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Slavery in Latin America

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Slavery in Latin America was practiced in precolonial times.

During the Atlantic slave trade, Latin America was the main destination of millions of African people transported from Africa to French, Portuguese, and Spanish colonies. Slavery was a cornerstone of the Spanish Casta system, and its legacy is the presence of large Afro-Latino populations.

After the gradual emancipation of most black slaves, slavery continued along the Pacific coast of South America throughout the 19th century, as Peruvian slave traders kidnapped Polynesians, primarily from the Marquesas Islands and Easter Island and forced them to perform physical labour in mines and in the guano industry of Peru and Chile.

YouTube Encyclopedic

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  • ✪ Slavery and Freedom in the Caribbean and Latin America
  • ✪ The Atlantic slave trade: What too few textbooks told you - Anthony Hazard
  • ✪ African Diaspora through the Americas: Slavery in Spanish America
  • ✪ Why Did Europeans Enslave Africans?
  • ✪ Just How “African” are Latin Americans?

Transcription

Contents

Encomienda

Encomienda (Spanish pronunciation: [eŋkoˈmjenda]) was a labor system in Spain and its empire. It rewarded conquerors with the labor of particular groups of subject people. It was first established in Spain during the Roman period, but used also following the Christian conquest of Muslim territories. It was applied on a much larger scale during the Spanish colonization of the Americas and the Philippines. Conquered peoples were considered vassals of the Spanish monarch. The Crown awarded an encomienda as a grant to a particular individual. In the conquest era of the sixteenth century, the grants were considered to be a monopoly on the labor of particular groups of Indians, held in perpetuity by the grant holder, called the encomendero, and his descendants.[1]

With the ouster of Christopher Columbus, the Spanish crown sent a royal governor, Fray Nicolás de Ovando, who established the formal encomienda system.[2] In many cases natives were forced to do hard labor and subjected to extreme punishment and death if they resisted.[3] However, Queen Isabella of Castile forbade Indian slavery and deemed the indigenous to be "free vassals of the crown".[4] Various versions of the Leyes de Indias or Laws of the Indies from 1512 onwards attempted to regulate the interactions between the settlers and natives. Both natives and Spaniards appealed to the Real Audiencias for relief under the encomienda system.

The encomienda system brought many indigenous Taíno to work in the fields and mines in exchange for Spanish protection,[5] education, and a seasonal salary.[6] Under the pretense of searching for gold and other materials,[7] many Spaniards took advantage of the regions now under control of the anaborios and Spanish encomenderos to exploit the native population by seizing their land and wealth. It would take some time before the Taíno revolted against their oppressors — both Indian and Spanish alike — and many military campaigns before Emperor Charles V eradicated the encomienda system as a form of slavery.[8][9] Raphael Lemkin (coiner of the term genocide) considers Spain's abuses of the Native population of the Americas to constitute cultural and even outright genocide including the abuses of the Encomienda system. He described slavery as "cultural genocide par excellence" noting "it is the most effective and thorough method of destroying culture, of desocializing human beings." He considers colonist guilty due to failing to halt the abuses of the system despite royal orders.[10] Recent research suggests that the spread of old-world disease appears to have been aggravated by the extreme climatic conditions of the time and by the poor living conditions and harsh treatment of the native people under the encomienda system of New Spain.[11]

Enslaved Africans in Latin America

Punishing slaves in Brazil, by Johann Moritz Rugendas
Punishing slaves in Brazil, by Johann Moritz Rugendas

The African presence in Latin America had an effect on the culture across Latin America. Black slaves arrived in the Americas during the early stages of exploration and settlement. By the first decades of the sixteenth century they were commonly participating in Spain's military expeditions.[12]

Marriage was allowed in some areas and some slaves were taught to read and write. Colonial Brazil had the highest recorded number of legal marriages among slaves in Latin America.[12]

While most slaves were baptized upon arrival to the New World, the Catholic Church did come to the defense of slaves. Some brotherhoods raised money to purchase the freedom of some of their slave members. Although the church owned slaves themselves, they never embraced the racist justifications for slavery so common among Protestant denominations in the United States.[12]

