but they don’t necessarily communicate how arbitrary it all was. As for example in this story told by a woman who was a slave as a young girl. “[The] overseer … went to my father one morning and said, “Bob, I’m gonna whip you this morning.” Daddy said, “I ain’t done nothing,” and he said “I know it, I’m going to whip you to keep you from doing nothing,” and he hit him with that cowhide – you know it would cut the blood out of you with every lick if they hit you hard.” That brutality – the whippings, the brandings, the rape – was real and it was intentional because in order for slavery to function, slaves had to be dehumanized. This enabled slaveholders to rationalize what they were doing and, it was hoped, to reduce slaves to the animal property that is implied by the term “chattel slavery.” So the idea was that slaveholders wouldn’t think of their slaves as human. And slaves wouldn’t think of themselves as human. But, it didn’t work. But more importantly, slaveowners were never able to convince the slaves themselves that they were anything less than human. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. Slaves resistance to their dehumanization took many forms, but the primary way was by forming families. Family was a refuge for slaves and a source of dignity that masters recognized and sought to stifle. A paternalistic slaveowner named Bennett H. Barrow wrote in his rules for the Highland Plantation: “No rule that I have stated is of more importance than that relating to Negroes marrying outside of the plantation … It creates a feeling of independence.” Most slaves did marry, usually for life, and when possible, slaves grew up in two-parent households. Single parent households were common, though, as a result of one parent being sold. In the Upper South, where the economy was shifting from tobacco to different, less labor-intensive cash crops, the sale of slaves was common. Perhaps 1/3 of slave marriages in states like Virginia were broken up by sale. Religion was also an important part of life in slavery. While masters wanted their slaves to learn the parts of the Bible that talked about being happy in bondage, slave worship tended to focus on the stories of Exodus, where Moses brought the slaves out of bondage, or Biblical heroes who overcame great odds, like Daniel and David. And although most slaves were forbidden to learn to read and write, many did anyway, and some became preachers. Slave preachers were often very charismatic leaders, and they roused the suspicion of slave owners, and not without reason. Two of the most important slave uprisings in the south were led by preachers. Thanks, Thought Bubble. Oh, it’s time for the Mystery Document? We’re doing two set pieces in a row? Alright...The rules here are simple. I wanted to reshoot that, but Stan said no. I guess the author of the Mystery Document. If I am wrong, I get shocked with the shock pen. “Since I have been in the Queen’s dominions I have been well contented, Yes well contented for Sure, man is as God intended he should be. That is, all are born free and equal. This is a wholesome law, not like the Southern laws which puts man made in the image of God on level with brutes. O, what will become of the people, and where will they stand in the day of Judgment. Would that the 5th verse of the 3rd chapter of Malachi were written as with a bar of iron, and the point of a diamond upon every oppressor’s heart that they might repent of this evil, and let the oppressed go free…” Alright, it’s definitely a preacher, because only preachers have read Malachi. Probably African American. Probably not someone from the south. I’m going to guess that it is Richard Allen, the founder of the African Methodist Episcopal Church? Dang it! It’s Joseph Taper? And Stan just pointed out to me that I should have known it was Joseph Taper because it starts out, “Since I have been in the Queen’s dominions.” He was in Canada. He escaped slavery to Canada. The Queen’s dominions! Alright, Canadians, I blame you for this. Although thank you for abolishing slavery decades before we did. AH! So the mystery document shows one of the primary ways that slaves resisted their oppression: by running away. Although some slaves, like Joseph Taper, escaped slavery for good by running away to Northern free states or even to Canada where they wouldn’t have to worry about fugitive slave laws, even more slaves ran away temporarily, hiding out in the woods or the swamps and eventually returning. No one knows exactly how many slaves escaped to freedom, but the best estimate is that 1,000 or so a year made the journey northwards. Most fugitive slaves were young men, but the most famous runaway has been hanging out behind me all day long, Harriet Tubman. Harriet Tubman escaped to Philadelphia at the age of 29 and over the course of her life she made about 20 trips back to Maryland to help friends and relatives make the journey north on the Underground Railroad. But a most dramatic form of resistance to slavery was actual armed rebellion, which was attempted. Now individuals sometimes took matters into their own hands and beat or sometimes even killed their white overseers or masters, like “Bob,” the guy who received the arbitrary beating, responded to it by killing his overseer with a hoe. But that said, large-scale slave uprisings were relatively rare. The four most famous ones all took place in a 35 year period at the beginning of the 19th century. Gabriel’s rebellion in 1800, which we talked about before, was discovered before he was able to carry out his plot. Then, in 1811 a group of slaves upriver from New Orleans seized cane knives and guns and marched on the city before militia stopped them. And, in 1822 Denmark Vesey, a former slave who had purchased his freedom may have organized a plot to destroy Charleston, South Carolina. I say may have because the evidence against him is disputed and comes from a trial that was not fair. But, regardless, the end result of that trial is that he was executed as were 34 slaves. But, the most successful slave rebellion, at least in the sense that they actually killed some people, was Nat Turner’s in August 1831. Turner, was a preacher and with a group of about 80 slaves, he marched from farm to farm in Southampton County Virginia killing the inhabitants, most of whom were women and children because the men were attending a religious revival meeting in North Carolina. Turner and 17 other rebels were captured and executed, but not before they struck terror into the hearts of whites all across the American south. Virginia’s response was to make slavery worse, passing even harsher laws that forbade slaves from preaching and prohibited teaching them to read. Other slave states followed Virginia’s lead and by the 1830s, slavery had grown if anything more harsh. So this shows that large-scale armed resistance was, Django Unchained aside, not just suicidal but also a threat to loved ones, and really to all slaves. But it is hugely important to emphasize that slaves DID resist their oppression. Sometimes this meant taking up arms, but usually it meant more subtle forms of resistance, like intentional work slowdowns, or sabotaging equipment, or pretending not to understand instructions. And, most importantly, in the face of systematic, legal, and cultural degradation they reaffirmed their humanity through family and through faith. Why is this so important? Because too often in America we still talk about slaves as if they failed to rise up, when in fact rising up would not have made life better for them or for their families. The truth is, sometimes carving out an identity as a human being in a social order that is constantly seeking to dehumanize you is the most powerful form of resistance. Refusing to become the chattel that their masters believed them to be is what made slavery untenable, and the Civil War inevitable. So make no mistake: Slaves fought back. And in the end, they won. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. The script supervisor is Meredith Danko. Our associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Café. Every week, there’s a new caption to the libertage, but today’s episode was so sad that we couldn’t fit a libertage in UNTIL NOW. Suggest libertage captions in comments where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course, and as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be abolitionist. CCUS 13 -

