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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Radical Cause
La Causa Radical
LeaderAndrés Velásquez
PresidentJosé Ignacio Guédez
Mayor of Ciudad BolivarVictor Fuenmayor
Founded1971 (1971)
IdeologyDemocratic socialism
Labourism
Radicalism
Political positionLeft-wing
National affiliationUnitary Platform
ColorsBlue and yellow
Seats in the National Assembly
0 / 277
Seats in the Latin American Parliament
0 / 12
Governors of States of Venezuela
0 / 23
Mayors
2 / 337
Website
lacausarbolivar.com

The Radical Cause (Spanish: La Causa Radical, LCR), stylized as La Causa Я, is a minor left-wing political party in Venezuela, and today part of the Venezuelan opposition to president Nicolás Maduro.

At its peak in the early 1990s, the party came within touching distance of winning the 1993 presidential elections. However, the party split in 1997 when a number of members left to form Patria Para Todos, now part of the pro-government Great Patriotic Pole (GPP) electoral alliance. LCR has now lost much of its national profile, but retains some influence in its home region of Guayana.

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  • Q&A with President Jalal Talabani, President of Iraq

Transcription

Lee Bollinger: Thank you very much, Mr. President. I would also like to recognize some special guests that we have. First lady Hero Ahmed is here. Please recognize her. I believe your son has also joined us here, and his name is Qubad Talabany. We have the Minister of State for Women's Affairs, Ms. al- Shakly, the Minister of Labor, Mr. *Sali, and the Minister of Technology, Ms. Putros. We would now like to open the floor for questions. Please go. I'd like to give priority to Columbia students.\ Casey Barnett: Good morning. My name is Casey Barnett. I am a student with the business school here at Columbia. I'm also the director of Cam-Ed, a research and training Institute in Southeast Asia. Your Excellency, you mentioned that the Iraqi Constitution is the best in the region. Yet, Article7 of the Constitution forbids Ba'ath Party members from becoming part of the political system. Now, most people became Ba'ath party members to go to college or get a job. Wouldn't it be smarter for your government to focus on the leaders of the Ba'ath Party, rather than the rank and file? Lee Bollinger: We also should, take this occasion, you can just lineup behind the microphones to ask questions. President Jalal Talabani: This is not true. Not all Ba'athists are prevented from participating. Only the criminals and special rank of Ba'athists are prevented. But the big majority of them are permitted. They are considered as Iraqis. They can participate in the democratic process. And even many of them are still in jobs, in universities, in schools, in departments, in administration, and only who are prevented from that, those who committed crimes according to law. Lee Bollinger: Next question. Garth Stewart: Sir, my name is Garth Stewart, and I'm a general studies student here at Columbia. And, I was in the Third Infantry Division in 2003 and I was a very active participant in the liberation of Iraq. And I have to say-- Lee Bollinger: I'm sorry. Let me just ask, put the microphone up so that you can be heard more clearly. Garth Stewart: Is this all right? Is this acceptable if I just bend my head a little bit? Lee Bollinger: That's good. That's good. Garth Stewart: I was in the Third Infantry Division, an active participant in the liberation of Iraq. And I have to say, it's an honor to hear you speak here today, sir. My question is, in your speech, you referred to a new Iraq. And I wanted to know, do you ever plan on seeking some sort of reform in the Middle East as it concerns other governments that aren't so enlightened as what Iraq is becoming? President Jalal Talabani: Of course. For this reason, many of our neighbors are very, are not happy and satisfied because a democratic, federal, stable Iraq will inspire all people of Middle East to free themselves from dictatorship and to enjoy democracy. For that, I think you; when you're in Iraq, observe that many neighbors are not satisfied with the liberation of Iraq or having democracy and democratic rights in Iraq. Manal Alam: Hi. Mr. President, my name is Manal Alam, and I'm a student in the engineering school. What will it take in the future for Iraq to have a separate political identity not linked to the United States? President Jalal Talabani: I think we are an independent country, and Iraqi people are proud to be independent and we always struggle to be an independent country, but we are in need to a kind of core operation and alliances in this global of we are so far living in it, and this globalization is demanding that countries must look kind of cooperation and coordination