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Slave trade in the United States

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

(1) Charleston S.C. 4th March 1833 The land of the free & home of the brave watercolor by British naval officer Henry Byam Martin; (2a) Broadside advertising sale of slaves in the rotunda of the St. Louis Hotel in New Orleans (1858), and (2b) postcard depicting the "Old Slave Block" at the St. Louis Hotel in New Orleans (c. 1900); (3a) Manifest of coastwise slave ship from Charleston to Savannah (1843), and (3c) a coffle passing the U.S. Capitol under construction (1825); (4) Richmond Slave Market Auction oil painting by British artist Lefevre James Cranstone (1862)

The internal slave trade in the United States, also known as the domestic slave trade, the Second Middle Passage[1] and the interregional slave trade,[2] was the mercantile trade of enslaved people within the United States. It was most significant after 1808, when the importation of slaves from Africa was prohibited by federal law. Historians estimate that upwards of one million slaves were forcibly relocated from the Upper South, places like Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Missouri, to the territories and then-new states of the Deep South, especially Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas.

Economists say that transactions in the inter-regional slave market were driven primarily by differences in the marginal productivity of labor, which were based in the relative advantage between climates for the production of staple goods. The trade was strongly influenced by the invention of the cotton gin, which made short-staple cotton profitable for cultivation across large swathes of the upland Deep South (the Black Belt). Previously the commodity was based on long-staple cotton cultivated in coastal areas and the Sea Islands.

The disparity in productivity created arbitrage opportunities for traders to exploit, and it facilitated regional specialization in labor production. Due to a lack of data, particularly with regard to slave prices, land values, and export totals for slaves, the true effects of the domestic slave trade, on both the economy of the Old South and general migration patterns of slaves into southwest territories, remain uncertain. These have served as points of contention among economic historians. The physical effect of forced labor (on remote plantation camps plagued with yellow fever, cholera, and malaria), and social-emotional effect of family separation in American slavery, was nothing short of catastrophic.

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Slavery was a massive element of the U.S. national economy and even more so the economy of the South: "In 1860, enslaved people were worth more than $3 billion (~$80.1 billion in 2022) to their owners. In today's economy, that would be equivalent to $12.1 trillion or 67 percent of the 2015 U.S. gross domestic product...The unpaid fruits of their labors created an interest so strong that between 1861 and 1865, Confederate leaders staked hundreds of thousands of lives and the future of their civilization on it."[3] As told by historian Frederic Bancroft, "Slave trading was considered a sign of enterprise and prosperity."[4]

Emily Ford and Mary Shaw, Burlingame, Kansas, 1913, interviewed by Myra Williams Jarrell for the Topeka Star

The internal slave trade among colonies emerged in 1760 as a source of labor in early America.[5] It is estimated that between 1790 and 1860 approximately 835,000 slaves were relocated to the American South.[6]

The biggest sources for the domestic slave trade were "exporting" states in the Upper South, especially Virginia and Maryland, and as well as Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Missouri.[7] From these states most slaves were imported into the Deep South, to the "slave-consuming states," especially Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana.[8] Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman attribute the larger proportion of the slave migration due to planters who relocated their entire slave populations to the Deep South to develop new plantations or take over existing ones.[9] Walter Johnson disagrees, finding that only one-third of the population movement south was due to wholesale relocation of slave owner and chattel, while the other two-thirds of the shift was due to the commerce in slaves.[10]

Contributing factors

Soil exhaustion and crop changes

Historians who argue in favor of soil exhaustion as an explanation for slave importation into the Deep South posit that exporting states emerged as slave producers because of the transformation of agriculture in the Upper South. By the late 18th century, the coastal and Piedmont tobacco areas were being converted to mixed crops because of soil exhaustion and changing markets. Because of the deterioration of soil and an increase in demand for food products, states in the upper South shifted crop emphasis from tobacco to grain, which required less labor. This decreased demand left states in the Upper South with an excess supply of labor.[9]

Land availability from Indian removal

With the forced Indian removal by the US making new lands available in the Deep South, there was much higher demand there for workers to cultivate the labor-intensive sugar cane and cotton crops. The extensive development of cotton plantations created the highest demand for labor in the Deep South.[11][12]

Cotton gin

"AUCTION & NEGRO SALES": Black man in Union uniform reading in front of the Crawford, Frazer & Co. slave market at 8 Whitehall Street, photographed by George N. Barnard during the Atlanta Campaign, 1864 (Library of Congress Digital)