Contents

Slavery on the Iberian prior to Colonization of the Americas

The Spanish had established precedents for regimes of forced labor prior to their encounter with New World peoples. Over centuries in Iberia, Muslims had enslaved Christians, and with the Christian reconquest, the victors enslaved the Moors. Slavery was an institution that was economic in function, but it had strong social dimensions as well. Enslaved persons were outsiders of some kind, by ethnicity, language, or religion or some combination. In Iberia, slaves were considered human and possessed some rights, but were at the bottom of the status hierarchy. There were some Muslim slaves remaining in Christian Spain after 1492, but increasingly enslaved Africans via the Portuguese slave trade became part of Spain's social mosaic. Black slaves in Spain were overwhelmingly domestic servants, and increasingly became prestigious property for elite Spanish households though at a much smaller scale than the Portuguese. Artisans acquired black slaves and trained them in their trade, increasing the artisans' output.[12]

Both the Spanish and the Portuguese colonized the Atlantic islands off the coast of Africa, where they engaged in sugar cane production following the model of Mediterranean production. The sugar complex consisted of slave labor for cultivation and processing, with the sugar mill (ingenio) and equipment established with investor capital. When plantation slavery was established in Spanish America and Brazil, they replicated the elements of the complex in the New World on a much larger scale.[13]

Another form of forced labor used in the New World with origins in Spain was the encomienda, the award of the labor to Christian victors over Muslims during the reconquest. This institution of forced labor was employed by the Spaniards in the Canary Islands following their conquest. The institution was much more widespread following the Spanish contact and conquest of indigenous in the New World, but the precedents were set prior to 1492.[14]

Indigenous People

Prior to the Spanish colonization of the Americas, slavery was a common institution among various Pre-Columbian indigenous peoples. The Spanish conquest and settlement in the New World quickly led to large-scale subjugation of indigenous peoples, mainly of the Native Caribbean people, by Columbus on his four voyages. Initially, forced labor represented a means by which the conquistadores mobilized native labor and met production quotas, with disastrous effects on the population. Unlike the Portuguese Crown's support for the slave trade, los Reyes Católicos (English: Catholic Monarchs) opposed the introduction of slavery in the newly conquered lands on religious grounds. When Columbus returned with indigenous slaves, they ordered the survivors to be returned to their homelands. In 1512, after pressure from Dominican friars, the Laws of Burgos were introduced to protect the rights of the natives in the New World and secure their freedom. The papal bull Sublimus Dei of 1537, to which Spain was committed, also officially banned enslavement of indigenous people, but it was rescinded a year after its promulgation. The other major form of coerced labor in their colonies, the encomienda system, was also abolished, despite the considerable anger this caused in local criollo elites. It was replaced by the repartimiento system.[15][16][17]