among them. Lee Bollinger: Next question. Cham Laden: Mr. President, my name is Cham Laden, I'm a journalism student here. And as I understand it, you have the very admirable policy of not signing execution warrants which Iraq courts pass up to your office and delegate this duty to a deputy. And I also understand that this is because the Democratic patriotic alliance of Kurdistan is obliged under treaties you signed not to endorse the death penalty. I think that's wholly admirable, but I was wondering if you thought it was a problem, or set a poor precedent for the president of a sovereign country of Iraq to be bound by regional obligations, not to fulfill sections of his office. Thank you. President Jalal Talabani: Well, you know, we are in Iraq now enjoying democracy. We have different parties and groups from Left, extreme Left to extreme Right. Of course, different attitudes. I am, as a lawyer, I signed an international appeal against the death penalty. And I'm respecting my signature. For that, I am able, (applause) even I said, if I was one day obliged to choose between my principles and the post, I will leave the post and keep my, protect my principles. (applause) I know that perhaps the next president will not be in the same way and the same kind of thinking. But it's my belief, and I cannot deny my signature. Lee Bollinger: Next question. Patrick Luhem: Hello, Mr. President, my name is Patrick Luhem. I'm a student of Japanese literature here in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences and I wanted to thank you for your speech and also welcome you to Columbia. During your speech, you spoke about the kindness and generosity of American troops. And, with that attitude, I was wondering how you interpret an event like what happened at Abu Ghraib. President Jalal Talabani: Yeah, that was, in Abu Ghraib something was very bad happened, that some American soldiers, simple soldiers violated the human rights. But I'd like to remind you, Abu Ghraib was a prison in Iraq when thousands and thousands of Iraqis were executed. It was a prisoner of tens of thousands of Iraqis visited this prison, and suffered worse kind of torture and violating of human rights. For that, of course, we condemn what happened against Iraqis, because we want to have the human rights everywhere in Iraq, and human rights must be respected by Americans, Iraqis, everyone. But, when Iraqis remember prison of Abu Ghraib, they are remembering thousands and thousands of the martyrs who were killed in that prison. Lee Bollinger: Next question. Marin Dunnaheim: Mr. President, my name is Marin Dunnaheim. I'm Masters of Laws student from Ireland. In light of the Constitutionalization and the problems that have sewn in Iraq, what is the possibility of the complete secularization of Iraq in light of the role that religious law plays and religious diversity plays in Iraq? President Jalal Talabani: Well, we couldn't reach a secular state, hundreds person (inaudible). There was a kind of compromise, as I told you in my speech. There is of course we have strong Islamic parties. There were, even some of them were asking for an Islamic Republic. For example, we couldn't reach agreement with a group of Sunni Arabs about the article, which says that Islam is a source for laws. They insisted that it must be the main source of all laws. We refused it. We tried to reach a kind of compromise that we could in the same time, respect the democratic principles and respect Islam as the religious of the majority of Iraq. Of course it's respecting other religions, like Christianity, like Azadis, like Sabbis and others which mentioned in this Constitution. Lee Bollinger: Next question. Shirley Shavit: Hello, Mr. President. My name is Shirley Shavit. I'm the director of an international department, and biggest women's organization in Israel. First of all, it was a great honor to hear you and to listen to what you said. And I'm very concerned and would like to ask your attitude regarding the state of Israel, regarding the future coexistence with Iraq. And I think we have a lot in common regarding our concern for world democracy as well as the Al Qaeda threat to the whole world. Thank you very much. President Jalal Talabani: Well, thank you for question. And we are in Iraq committed to our member and active member and founder member of the league, Arab League. We are part of the Arab world. Iraq participated on all the summit, Arab summits. The last one, which was in Beirut, decided that a doctorate, proposal, presented by then president, now King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, according to this proposal, there is some kind of promise if Israel will respect all resolutions passed by the United Nations and recognize the existence of a peaceful Palestinian state. The Arab countries