The impact of slavery in culture is greatly apparent in Latin America. The mixing of cultures and races provides a rich history to be studied.[12]

New Spain

According to the television series, Black in Latin America,[13] The territories that later constituted Mexico as part of the New Spain, imported more African slaves than the United States. Between 1502 and 1866, of the 11.2 million Africans, only 388,000 arrived in the United States, while the rest arrived in Latin America and the Caribbean[14] These slaves were brought as early as the 16th and 17th centuries.[15] The evidence of the African population is not readily apparent due to the mixing of the indigenous population, Africans, and European peoples and the early inception of African slaves into the Mexican society.[15] According to Henry Louis Gates, Jr.'s film on the slave trade in Mexico, the integration of African peoples was so pervasive that every Mexican has an "African grandma hiding in their closet." The slaves would be forced to work in mines and plantations. Today, the most African communities live in coastal towns, "Vera Cruz on the Gulf of Mexico, the Costa Chica region on the Pacific".[15]

Wealthy African-descent women in New Spain

Slaveholders, slaves and freed slaves of African descent were the most watched people in the societies of New Spain, the explanations differing but there is repetitive correlation between status, family and economic stability that women during this time endured. African slaves were still prominent in Spanish colonies, however, a rise to societal class was forming: free wealthy African-descent women, who owned slaves themselves.[16] As status and elegance was a major definer in the Spanish culture, it became apparent what was setting these African-descent people apart was the way in which they dressed opposed to the elegance in fabrics, jewels and other prestige items. Freedom becomes more popular for African- descended, forcing them to figure out how to take care of their families needs from an economical standpoint and statues was a primary factor in their drive towards wealth.[16] Polonia de Ribas was one of many other famous African- descended slave-owning women, who challenged the predetermined gender roles of men in the family realm and for freed women who were not supposed to obtain these luxuries post freedom. As a result of the trading that was happening from the Atlantic slave trade, many women took the opportunity to purchase slaves in order to set up their financial stability but in Polonia's case, she was gifted two slaves following her manumission which helped her immensely.[16] Slaves were easily the most expensive item to purchase during that time, not the equipment or the plantation but the slaves, so imagine how financially detrimental it was if one of their slaves would die. It was said that many women used politics in their slave-owning practices but Polonia's additional financial investments helped further the success in her life and other African-descent slaveowners. Financial investments like working or owning inns since these Spanish colonies were centered around trade, loaning money to neighbors but she always kept an official notarial account which accounted for all loans and debts; this is important for historians' research. African-descended women often profited from the doweries that were given to them through the marriage of their husband, this was another way in which women would be set up with economical statues while ensuring a life provided.[16] Slave-owning by women of African descent was said to be just a way of supporting their families when no husband was present but it could also have something to do with the lust and the want to be a part of this society that has oppressed them constantly.[16]

Wealthy African-descent Women in Peru

As seen in the previous section, the main focus is status in society, post-freedom of enslaved women but in Peru, status is closely correlated to its relationship with clothing because of the power it held in an ethically diverse, slaveholding society. It seems absurd that one would enslave after being enslaved but it was because of the "aesthetic" behind having slaves, the exceptionalism one attains within societal eyes when being an owner of slaves.[17] In Peru, the separation in classes and hierarchies was something that Spaniard's did not take lightly because they felt an elite sense of European dominance, which was the focal point in the city of Lima when Spaniard's wanted to assert dominance over the way that African- descended women dressed and what their clothing signified.[17] African women whether free or not began to have stipulations on what they were to wear through sumptuary laws enforced by white Limeños, trying to secure that autonomy would not be achieved by their oppressors. These laws allowed for only Spanish and elite women were able to wear elegant clothing, gold, silver, silk and slippers with silver bells on them. These laws really targeted slave owners and slaves, making sure that they had that separation in classes. Slaves could not afford to wear clothes like that so they must be stealing, this was the thought process of the Spanish law makers. If freed women looked like Spanish women then how would you tell them apart, it was considered trickery and they were scrutinized for it so the solution was to wear wool.[17] As clothing does gain more societal popularity and significance, showing the means/wealth of a person but now in a very public fashion. Slaveowners decided that their slaves needed to be dressed in rich clothing in order to maintain and articulate this elite presence in what is called livery.[17] For freed African-descent women, they were not supposed to dress like elite Spanish but since they were not the targeted subject, they were able to wear skirts and blouses made of lace.