After passage of the 1542 New Laws, also known as the New Laws of the Indies for the Good Treatment and Preservation of the Indians, the Spanish greatly restricted the power of the encomienda system, which effectively caused abuse by the encomenderos, and officially abolished the enslavement of the native population. The statutes of 1573, within the "Ordinances Concerning Discoveries," forbade unauthorized operations against independent Indian peoples.[18] It required appointment of a "protector de indios", an ecclesiastical representative who acted as the protector of the Indians and represented them in formal litigation.[19][20][20] Later in the 16th century, in the viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru, thousands of indigenous people were forced to hard work as underground miners in the mines of Potosi, Guanajuato, and Zacatecas, in Peru, by means of the continuation of the pre-Hispanic Inca mita tradition.

Africans during the Spanish Conquest

When Spain first enslaved Native Americans on Hispaniola, and then replaced them with captive Africans, it established unfree labor as the basis for colonial mass-production. It was believed by Europeans that Africans had developed immunities to European diseases, and would not be as susceptible to fall ill as the Native Americans because they had not been exposed to the pathogens yet.[21] In 1501, Spanish colonists began importing enslaved Africans from the Iberian Peninsula to their Santo Domingo colony on the island of Hispaniola. These first Africans, who had been enslaved in Europe before crossing the Atlantic, may have spoken Spanish and perhaps were even Christians. About 17 of them started in the copper mines, and about a hundred were sent to extract gold. As introduced diseases decimated Caribbean indigenous populations in the first decades of the 1500s, enslaved Blacks from Africa ("bozales") gradually replaced their labor, but they also mingled and joined in flights from slavery, creating mixed maroon communities in all the islands where Europeans had established chattel slavery.[22] The newly enslaved workers continued to arrive in Spanish colonies as colonials imported them directly from Portuguese traders, who in turn purchased them from African traders on the Atlantic coast. With the increased dependency on enslaved Blacks developed also distinctive racial hierarchy and the hardening of racial ideologies, buttressed by prior ideologies of differentiation as that of the Limpieza de Sangre (en: Blood Purity).[23] In the vocabulary of the time, each enslaved African who arrived at the Americas was called "Pieza de Indias" (en: a piece of India). Asiento (en: chair) was the name for the agreement between the Spanish authorities and slave traders. During the 16th century, the Spanish colonies were the most important customers of the Atlantic slave trade, claiming several thousands in sales, but the Dutch, French and British soon dwarfed these numbers when their demand for enslaved workers began to drive the slave market to unprecedented levels.[24]

Some of the earliest black immigrants to the Americas were "Atlantic Creoles", as the charter generation is described by the American historian Ira Berlin. Mixed-race men of African and Portuguese/Spanish descent, some slaves and others free, sailed with Iberian ships and worked in the ports of Spain and Portugal; some were born in Europe, others in African ports as sons of Portuguese trade workers and African women. African slaves were also taken to Portugal, where they married local women. The mixed-race men often grew up bilingual, making them useful as interpreters in African and Iberian ports.[25]

Some famous black Spaniards soldiers in the first stages of the Spanish conquest of America were Juan Valiente and Juan Beltrán in Chile, Juan Garrido (credited with the first harvesting of wheat planted in New Spain) and Sebastián Toral, in Mexico, Juan Bardales in Honduras and Panama, or Juan García in Peru.

The first known and recorded Christian marriage anywhere in the continental United States, an interracial union between a free black woman and a Spanish conquistador, happened in 1565 in the Spanish settlement of St. Augustine, Florida, between Luisa de Abrego, a free black domestic servant from Seville, and a Castillan soldier.