At the same time, the invention of the cotton gin in the late 18th century transformed short-staple cotton into a profitable crop that could be grown inland in the Deep South. Settlers pushed into the South, expelling the Five Civilized Tribes and other Native American groups. The cotton market had previously been dominated by the long-staple cotton cultivated primarily on the Sea Islands and in the coastal South Carolina Lowcountry. The consequent boom in the cotton industry, coupled with the labor-intensive nature of the crop, created a need for slave labor in the Deep South that could be satisfied by excess supply further north.[9]

The increased demand for labor in the Deep South pushed up the price of slaves in markets such as New Orleans, which became the fourth-largest city in the country based in part on profits from the slave trade and related businesses. The price differences between the Upper and Deep South created demand. Slave traders took advantage of this arbitrage opportunity by buying at lower prices in the Upper South and then selling slaves at a profit after taking or transporting them further south.[9] Some scholars believe there was an increasing prevalence in the Upper South of "breeding" slaves for export. The proven reproductive capacity of enslaved women was advertised as selling point and a feature that increased value.[9]

Resolve financial deficits

Although not as significant as the exportation of slaves to Deep South, farmers and land owners who needed to pay off loans increasingly used slaves as a cash substitute. This had also contributed to the growth of the internal slave trade.[9]


Economic historians have offered estimates for the annual revenue generated by the inter-regional slave trade for exporters that range from $3.75[13] to $6.7 million.[9]

The demand for prime-aged slaves, from the ages of 15 to 30, accounted for 70 percent of the slave population relocated to the Deep South.[9] Since the ages of slaves were often unknown by the traders themselves, physical attributes such as height often dictated demand in order to minimize asymmetric information.[9]

Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman estimated that the slave trade accounted for 16 percent of the relocation of enslaved African Americans, in their work Time on the Cross.[9] This estimate, however, was severely criticized for the extreme sensitivity of the linear function used to gather this approximation.[14] A more recent estimate, given by Jonathan B. Pritchett, has this figure at about 50 percent, or about 835,000 slaves total between 1790 and 1850.[9]

Partial manifest of a coastwise slave shipment made from Baltimore to New Orleans, by Hope H. Slatter, on the ship Scotia, September 1843

Without the inter-regional slave trade, it is possible that forced migration of slaves would have occurred naturally due to natural population pressures and the subsequent increase in land prices.[13] In 1965, William L. Miller contended that, "it is even doubtful whether the interstate slave traffic made a net contribution to the westward flow of the population."[13]

Breeding of slave children for sale

Gentlemen in Virginia and Maryland were quick to realize the value of young slaves, and to organize breeding of them. This was not treated as any more shameful than the breeding of calves:

It is utterly impossible that anything should exist more horrible than the American slave breeding. The history of it is this:—The Americans abolished the foreign slave-trade earlier than England, but with this consolation – no small comfort to so money-loving a race as the slave holders – that by such abolition they enhanced the price of the slaves then in America, by stopping the competition in the home market of the supply of newly imported slaves. Why, otherwise, was not the home trade stopped as well as the foreign? The reply is obvious.

To supply the home slave trade, an abominable, a most hideous, most criminal, and most revolting practice of breeding negroes exclusively for sale has sprung up, and especially, we are told, in Virginia. There are breeding plantations for producing negroes, as there are with us breeding farms for producing calves and lambs. And as our calf and lamb breeders calculate the number of males to the flock of females, similar calculations are made by the traffickers in human flesh. One instance was mentioned to me of a human breeding farm in America, which was supplied with two men and twelve women. Why should I pollute my page with a description of all that is immoral and infamous in such practices? —But only think of the wretched mothers whom nature compels to love their children—children torn from them for ever, just at the period that they could requite their mother's love! The wretched, wretched mother? Who I can depict the mother's distraction, her madness? 'But their maternal feelings are,' says a modern writer, 'treated with as much contemptuous indifference as those of the cows and ewes whose calves and lambs are sent to the English market.'