Wealthy African-descended Women in Colombia

In Cartagena, clothing and fashion was also at its prime when trying to distinguish between the elite, freed slaves and slaves but in this culture. It was because African-descent women were being provocative in the way they dressed so nicely while performing common task whether at home or in public, being referred to as "brash and disruptive."[18] Fear is what drove the Holy Office to perform such intense trials when condemning these women because they did not want their people taking over control of them. African-descended women were renounced because of their love magic that correlated with the witch trials that were happening during that time. African woman were standing out because they were wealthy, the disruption that was seen as sin or a distraction was really just African woman wearing clothes made of materials that only elites were to wear.[18] It did not matter whether or not you were actually wealthy, this was just an expressive way for enslaved and freed slaves to show their individuality, regardless of another oppressor.[18] "Mostly well-off nonwhite women who could not claim the honorable statues of wealthy españolas still dressed as if they were rich and lived in luxury."[18] The Cartagena’s feared the rising of these beautiful, elegant women who no longer looked as clothing as a necessity but more of an expression in their freedom. The passing down of these fine clothes and jewels only aided in the future generations to continue this stand against oppression.

Atlantic Slave Trade- Brazil, French Caribbean, and Spanish America

During the nearly four centuries in which slavery existed in the Americas, Brazil was responsible for importing 35 percent of the slaves from Africa (4 million) while Spanish America imported about 20 percent (2.5 million) all during the Atlantic Slave Trade. These numbers are significantly higher than the imported slaves of the United States (less than 5 percent). High death rates, an enormous number of runaway slaves, and greater levels of manumission(granting a slave freedom) meant that Latin America and Caribbean societies had fewer slaves than the United States at any given time. However they made up a higher percentage of the population throughout the colonial period. This being said, the upper class of these societies constantly feared for uprising among not only slaves but Indians and the poor of all racial ethnic groups.[19]

Slavery in the Countryside

Over 70 percent of slaves in Latin American worked on sugar cane plantations due to the importance of this crop to economies there at the time. Slaves also worked in the production of tobacco, rice, cotton, fruit, corn and other commodities. The majority of slaves brought to the Americas from Africa were men due to the fact plantation owners needed brute strength for the physical labor that was done in the fields. However women were brought to the Caribbean islands to provide labor as well. Female slaves were often responsible for cutting cane, fertilized plants, fed can stalks in mill grinders, tended garden vegetables, and looked after children. Men cut cane and worked in mills. They also worked as carpenters, blacksmiths, drivers, etc. In some cases they were even part of the plantations militia.[19]

Slavery and the Catholic Church

Slavery was part of the indigenous cultures much before the landfall of the Europeans in America. After the Europeans made landfall in America in 1492, Ferdinand and Isabella saw that, if Spain did not receive from the Pope in regard to the American "Indies" the same authority and permissions which Portugal had received in regard of West Africa, then Spain would be at a disadvantage in making use of her newly discovered territories. Accordingly, Pope Alexander VI was approached and already on 3 May 1493 he issued two bulls on the same day in both of which he extended the identical favours, permissions, etc. granted to the Monarchy of Portugal in respect of West Africa to the Monarchy of Spain in respect of America.....and to reduce their persons into perpetual slavery...wherever they may be.[20]