Estevanico, recorded as a black slave from Morocco, survived the disastrous Narváez expedition from 1527 to 1536 when most of the men died. After the ships, horses, equipment and finally most of the men were lost, with three other survivors, Estevanico spent six years traveling overland from present-day Texas to Sinaloa, and finally reaching the Spanish settlement at Mexico City. He learned several Native American languages in the process. He went on to serve as a well-respected guide. Later, while leading an expedition in what is now New Mexico in search of the Seven Cities of Gold, he was killed in a dispute with the Zuñi local people.[citation needed]

Miguel Henríquez, known as the "Black Demon", was a prominent black Spaniard who served as a buccaneer at Spain's service during the 17th century in the Caribbean waters. He was known for his brutality against British and Dutch prisoners.[citation needed]

Spanish enslavement of Africans

Bartolomé de las Casas (1484–1566) recorded the effects of slavery on the Native populations and argued for an end to it and for the rights of the people. He acquiesced to the Crown's decision to replace Natives with imported African slaves. Its counselors insisted on a source of labor to develop Caribbean plantations.[26] However, he later spoke against African slavery as well, once he saw it in action.[27]

In 1501 the Spanish monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, allowed the colonists of the Caribbean to import African slaves. This permission was granted in the form of the Asiento, the official contract for trading in slaves in the vast Spanish territories was a major engine of the Atlantic slave trade. Opponents cited the weak Christian faith of the Africans and their penchant for escaping to the mountains. Proponents argued that the rapid decline of the Native American population required a consistent supply of reliable workers. In addition, the first years of Spanish presence in the Americas were marked by an outbreak of a tropical epidemic influenza that decimated both the native and Spanish populations. It was argued that the population would never be large enough to carry out all the labour needed to assure the economic viability of the Spanish colonies. In 1501, a first shipment of African-born slaves was sent to the West Indies (Hispaniola). The Spaniards chiefly purchased the slaves from the Portuguese and English traders in Africa. They did not engage directly in the trade and overall imported fewer slaves to the New World than did the Portuguese, British, or French.[citation needed]

The Spanish used enslaved Africans as workers to develop their agriculture and settlements. They also used them in defense of the colonies. Originally the Crown relied on private initiative and resources to protect colonial shipping and settlements. In some cases, colonists hired out their slaves or donated them for this purpose; in other cases, the Crown bought the slaves. Building forts and defense works relied on slave labor, but most were privately owned.

The slave populations were extremely low on Cuba and Puerto Rico until the 1760s, when the British took Havana, Cuba, in 1762. After that, the British imported more than 10,000 slaves to Havana, a number that would have taken 20 years to import on other islands. They used it as a base to supply the Caribbean and the lower Thirteen Colonies.[28] This change is almost directly related to the opening of Spanish slave trade to other powers in the 18th century. Spain and Great Britain made a contract in 1713 by which the British would provide the slaves. The Spanish outlawed its own slave trade of Africans.

While historians have studied the production of sugar on plantations by enslaved workers in nineteenth-century Cuba, they have sometimes overlooked the crucial role of the Spanish state before the 1760s. Cuba ultimately developed two distinct but interrelated sources using enslaved labor, which converged at the end of the eighteenth century. The first of these sectors was urban and was directed in large measure by the needs of the Spanish colonial state, reaching its height in the 1760s. As of 1778, it was reported by Thomas Kitchin that "about 52,000 slaves" were being brought from Africa to the West Indies by Europeans, with approximately 4,000 being brought by the Spanish.[29]

The second sector, which flourished after 1790, was rural and was directed by private slaveholders/planters involved in the production of export agricultural commodities, especially sugar. After 1763, the scale and urgency of defense projects led the state to deploy many of its enslaved workers in ways that were to anticipate the intense work regimes on sugar plantations in the nineteenth century. Another important group of workers enslaved by the Spanish colonial state in the late eighteenth century were the king's laborers, who worked on the city's fortifications.

The Spanish colonies were late to exploit slave labor in the production of sugarcane, particularly on Cuba. The Spanish colonies in the Caribbean were among the last to abolish slavery. While the British colonies abolished slavery completely by 1834, Spain abolished slavery in Puerto Rico in 1873 and in Cuba in 1886. On the mainland of Central and South America, Spain ended African slavery in the eighteenth century.[citation needed] Peru was one of the countries that revived the institution for some decades after declaring independence from Spain in the early 19th century.