Irish economic theorist John Elliot Cairnes suggested in his work The Slave Power that the inter-regional slave trade was a major component in ensuring the economic vitality of the Old South.[9] Many economic historians, however, have since refuted the validity of this point. The general consensus seems to support Professor William L. Miller's claim that the inter-regional slave trade "did not provide the major part of the income of planters in the older states during any period."[13]

"Slave Trader, Sold to Tennessee" by an unknown artist

The returns gained by traders from the sale price of slaves were offset by both the fall in the value of land, that resulted from the subsequent decrease in the marginal productivity of land, and the fall in the price of output, which occurred due to the increase in market size as given by westward expansion.[16] Kotlikoff suggested that the net effect of the inter-regional slave trade on the economy of the Old South was negligible, if not negative.[16]

The profits realized through the sale and shipment of enslaved people were in turn reinvested in banking, railroads, and even colleges. A striking example of the connection between the domestic slave trade and higher education can be found in the 1838 sale of 272 slaves by the Maryland Jesuits to Louisiana; a small portion of the proceeds of the sale was used to pay down the debts of Georgetown College.[17]

Markets and traders

1844 newspaper icon depicting white man with suit and cane, and shackled enslaved black person

In their day, slave traders were called everything from broker, the entirely generic term preferred in Charleston,[4] to nigger-trader, a term that appears in both slave traders' own descriptions of themselves in oral interviews and in records of African-American folk music of the era. Negro trader and slave dealer were common occupational titles that appeared in census records and city directories.[4] In the earliest years of the market, "dozens of independent speculators...bought lots of ten or so slaves, generally on credit, in Upper-South states like Virginia and Maryland."[18] In 1836 a Philadelphia paper characterized the work of negro brokers: "They conceive the business of pawn brokers and merchandize brokers. They lend money on the security of slaves, taking the latter as a pledge, to be sold if the pledge be not redeemed. They advance cash on slaves to be sold at auction or private sale, deducting from the proceeds of sale their commission and expenses. They buy and sell slaves upon commission, to suit their customers, and sometimes doubtless, buy and sell free people of color on pretence of their being slaves."[19]

The argument has been made that the domestic slave trade was one that resulted in "superprofits" for traders. But Jonathan Pritchett points to evidence that there were a significant number of firms engaged in the market, a relatively dense concentration of these firms, and low barriers to entry. He says that traders who were exporting slaves from the Upper South were price-taking, profit-maximizers acting in a market that achieved a long-run competitive equilibrium.[9]

Price, Birch & Co. slave pen in Alexandria, Virginia, originally built by Franklin & Armfield; the slave trade was outlawed in the District of Columbia in 1850, local traders simply re-established their operations across the Potomac River[20]

Using an admittedly limited set of data from Dunning School historian Ulrich Phillips (includes market data from Richmond, Charleston, mid-Georgia, and Louisiana), Robert Evans Jr. estimates that the average differential between slave prices in the Upper South and Deep South markets from 1830–1835 was $232.[9]

Evans suggests that interstate slave traders earned a wage greater than that of an alternative profession in skilled mechanical trades.[9] However, if slave traders possessed skills similar to those used in supervisory mechanics (e.g. skills used by a chief engineer), then slave traders received an income that was not greater than the one they would have received had they entered in an alternative profession.[9] In addition to full-time traders, so-called tavern traders worked on a small scale, especially in the first quarter of the 19th century, examples being the slave auctions held at Garland Burnett's tavern in Baltimore,[21] Robey's slave pen and tavern in Washington, D.C.,[22] and Turner Brashears of Brashears' Stand along the Natchez Trace.[23]

Chesapeake cities like Baltimore, Alexandria, Washington, D.C., and Richmond were "slave collecting and resale centers."[24] Major slave-buying markets were located Charleston, Savannah, Memphis, and above all, New Orleans.[4] Some traders only bought and sold locally; smaller interstate trading companies would typically have both upper south and lower south locations, for buying and selling, respectively.[10] Larger interstate firms, like Franklin & Armfield, and Bolton, Dickens & Co., might have locations or traders under contract in a dozen cities.[4] Dealers in the upper south worked to collect what they called "shipping lots"—enough people to be worth spending time and money arranging for their transport south.[25] There was a trading season, namely winter and spring, because summer and autumn were planting and harvesting time; farmers and plantation owners generally would not buy or sell until that year's crop was in.[10]