Although the church was excited by the potential for huge numbers of conversions in the New World, the clergy sent there were often horrified by the methods used by the conquerors, and tensions between church and state in the new lands grew rapidly. The encomienda system of forced or tenured labour, begun in 1503, often amounted to slavery, though it was not full chattel slavery. The Leyes de Burgos (or Laws of Burgos), were issued by Ferdinand II (Catholic) on 27 December 1512, and were the first set of rules created to control relations between the Spaniards and the recently conquered indigenous people, but though intended to improve the treatment of the Indians, they simply legalized and regulated the system of forced Indian labour. During the reign of Charles V, the reformers gained steam, with the Spanish missionary Bartolomé de las Casas as a notable leading advocate. His goal was the abolition of the encomienda system, which forced the Indians to abandon their previous lifestyle and destroyed their culture. His active role in the reform movement earned Las Casas the nickname, "Defender of the Indians". He was able to influence the king, and the fruit of the reformers' labour was the New Laws of 1542. However these provoked a revolt by the conquistadors, led by Gonzalo Pizarro, the half-brother of Francisco Pizarro, and the alarmed government revised them to be much weaker to appease them. Continuing armed indigenous resistance, for example in the Mixtón War (1540–41) and the Chichimeca War of 1550 resulted in the full enslavement of thousands of captives, often out of the control of the Spanish government.

The second Archbishop of Mexico (1551–72), the Dominican Alonso de Montúfar, wrote to the king in 1560 protesting the importation of Africans, and questioning the "justness" of enslaving them. Tomás de Mercado was a theologian and economist of the School of Salamanca who had lived in Mexico and whose 1571 Summa de Tratos y Contratos ("Manual of Deals and Contracts") was scathing about the morality of the enslavement of Africans in practice, though he accepted "just-title" slaves in theory.

Pressure for the end of slavery and forced labour among the indigenous Indians worked to increase the demand for African slaves to do the work instead. Rodrigo de Albornoz, a layman, was a former secretary to Charles V sent as an official to New Spain, who opposed the treatment of the indigenous, though himself importing 150 African slaves. Las Casas also supported the importation of African slaves as preferable to Amerindian forced labour, although he later changed his mind about this[citation needed].

20th Century

Mexico

Over 30 Yaqui prisoners being moved away by Mexican soldiers, Mexico, ca.1910
Over 30 Yaqui prisoners being moved away by Mexican soldiers, Mexico, ca.1910

During the deportation of Yaqui under the Porfiriato the Mexican government established large concentration camps at San Marcos, where the remaining Yaqui families were broken up and segregated.[21][22] Individuals were then sold into slavery inside the station and packed into train cars which took them to Veracruz, where they were embarked yet again for the port town of Progreso in the Yucatán. There they were transported to their final destination, the nearby henequen plantations.[21]

By 1908, at least 5,000 Yaqui had been sold into slavery.[21][22] At Valle Nacional, the enslaved Yaquis were worked until they died.[21] While there were occasional escapes, the escapees were far from home and, without support or assistance, most died of hunger while begging for food on the road out of the valley toward Córdoba.[21] At Guaymas, thousands more Yaquis were put on boats and shipped to San Blas, where they were forced to walk more than 200 miles to San Marcos and its train station.[21] Many women and children could not withstand the three-week journey over the mountains, and their bodies were left by the side of the road.[21] Yaquis (particularly children) were rattled off in Train cars to be sold as slaves in this process having 1/3 die simply in the process of deportation. The deaths were mostly caused by unfettered smallpox epidemics.[23]

On the plantations, the Yaquis were forced to work in the tropical climate of the area from dawn to dusk.[21] Yaqui women were allowed to marry only non-native Chinese workers.[21] Given little food, the workers were beaten if they failed to cut and trim at least 2,000 henequen leaves per day, after which they were then locked up every night.[21] Most of the Yaqui men, women and children sent for slave labor on the plantations died there, with two-thirds of the arrivals dying within a year.[21] The Haciendas have been compared to those of the Stalinist Gulags.[24]

Amazon

A photo of enslaved Amazon Indians from the 1912 book "The Putumayo, the Devil's Paradise"
A photo of enslaved Amazon Indians from the 1912 book "The Putumayo, the Devil's Paradise"