Liberation of British and American slaves in Spanish Florida

Since the beginning of the 18th century, Spanish Florida attracted numerous African slaves who escaped from British slavery in the Thirteen Colonies. Since 1623 the official Spanish policy was that any and all slaves that touched Spanish soil and asked for refuge would be made a free man, alphabetized if he wasn't, helped to establish his own workshop if he had a trade or given a lot of land as his own to cultivate as a farmer. In exchange they would be required to serve for a number of years in the Spanish National Guard and convert to Catholicism. Francisco Menéndez escaped from South Carolina and traveled to St. Augustine, Florida for freedom.[30]

Once the slaves reached Florida, the Spanish freed them if they converted to Roman Catholicism. Most settled in a community called Gracia Real de Santa Teresa de Mose, the first settlement of free slaves in North America.

The former slaves also found refuge among the Creek and Seminole, Native Americans who had established settlements in Florida at the invitation of the Spanish government.[dubious ] In 1771, Governor John Moultrie wrote to the English Board of Trade, "It has been a practice for a good while past, for negroes to run away from their Masters, and get into the Indian towns, from whence it proved very difficult to get them back."[31] When British government officials pressured the Native Americans to return the fugitive slaves, they replied that they had "merely given hungry people food, and invited the slaveholders to catch the runaways themselves."[31]

After the American Revolution, slaves from the State of Georgia and the Low Country escaped to Florida. The U.S. Army led increasingly frequent incursions into Spanish territory, including the 1817–1818 campaign by Andrew Jackson that became known as the First Seminole War. The United States afterwards effectively controlled East Florida. According to Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, the US had to take action there because Florida had become "a derelict open to the occupancy of every enemy, civilized or savage, of the United States, and serving no other earthly purpose than as a post of annoyance to them.".[32] Spain requested British intervention, but London declined to assist Spain in the negotiations. Some of President James Monroe's cabinet demanded Jackson's immediate dismissal, but Adams realized that it put the U.S. in a favorable diplomatic position. Adams negotiated very favorable terms.[33]

As Florida had become a burden to Spain, which could not afford to send settlers or garrisons, the Crown decided to cede the territory to the United States. It accomplished this through the Adams–Onís Treaty in 1819, effective 1821.

Ending of slavery

Support for abolitionism rose in Great Britain. Slavery was abolished under the French Revolution, for the French Caribbean colonies, (the slavery was abolished in European part of France in 1315 by Louis X) but was restored under Napoleon I. Slaves in Saint-Domingue established independence, founding the republic of Haiti in 1804.

Later slave revolts were arguably part of the upsurge of liberal and democratic values centered on individual rights and liberties which came in the aftermath of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution in Europe. As emancipation became more of a concrete reality, the slaves' concept of freedom changed. No longer did they seek to overthrow the whites and re-establish carbon-copy African societies as they had done during the earlier rebellions; the vast majority of slaves were creole, native born where they lived, and envisaged their freedom within the established framework of the existing society.

On March 22, 1873, the Spain abolished slavery in Puerto Rico. The owners were compensated.

The Spanish American wars of independence emancipated most of the overseas territories of Spain; in Central and South America, various nations emerged from these wars. The wars were influenced by the ideas of the Age of Enlightenment and economic affairs, which also led to the reduction and ending of feudalism. It was not a unified process. Some countries, including Peru and Ecuador, reintroduced slavery for some time after achieving independence.

In the treaty of 1814, the king of Spain promised to consider means for abolishing the slave trade. In the treaty of September 23, 1817, with Great Britain, the Spanish Crown said that "having never lost sight of a matter so interesting to him and being desirous of hastening the moment of its attainment, he has determined to co-operate with His Britannic Majesty in adopting the cause of humanity." The king bound himself "that the slave trade will be abolished in all the dominions of Spain, May 30, 1820, and that after that date it shall not be lawful for any subject of the crown of Spain to buy slaves or carry on the slave trade upon any part of the coast of Africa." The date of final suppression was October 30. The subjects of the king of Spain were forbidden to carry slaves for any one outside the Spanish dominions, or to use the flag to cover such dealings.³

The Assembly of Year XIII (1813) of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata declared the freedom of wombs. It did not end slavery completely, but emancipated the children of slaves. Many slaves gained emancipation by joining the armies, either against royalists during the War of Independence, or during the later Civil Wars. For example, the Argentine Confederation ended slavery definitely with the sanction of the Argentine Constitution of 1853.

See also

Further reading

Primary sources

  • Las Casas, Bartolomé de, The Devastation of the Indies, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore & London, 1992.
  • Las Casas, Bartolomé de, History of the Indies, translated by Andrée M. Collard, Harper & Row Publishers, New York, 1971,
  • Las Casas, Bartolomé de, In Defense of the Indians, translated by Stafford Poole, C.M., Northern Illinois University, 1974.