The notion that slave traders were social outcasts of low reputation, even in the South, was initially promulgated by defensive southerners and later by figures like historian Ulrich B. Phillips.[26] Historian Frederic Bancroft, author of Slave-Trading in the Old South (1931) found—to the contrary of Phillips' position—that many traders were esteemed members of their communities.[27] Contemporary researcher Steven Deyle argues that the "trader's position in society was not unproblematic and owners who dealt with the trader felt the need to satisfy themselves that they acted honorably," while Michael Tadman contends that "'trader as outcast' operated at the level of propaganda" whereas white slave owners almost universally professed a belief that slaves were not human like them, and thus dismissed the consequences of slave trading as beneath consideration.[4] Similarly, historian Charles Dew read hundreds of letters to slave traders and found virtually zero narrative evidence for guilt, shame, or contrition about the slave trade: "If you begin with the absolute belief in white supremacy—unquestioned white superiority/unquestioned black inferiority—everything falls neatly into place: the African is inferior racial 'stock,' living in sin and ignorance and barbarism and heathenism on the 'Dark Continent' until enslaved...Slavery thus miraculously becomes a form of 'uplift' for this supposedly benighted and brutish race of people. And once notions of white supremacy and black inferiority are in place in the American South, they are passed on from one generation to the next with all the certainty and inevitability of a genetic trait."[25]

View of the port of New Orleans circa 1855 by Scattergood from Lloyd's Steamboat Directory

Harriet Beecher Stowe commented on slave-traders in A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin (1853), in reference to her fictional character Mr. Haley:

The writer has drawn in this work only one class of the negro-traders. There are all varieties of them, up to the great wholesale purchasers, who keep their large trading-houses; who are gentlemanly in manners and courteous in address; who, in many respects, often perform actions of real generosity; who consider slavery a very great evil, and hope the country will at some time be delivered from it, but who think that so long as clergyman and layman, saint and sinner, are all agreed in the propriety and necessity of slave holding, it is better that the necessary trade in the article be conducted by men of humanity and decency, than by swearing, brutal men, of the Tom Loker school. These men are exceedingly sensitive with regard to what they consider the injustice of the world, in excluding them from good society, simply because they undertake to supply a demand in the community, which the bar, the press, and the pulpit, all pronounce to be a proper one. In this respect, society certainly imitates the unreasonableness of the ancient Egyptians, who employed a certain class of men to prepare dead bodies for embalming, but flew at them with sticks and stones the moment the operation was over, on account of the sacrilegious liberty which they had taken. If there is an ill-used class of men in the world, it is certainly the slave-traders; for, if there is no harm in the institution of slavery, if it is a divinely-appointed and honourable one, like civil government and the family state, and like other species of property relation, then there is no earthly reason why a man may not as innocently be a slave-trader as any other kind of trader.


Eyre Crowe's Slaves Waiting for Sale—Richmond, Virginia was painted 1861 from a sketch made 1853 while he was touring the United States with the writer William Thackeray

According to historian Bancroft, in the great slave market that was New Orleans, enslaved people imported from Virginia, and to a lesser extent Maryland and South Carolina, were advertised as an especially desirable product, whereas "the many slaves brought from Missouri and Kentucky" were not labeled as such.[4] "Acclimated" slaves known to be immune to yellow fever and other communicable diseases also commanded a premium.[28]


Mississippi River watershed

There were four main methods of forced transportation of the enslaved. Initially, transport was either on foot or by sailing ship, but following the popularization of the railroad and the steamboat in the 1840s, both were commonly used.

Specific routes

Railroad network of the Southern states c. 1861 (West Point Atlas of the American Civil War, 1962)


In the early 19th century several slave states had unenforced statutes prohibiting the interstate slave trade. These laws were undermined in many ways; for example, "Hamburg, South Carolina was built up just opposite Augusta, for the purpose of furnishing slaves to the planters of Georgia. Augusta is the market to which the planters of Upper and Middle Georgia bring their cotton; and if they want to purchase negroes, they step over into Hamburg and do so. There are two large houses there, with piazzas in front to expose the 'chattels' to the public during the day, and yards in rear of them where they are penned up at night like sheep, so close that they can hardly breathe, with bull-dogs on the outside as sentinels. They sometimes have thousands here for sale, who in consequence of their number suffer most horribly."[31] Similarly, in Alabama, a historian explained in 1845 that a ban had been undermined to the point that it was ultimately abandoned entirely: "...The people of Alabama at one time became alarmed at the evils which they properly anticipated would grow out of this traffic. Their Legislators enacted laws against it, and for a short time they exercised salutary restraints; but soon they were evaded. The Creek Nation was then an Indian Territory, under the jurisdiction of the General Government, lying immediately on our eastern border. Here Negro Traders sought a shield for their operations, and our citizens went there to make purchases. Worn out at last with such subterfuges and shifts, the Legislature repealed this restrictive law..."[32]