The Amazon Rubber Boom and the associated need for a large workforce had a significant negative effect on the indigenous population across Brazil, Peru, Ecuador and Colombia. As rubber plantations grew, labor shortages increased. The owners of the plantations or rubber barons were rich, but those who collected the rubber made very little as a large amount of rubber was needed to be profitable. The rubber barons rounded up all the Indians and forced them to tap rubber out of the trees. One plantation started with 50,000 Indians but, when discovered, only 8,000 were still alive. Slavery and systematic brutality were widespread, and in some areas, 90% of the Indian population was wiped out. These rubber plantations were part of the Brazilian rubber market, which declined as rubber plantations in Southeast Asia became more effective.[25]

Roger Casement, an Irishman traveling the Putumayo region of Peru as a British consul during 1910–1911 documented the abuse, slavery, murder and use of stocks for torture against the native Indians: [26]

"The crimes charged against many men now in the employ of the Peruvian Amazon Company are of the most atrocious kind, including murder, violation, and constant flogging."

According to Wade Davis, author of One River:

"The horrendous atrocities that were unleashed on the Indian people of the Amazon during the height of the rubber boom were like nothing that had been seen since the first days of the Spanish Conquest."

Rubber had catastrophic effects in parts of Upper Amazonia, but its impact should not be exaggerated nor extrapolated to the whole region. The Putumayo was a particularly horrific case. Many nearby rubber regions were not ruled by physical violence, but by the voluntary compliance implicit in patron-peon relations. Some native peoples benefited financially from their dealings with the white merchants. Others chose not to participate in the rubber business and stayed away from the main rivers. Because tappers worked in near complete isolation, they were not burdened by overseers and timetables. In Brazil (and probably elsewhere) tappers could, and did, adulterate rubber cargoes, by adding sand and flour to the rubber "balls", before sending them downriver. Flight into the thicket was a successful survival strategy and, because Indians were engaged in credit relations, it was a relatively common practice to vanish and work for other patrons, leaving debts unpaid.[27]