Secondary readings

  • Aguirre Beltán, Gonzalo. La población negra de México, 1519-1819: Un estudio etnohistórico. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1972, 1946.
  • Aimes, Hubert H. A History of Slavery in Cuba 1511 to 1868, New York, NY : Octagon Books Inc, 1967.
  • Bennett, Herman Lee. Africans in Colonial Mexico. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005.
  • Blanchard, Peter, Under the flags of freedom : slave soldiers and the wars of independence in Spanish South America. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, c2008.
  • Bowser, Frederick. The African Slave in Colonial Peru, 1524-1650. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974.
  • Bush, Barbara. Slave Women in Caribbean Society, London: James Currey Ltd, 1990.
  • Carroll, Patrick James. Blacks in Colonial Veracruz: Race, Ethnicity, and Regional Development. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991.
  • Curtin, Philip. The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969.
  • Davidson, David M. "Negro Slave Control and Resistance in Colonial Mexico, 1519-1650." Hispanic American Historical Review 46 no. 3 (1966): 235–53.
  • Ferrer, Ada. Insurgent Cuba: race, nation, and revolution, 1868-1898, Chapel Hill; London: University of North Carolina Press, 1999.
  • Figueroa, Luis A. Sugar, Slavery, and Freedom in Nineteenth-Century Puerto Rico. University of North Carolina Press, 2006.
  • Foner, Laura, and Eugene D. Genovese, eds. Slavery in the New World: A Reader in Comparative History. Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice Hall, 1969.
  • Fuente, Alejandro de la. "Slave Law and Claims Making in Cuba: The Tannenbaum Debate Revisited." Law and History Review (2004): 339–69.
  • Fuente, Alejandro de la. "From Slaves to Citizens? Tannenbaum and the Debates on Slavery, Emancipation, and Race Relations in Latin America," International Labor and Working-Class History 77 no. 1 (2010), 154–73.
  • Fuente, Alejandro de la. "Slaves and the Creation of Legal Rights in Cuba: Coartación and Papel", Hispanic American Historical Review 87, no. 4 (2007): 659–92.
  • García Añoveros, Jesús María. El pensamiento y los argumentos sobre la esclavitud en Europa en el siglo XVI y su aplicación a los indios americanos y a lost negros africanos. Corpus Hispanorum de Pace. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 2000.
  • Geggus, David Patrick. "Slave Resistance in the Spanish Caribbean in the Mid-1790s," in A Turbulent Time: The French Revolutionn and the Greater Caribbean, David Barry Gaspar and David Patrick Geggus. Bloomington: Indiana University Press 1997, pp. 130–55.
  • Gibbings, Julie. "In the Shadow of Slavery: Historical Time, Labor, and Citizenship in Nineteenth-Century Alta Verapaz, Guatemala", Hispnaic American Historical Review 96.1, (February 2016): 73–107.
  • Grandin, Greg. The Empire of Necessity: Slavery, Freedom, and Deception in the New World, Macmillan, 2014.
  • Helg, Aline, Liberty and Equality in Caribbean Colombia, 1770-1835. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004.
  • Heuman, Gad, and Trevor Graeme Burnard, eds. The Routledge History of Slavery. New York: Taylor and Francis, 2011.
  • Hünefeldt, Christine. Paying the Price of Freedom: Family and Labor among Lima's Slaves, 1800-1854. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1994.
  • Johnson, Lyman L. "Manumission in Colonial Buenos Aires, 1776-1810." Hispanic American Historical Review 59, no. 2 (1979): 258-79.
  • Johnson, Lyman L. "A Lack of Legitimate Obedience and Respect: Slaves and Their Masters in the Courts of Late Colonial Buenos Aires," Hispanic American Historical Review 87, no. 4 (2007), 631–57.
  • Klein, Herbert S. The Middle Passage: Comparative Studies in the Atlantic Slave Trade. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978.
  • Klein, Herbert S., and Ben Vinson III. African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
  • Landers, Jane. Black Society in Spanish Florida. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999.
  • Landers, Jane and Barry Robinson, eds. Slaves, Subjects, and Subversives: Blacks in Colonial Latin America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2006.
  • Lockhart, James. Spanish Peru, 1532–1560: A Colonial Society. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1968.
  • Love, Edgar F. "Negro Resistance to Spanish Rule in Colonial Mexico," Journal of Negro History 52, no. 2 (April 1967), 89–103.
  • Mondragón Barrios, Lourdes. Esclavos africanos en la Ciudad de México: el servicio doméstico durante el siglo XVI. Mexico: Ediciones Euroamericanas, 1999.
  • Palacios Preciado, Jorge. La trata de negros por Cartagena de Indias, 1650-1750. Tunja: Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia, 1973.
  • Palmer, Colin. Slaves of the White God: Blacks in Mexico, 1570-1650. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976.
  • Palmer, Colin. Human Cargoes: The British Slave Trade to Spanish America, 1700-1739. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981.
  • Proctor, Frank T., III "Damned Notions of Liberty": Slavery, Culture and Power in Colonial Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2010.
  • Proctor III, Frank T. "Gender and Manumission of Slaves in New Spain," Hispanic American Historical Review 86, no. 2 (2006), 309–36.
  • Restall, Matthew, and Jane Landers, "The African Experience in Early Spanish America," The Americas 57, no. 2 (2000), 167–70.
  • Rout, Leslie B. The African Experience in Spanish America, 1502 to the Present Day. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1976.
  • Seijas, Tatiana. Asian Slaves in Colonial Mexico: From Chinos to Indians. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014.
  • Sharp, William Frederick. Slavery on the Spanish Frontier: The Colombian Chocó, 1680-1810. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1976.
  • Shepherd, Verene A., ed. Slavery Without Sugar. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2002. Print.
  • Solow, Barard I. ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991.
  • Tannenbaum, Frank. Slave and Citizen: The Negro in the Americas. New York Vintage Books, 1947.
  • Toplin, Robert Brent. Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1974.
  • Vinson, Ben, III, and Matthew Restall, eds. Black Mexico: Race and Society from Colonial to Modern Times. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2009.
  • Walker, Tamara J. "He Outfitted His Family in Notable Decency: Slavery, Honour, and Dress in Eighteenth-Century Lima, Peru," Slavery & Abolition 30, no. 3 (2009), 383–402.