Bans on interstate slave trading
State Notes
Alabama Limitations on interstate slave trading passed 1832[33]
Delaware Banned imports and exports of slaves at statehood (1787)[34]
Kentucky Non-Importation Act passed 1833,[35] repealed 1849
Louisiana Imports banned 1826–1828;[36] "...slavers circumvented rules like Louisiana's strict requirement that captives entering the state bear certificates of good character by manufacturing fake certificates."[3]
Georgia Imports banned 1788, repealed in 1856[37]
Mississippi Banned in 1832 constitution, never enforced[3]
Tennessee Banned 1827–1855; unenforced[3]

See also


  1. ^ Gates, Henry Louis Jr. (28 January 2013). "What Was the 2nd Middle Passage?".
  2. ^ Lab, Digital Scholarship. "History Engine: Tools for Collaborative Education and Research – Episodes".
  3. ^ a b c d Schermerhorn, Calvin (2020). "Chapter 2: 'Cash for Slaves' The African American Trail of Tears". In Bond, Beverly Greene; O'Donovan, Susan Eva (eds.). Remembering the Memphis Massacre: An American Story. University of Georgia Press. ISBN 9780820356495.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g Bancroft, Frederic (2023) [1931]. Slave Trading in the Old South. Southern Classics Series. Introduction by Michael Tadman. University of South Carolina Press. pp. 173 (broker), 295 (enterprise and prosperity), 316 (VA premium). ISBN 978-1-64336-427-8.
  5. ^ "Domestic Slave Trade". In Motion. Archived from the original on 12 June 2018. Retrieved 1 March 2011.
  6. ^ Pritchett, Jonathan B. (June 2001). "Quantitative Estimates of the United States Interregional Slave Trade, 1820–1860". The Journal of Economic History. 61 (2): 467–475. doi:10.1017/S002205070102808X. JSTOR 2698028. S2CID 154462144.
  7. ^ "A key to Uncle Tom's cabin; presenting the original facts and documents upon which the story is founded. Together with corroborative statements verifying ..." HathiTrust. p. 351. hdl:2027/uiug.30112003184378. Retrieved 25 August 2023.
  8. ^ Freudenberger, Herman; Jonathan B. Pritchett (Winter 1991). "The Domestic United States Slave Trade: New Evidence". Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 21 (3): 447–477. doi:10.2307/204955. JSTOR 204955.
  9. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Evans Jr., Robert (April 1961). "Some Economic Aspects of the Domestic Slave Trade, 1830–1860". Southern Economic Journal. 27 (4): 329–337. doi:10.2307/1055531. JSTOR 1055531.
  10. ^ a b c d e f Johnson, Walter (2009). Soul by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave Market. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. pp. 5 (migration cause), 48 (interstate firms), 49 (seasonality), 50 (transportation). ISBN 9780674039155. OCLC 923120203.
  11. ^ Deyle, Steven (Spring 1992). "The Irony of Liberty: Origins of the Domestic Slave Trade". Journal of the Early Republic. 12 (1): 37–62. doi:10.2307/3123975. JSTOR 3123975.
  12. ^ Pritchett, Jonathan B. (Summer 1997). "The Interregional Slave Trade and the Selection of Slaves for the New Orleans Market". Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 28 (1): 57–85. doi:10.2307/206166. JSTOR 206166.
  13. ^ a b c d Miller, William L. (April 1965). "A Note of the Importance of the Interstate Slave Trade of the Ante Bellum South". The Journal of Political Economy. 2. 73 (2): 181–187. doi:10.1086/259008. JSTOR 1829535. S2CID 154549348.
  14. ^ Carstensen, F.V.; S.E. Goodman (Autumn 1977). "Trouble on the Auction Block: Interregional Slave Sales and the Reliability of a Linear Equation". Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 2. 8 (2): 315–318. doi:10.2307/202791. JSTOR 202791.
  15. ^ O'Connell, Daniel (16 October 1838) [Sep 13 1838]. "Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Stevenson". Richmond Enquirer. Richmond, Virginia. p. 3 – via