Further reading

  • Aguirre Beltrán, Gonzalo. La población negra de México, 1519-1810. Mexico City: Fuente Cultural 1946.
  • Aimes, Hubert H.S. A History of Slavery in Cuba, 1511-1868. New York: Octagon Books 1967.
  • Bennett, Herman Lee. Africans in Colonial Mexico. Bloomington: Indiana University Press 2005.
  • Blanchard, Peter, Under the flags of freedom : slave soldiers and the wars of independence in Spanish South America. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, c2008.
  • Bowser, Frederick. The African Slave in Colonial Peru, 1524-1650. Stanford: Stanford University Press 1974.
  • Carroll, Patrick J. Blacks in Colonial Veracruz: Race, Ethnicity, and Regional Development. Austin: University of Texas Press 1991.
  • Conrad, Robert Edgar. World of Sorrow: The African Slave Trade to Brazil. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press 1986.
  • Curtin, Philip. The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1969.
  • Foner, Laura and Eugene D. Genovese, eds. Slavery in the New World: A Reader in Comparative History. Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice Hall 1969.
  • Flusche, Della and Eugene H. Korth. Forgotten Females: Women of African and Indian Descent in Colonial Chile, 1535-1800. Detroit: B.Ethridge 1983.
  • Freyre, Gilberto. The Masters and the Slaves: A Study of the Development of Brazilian Civilization. 2nd ed. Trans. Samuel Putnam. New York: Knopf 1966.
  • Fuente, Alejandro de la. "From Slaves to Citizens? Tannenbaum and the Debates on Slavery, Emancipation, and Race Relations in Latin America," International Labor and Working-Class History 77 no. 1 (2010) 154-73.
  • Fuente, Alejandro de la. "Slaves and the Creation of Legal Rights in Cuba: Coartación and Papel," Hispanic American Historical Review 87, no. 4 (2007): 659-92.
  • Geggus, David Patrick. "Slave Resistance in the Spanish Caribbean in the Mid-1790s," in A Turbulent Time: The French Revolutionn and the Greater Caribbean, David Barry Gaspar and David Patrick Geggus. Bloomington: Indiana University Press 1997, pp. 130–55.
  • Gibbings, Julie. "In the Shadow of Slavery: Historical Time, Labor, and Citizenship in Nineteenth-Century Alta Verapaz, Guatemala," Hispnaic American Historical Review 96.1, (February 2016): 73-107.
  • Helg, Aline, Liberty and Equality in Caribbean Colombia, 1770-1835. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press 2004.
  • Heuman, Gad and Trevor Graeme Burnard, eds. The Routledge History of Slavery. New York: Taylor and Francis 2011.
  • Hünefeldt, Christine. Paying the Price of Freedom: Family and Labor among Lima's Slaves, 1800-1854. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press 1994.
  • Johnson, Lyman L. "A Lack of Legitimate Obedience and Respect: Slaves and Their Masters in the Courts of Late Colonial Buenos Aires," Hispanic American Historical Review 87, no. 4 (2007) 631-57.
  • Klein, Herbert S. The Middle Passage: Comparative Studies in the Atlantic Slave Trade. Princeton: Princeton University Press 1978.
  • Landers, Jane. Black Society in Spanish Florida. Urbana: University of Illinois Press 1999.
  • Landers, Jane and Barry Robinson, eds. Slaves, Subjects, and Subversives: Blacks in Colonial Latin America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 2006.
  • Love, Edgar F. "Negro Resistance to Spanish Rule in Colonial Mexico," Journal of Negro History 52, no. 2 (April 1967) 89-103.
  • Martínez, María Elena. "The Black Blood of New Spain: Limpieza de Sangre, Racial Violence, and Gendered Power in Early Colonial Mexico," William and Mary Quarterly 61, no. 3 (July 2004), 479-520.
  • Restall, Matthew, and Jane Landers, "The African Experience in Early Spanish America," The Americas 57, no. 2 (2000) 167-70.
  • Mattoso, Katia M. De Queiros. To be a Slave in Brazil, 1550-1888. Trans. Arthur Goldhammer. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press 1979.
  • Miller, Joseph C. Way of Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Angolan Slave Trade, 1730-1830. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1988.
  • Palmer, Colin. Slaves of the White God. Blacks in Mexico 1570-1650. Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1976.
  • Palmer, Colin. Human Cargoes: The British Slave Trade to Spanish America, 1700-1739. Urbana: University of Illinois Press 1981.
  • Rout, Leslie B. The African Experience in Spanish America, 1502 to the Present Day. New York: Cambridge University Press 1976.
  • Russell-Wood, A. J. R. The Black Man in Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil. New York: St Martin's Press 1982.
  • Schwartz, Stuart B. Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia 1550-1835. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1985.
  • Sharp, William Frederick. Slavery on the Spanish Frontier: The Colombian Chocó, 1680-1810. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1976.
  • Solow, Barard I. ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1991.
  • Tannenbaum, Frank. Slave and Citizen: The Negro in the Americas. New York Vintage Books 1947.
  • Toplin, Robert Brent. Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America. Westport CT: Greenwood Press 1974.
  • Vinson, Ben, III and Matthew Restall, eds. Black Mexico: Race and Society from Colonial to Modern Times. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 2009.
  • Walker, Tamara J. "He Outfitted His Family in Notable Decency: Slavery, Honour, and Dress in Eighteenth-Century Lima, Peru," Slavery & Abolition 30, no. 3 (2009) 383-402.