Notes

  1. ^ Differently from Puerto Rico, which abolished slavery definitely in 1873, chattel slavery, in one way or another, remained legal in Cuba and Brazil until the 1880s. A series of legal procedures (e.g., Moret Law) and apprenticeships imposed on those supposedly freed, delayed the complete abolition of slavery. Meanwhile, slavery was gradually replaced with similarly barbarous forms of labor, like peonage and the harsh use of Asian migrant workers. See, Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba, UNC, 1999, p 18.
  2. ^ In 2007, Castro challenged the position of Bartolomé de las Casas as a central human-rights figure: "rather than viewing him as the ultimate champion of indigenous causes, we must see the Dominican friar as the incarnation of a more benevolent, paternalistic form of ecclesiastical, political, cultural and economic imperialism rather than as a unique paradigmatic figure". See: Castro, The Other Face, Duke, 2007, p 8.

External links

References

  1. ^ Yeager, Timothy J. (December 1995). "Encomienda or Slavery? The Spanish Crown's Choice of Labor Organization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America" (PDF). The Journal of Economic History. Cambridge, England: for Economic History Association by Cambridge University Press. 55 (4): 843. doi:10.1017/S0022050700042182. ISSN 0022-0507. Retrieved 31 October 2016.
  2. ^ Fradera, Josep M.; Schmidt-Nowara, Chistopher (2013). "Introduction". Slavery and Antislavery in Spain's Atlantic Empire. pp. 1–12. ISBN 978-0-85745-933-6.
  3. ^ Klein, Herbert S. & Ben Vinson (2007). African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean. Oxford University Press. pp. 1–25. ISBN 978-0-19-988502-2.
  4. ^ Fradera, Josep M. & Christopher Schmidt-Nowara (2013). (Introduction) Slavery and Antislavery in Spain's Atlantic Empire. Berghahn Books. pp. 1–12. ISBN 978-0-85745-934-3.
  5. ^ de la Serna, Juan M. (1997). "Abolition, Latin America". In Rodriguez, Junius P. (ed.). The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery, Volume 1; Volume 7. ABC-CLIO. pp. 7–8. ISBN 0874368855. OCLC 185546935. Retrieved December 11, 2016.
  6. ^ Aponte, Sarah; Acevedo, Anthony Steven (2016). "A century between resistance and adaptation: commentary on source 021". New York: CUNY Dominican Studies Institute. This constitutes the first documented mention that we know of, in a primary source of that time, of acts of resistance by enslaved blacks in La Española after the uprising of December 1521 across the south-central coastal plains of the colony, an event first reflected in the ordinances on blacks of January, 1522, and much later in the well-known chronicle by Fernández de Oviedo.
  7. ^ Tierney, Brian (1997). The Idea of Natural Rights: Studies on Natural Rights, Natural Law, and Church Law, 1150-1625. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. pp. 270–272. ISBN 0802848540.
  8. ^ Aspinall, Dana E.; Lorenz,, Edward C.; Raley, J. Michael (2015). Montesinos' Legacy: Defining and Defending Human Rights for Five Hundred Years. Lexington Books. ISBN 1498504140.
  9. ^ Clayton, Lawrence A. (2010). Bartolome de las Casas and the Conquest of the Americas. John Wiley & Sons. p. 175. ISBN 1444392735.