  16. ^ a b Kotlikoff, Laurence J.; Sebastian Pinera (June 1977). "The Old South's Stake in the Inter-Regional Movement of Slaves, 1850–1860". The Journal of Economic History. 2. 37 (2): 434–450. doi:10.1017/S002205070009700X. JSTOR 2118765. S2CID 153416059.
  17. ^ Curran, Robert (2010). A History of Georgetown University: From Academy to University, 1789–1889. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. pp. 129–130. ISBN 978-1-58901-688-0.
  18. ^ Johnson, Walter (2013). River of Dark Dreams: Slavery and Empire in the Cotton Kingdom. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. pp. 41 (early years, 10 at a time). ISBN 9780674074880. LCCN 2012030065. OCLC 827947225.
  19. ^ "New Species of Brokers". Public Ledger. Philadelphia. 19 October 1836. p. 2. Retrieved 15 August 2023.
  20. ^ Corrigan, Mary Beth (2001). "Imaginary Cruelties? A History of the Slave Trade in Washington, D.C." Washington History. 13 (2): 4–27. ISSN 1042-9719. JSTOR 40073372.
  21. ^ "Seeing the Unseen: Baltimore's slave trade". Baltimore Sun. Photographs by Amy Davis. 4 May 2022. Retrieved 8 October 2023.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  22. ^ "Slavery and the Slave Trade in the District of Columbia". Negro History Bulletin. 14 (1): 7–18. 1950. ISSN 0028-2529. JSTOR 44212391.
  23. ^ "Brashears Stand and Old Trace, Milepost 104.5 (U.S. National Park Service)". Retrieved 8 October 2023.
  24. ^ McInnis, Maurie D. (Fall 2013). "Mapping the slave trade in Richmond and New Orleans". Building & Landscapes. 20 (2): 102–125. doi:10.5749/buildland.20.2.0102. JSTOR 10.5749/buildland.20.2.0102. S2CID 160472953.
  25. ^ a b Dew, Charles B. (2016). The making of a racist : a southerner reflects on family, history, and the slave trade. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press. pp. 111 (shipping lots), 154 (racism). ISBN 9780813938882. LCCN 2015043815.
  26. ^ Tadman, Michael (18 September 2012). Smith, Mark M.; Paquette, Robert L. (eds.). Internal Slave Trades. Vol. 1. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199227990.013.0029.
  27. ^ "Frederic Bancroft, Slave-Trading in the Old South". The Journal of Negro History. 16 (2): 240–241. April 1931. doi:10.2307/2714086. ISSN 0022-2992. JSTOR 2714086.
  28. ^ Olivarius, Kathryn (19 April 2022). Necropolis: Disease, Power, and Capitalism in the Cotton Kingdom. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. ISBN 978-0-674-24105-3.
  29. ^ "Railroads and the Making of Modern America". Retrieved 6 January 2023.
  30. ^ Clark, T. D. (December 1934). "The Slave Trade between Kentucky and the Cotton Kingdom". The Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 21 (3): 331–342. doi:10.2307/1897378. JSTOR 1897378.
  31. ^ "Slave Trading in Georgia". Anti-Slavery Bugle. 27 October 1848. p. 3. Retrieved 15 August 2023.
  32. ^ Pickett, Albert (2 October 1845). "A Letter from Col. Albert Pickett". Advertiser and Register. p. 2. Retrieved 14 August 2023.
  33. ^ Jewett, Clayton E.; Allen, John O. (2004). Slavery in the South: a state-by-state history. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-313-32019-4.
  34. ^ Jewett, Clayton E.; Allen, John O. (28 February 2004). Slavery in the South: A State-by-State History. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-313-32019-4.
  35. ^ McDougle, Ivan E. (1918). "The Development of Slavery". The Journal of Negro History. 3 (3): 214–239. doi:10.2307/2713409. ISSN 0022-2992. JSTOR 2713409.
  36. ^ Rothman, Joshua D. (2021). The Ledger and the Chain: How Domestic Slave Traders Shaped America. Basic Books. p. 118. ISBN 9781541616592. LCCN 2020038845.
  37. ^ "Slave Laws of Georgia, 1755–1860" (PDF). Retrieved 18 July 2023.

Further reading

External links

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