See also

References

  1. ^ James Lockhart and Stuart Schwartz, Early Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press 138.
  2. ^ Ida Altman, et al., The Early History of Greater Mexico, Pearson, 2003, p. 47
  3. ^ Rodriguez, Junius P. (2007). Encyclopedia of Slave Resistance and Rebellion. 1. p. 184. ISBN 978-0-313-33272-2.
  4. ^ Ida Altman, et al., The Early History of Greater Mexico, Pearson, 2003, 143
  5. ^ Anghiera Pietro Martire D' (July 2009). De Orbe Novo, the Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera. p. 112. ISBN 9781113147608. Retrieved 21 July 2010.
  6. ^ Anghiera Pietro Martire D' (July 2009). De Orbe Novo, the Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera. p. 182. ISBN 9781113147608. Retrieved 21 July 2010.
  7. ^ Anghiera Pietro Martire D' (July 2009). De Orbe Novo, the Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera. p. 111. ISBN 9781113147608. Retrieved 21 July 2010.
  8. ^ Anghiera Pietro Martire D' (July 2009). De Orbe Novo, the Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera. p. 143. ISBN 9781113147608. Retrieved 21 July 2010.
  9. ^ David M. Traboulay (1994). Columbus and Las Casas: the conquest and Christianization of America, 1492–1566. p. 44. ISBN 9780819196422. Retrieved 21 July 2010.
  10. ^ Raphael Lemkin's History of Genocide and Colonialism
    Holocaust Memorial Museum https://www.ushmm.org/confront-genocide/speakers-and-events/all-speakers-and-events/raphael-lemkins-history-of-genocide-and-colonialism
  11. ^ Rodolfo Acuna-Soto, David W. Stahle, Malcolm K. Cleaveland, and Matthew D. Therrell (April 2002). "Megadrought and Megadeath in 16th Century Mexico", Emerg Infect Dis., 8(4), pp. 360–362. doi: 10.3201/eid0804.010175. Retrieved 16 Jan. 2018.
  12. ^ a b c d "Slavery In America". slavery2003 JOURNAL. Retrieved 2014-10-03.
  13. ^ "Black in Latin America". imdb.com. IMDB.com. Retrieved 8 September 2014.
  14. ^ Eltis, David; Richardson, David. "Search the Voyages Website". Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database. Emory University. Archived from the original on 25 March 2013. Retrieved 16 July 2014. Cite uses deprecated parameter |deadurl= (help)
  15. ^ a b c Gates, Jr., Henry Louis (2011). Black in Latin America. NYU. ISBN 9780814732984.
  16. ^ a b c d e Williams, Danielle Terrazas (July 2018). ""My Conscience is Free and Clear": African-Descended Women, Status, and Slave Owning in Mid-Colonial Mexico". The Americas. 75 (3): 525–554. doi:10.1017/tam.2018.32. ISSN 0003-1615.
  17. ^ a b c d Walker, Tamara J., "Ladies, Gentlemen, Slaves, and Citizens", Exquisite Slaves, Cambridge University Press, pp. 145–164, ISBN 9781316018781, retrieved 2019-02-19
  18. ^ a b c d Few, Martha (February 2015). "Nicolevon Germeten. Violent Delights, Violent Ends: Sex, Race, and Honor in Colonial Cartagena de Indias". The American Historical Review. 120 (1): 302–303. doi:10.1093/ahr/120.1.302. ISSN 1937-5239.
  19. ^ a b Meade, Teresa A. History of Modern Latin America: 1800 to the Present. Wiley Blackwell, 2016.
  20. ^ Maxwell, John Francis (1975). Slavery and the Catholic Church : the history of Catholic teaching concerning the moral legitimacy of the institution of slavery. Rose [for] the Anti-Slavery Society for the Protection of Human Rights. p. 55. ISBN 0859920151.
  21. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Turner, John Kenneth, Barbarous Mexico, Chicago: C.H. Kerr & Co., 1910, pp. 41–77
  22. ^ a b Spicer, pp. 80–82
  23. ^ Paco Ignacio Taibo II, documenta el brutal genocidio yaqui en nuestro país http://www.tukari.udg.mx/noticia/paco-ignacio-taibo-ii-documenta-el-brutal-genocidio-yaqui-en-nuestro-pais
  24. ^ R. J. Rummel. STATISTICS OF DEMOCIDE, Statistics Of Mexican Democide Estimates, Calculations, And Sources.
  25. ^ Why do they hide?, Survival International:
  26. ^ Survival International: Horrific treatment of Amazon Indians exposed 100 years ago today
  27. ^ Moreno Tejada, Jaime (2016). "Rhythms of Everyday Trade: Local Mobilities at the Peruvian-Ecuadorian Contact Zone during the Rubber Boom (c. 1890-1912)". AJLAS.

External links

This page was last edited on 9 September 2019, at 17:53
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