  10. ^ Castro, Daniel (2007). Another Face of Empire: Bartolomé de Las Casas, Indigenous Rights, and Ecclesiastical Imperialism. Duke University Press. ISBN 0822389592.
  11. ^ Elliott, John Huxtable (2014). Spain, Europe & the Wider World, 1500-1800. Yale University Press. pp. 112–121, 198–217. ISBN 0300160011.
  12. ^ James Lockhart and Stuart B. Schwartz, Early Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press 1983, pp. 17-19.
  13. ^ Lockhart and Schwartz, Early Latin America, pp. 26-28.
  14. ^ Lockhart and Schwartz, Early Latin America, pp. 21-22.
  15. ^ Scarano, Francisco (2013). "Slavery- Spanish Hispaniola and Puerto Rico,". The Caribbean: A History of the Region and Its Peoples University of Chicago Press.: 21–44.
  16. ^ Paquette, Robert L. & Mark M. Smith. "Slavery in the Americas". www.academia.edu. Retrieved 2016-02-09.
  17. ^ Rupert, Linda M. (2009). "Marronage, Manumission and Maritime Trade in the Early Modern Caribbean". Slavery and Abolition. Retrieved 2016-02-09.
  18. ^ "Laws of the Indies". Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved 7 July 2018.
  19. ^ Blackburn, Robin (1998). The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492-1800. Verso. p. 134. ISBN 1859841953.
  20. ^ a b Simpson, Lesley Byrd (1929). The Encomienda in New Spain. University of California Press.
  21. ^ "Why were Africans enslaved?". International Slavery Museum. Retrieved 2018-10-05.
  22. ^ Gift, Sandra Ingrid (2008). Maroon Teachers: Teaching the Transatlantic Trade in Enslaved Africans. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. ISBN 9789766373405.
  23. ^ Asante, Molefi Kete (2001). "The Ideology of Racial Hierarchy and the Construction of the European Slave Trade". Black Renaissance. 3 (3): 133–146.
  24. ^ Sacarano, Francisco (2010). "Spanish Hispaniola and Puerto Rico". The Oxford handbook of slavery in the Americas (edited by Paquette, Robert L., and Mark M. Smith): 21–45.
  25. ^ Berlin, Ira (1996). "From African to Creole: Atlantic Creoles and the Origins of African- American Society in Mainland North America". The William and Mary Quarterly. 53 (2): 251–288.
  26. ^ Sergio Tognetti, "The Trade in Black African slaves in fifteenth-century Florence," a chapter in T. F. Earle and K. J. P. Lowe, editors, Black Africans in Renaissance Europe Cambridge University Press, 2005 ISBN 978-0-521-81582-6
  27. ^ Juan Friede and Benjamin Keen, Bartolome de las Casas in History. Toward an Understanding of the Man and His Work Northern Illinois University Slavery Press, 1971. ISBN 0-87580-025-4
  28. ^ Rogozinsky, Jan. A Brief History of the Caribbean. Plume. 1999.
  29. ^ Kitchin, Thomas (1778). The Present State of the West-Indies: Containing an Accurate Description of What Parts Are Possessed by the Several Powers in Europe. London: R. Baldwin. p. 12.
  30. ^ Riordan, Patrick: "Finding Freedom in Florida: Native Peoples, African Americans, and Colonists, 1670-1816", Florida Historical Quarterly 75(1), 1996, pp. 25-44.
  31. ^ a b Miller, E: "St. Augustine's British Years," The Journal of the St. Augustine Historical Society, 2001, p. 38. .
  32. ^ Alexander Deconde, A History of American Foreign Policy (1963) p. 127
  33. ^ Weeks (2002)
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