will normalize relation with Israel, and will have full kind of contracts with them. It's now up to Israeli people and Israeli government to decide to accept this proposal of King Abdullah, and then I think everything will be normal and open. Lee Bollinger: Yes. Carmack MacGee: I'm Carmack MacGee. I'm his master student at the school of International and Public Affairs. (speaks Arabic) Columbia. President Jalal Talabani: (speaks Arabic). Carmack MacGee: Being Middle Eastern, specifically from Lebanon, I just want to let everyone know that any change in the Middle East is better than the status quo. So some people who argue--at this point in time--so some people who argue about whether the U.S. should have gone in or out, I think the change was very important. However, I do have a concern. In your speech, you said a repeated number of times that you are killing and capturing the terrorists. I was just wondering, these people strive and breed on the blood of their martyr brothers. Do you think that by killing and capturing these terrorists, you will be solving the problem of insurgencies? Because I find that this is only addressing the symptom of terrorism rather than the radical cause of terrorism. So what measures are being done by the Iraqi government to address social welfare and education? President Jalal Talabani: Yes. Well, killing is not enough. But don't forget, we are killing those terrorists in defense of ourselves. They are attacking us, and we are killing them. This is a very important point you must take it in consideration. When they are coming for example to occupy a town, we are not ready to surrender to them, we are going to resist, to liberate the town, and we are killing those who are trying to impose their rule by force on the people. This is one. Second, we believe that there must be a comprehensive plan for facing terrorism. This plan must be political, economic, media, public opinion, relation with diplomacy, many things here. And I think those who came, terrorists in Iraq are different groups. Some different, some groups are from Al Qaeda, and fundamentalist Islamists who came and declared the order of annihilation. They openly say it. And statesmen, that are killing all shades, and consider all shades out of Islam. And also, they're killing all Kurdists. Because they are allies of the United States of America. Well, a group coming to declare the war of annihilation, what do you want for us? Maybe we got to (inaudible). This is one. Second, second, as you said, any change in Middle East is very, very important. And especially, democratic change is very important. It will change the Middle East. And those who are afraid from new Iraq, they are afraid from democracy and from democratization in Middle East. Andrew Monaghan: Mr. President, it's an honor to have you here today. My name is Andrew Monaghan and I'm with the School of International and Public Affairs. We learn from the American experience as the oldest democracy in the world that one of the true potential threats of the federalist system is Civil War. What assurances do you give the world that Iraq can become a true federalist democracy that will stay together? Thank you. President Jalal Talabani: Well, it depends on the will of Iraqi people. It's also mentioned in the Constitution that Iraqi people, through their free will, decide if they want to have regional governments, kind of, we think that Federation, with democracy are necessary for building a multi-nation country, and without Federation and democracy, it's impossible to imagine a united, strong Iraq, with all these different nationalities and religions, etcetera. Rachel MacMillan: Thank you. Mr. President, my name is Rachel MacMillan. I am in the Columbia College. One of the main reasons that President Bush gave us for going to war in Iraq and for Operation Iraqi Freedom was the allegation of nuclear weapons, which we now know didn't exist. Now, of course, in Iran and North Korea, we see large nuclear weapon arsenals being developed as well. Do you think that if it was a basic human rights issue, that we would have gone to Iraq in the first place, or was that lie actually needed to garner international support and attention? President Jalal Talabani: Well, I think there were mass destruction arms. According to our information, our own information, there was massive chemical weapons, which was used against Kurdish people in Halajan, against Iranians and against South of Iraq. And there was also, in the (inaudible), biological weapons also. Now we are discovering graves, for example, that contain the children between six to, one to six year, some other six to 12, some 12 to 18. We think that there was a kind of exercise of the chemical and the biological weapons. We were sure that there were chemical weapons and there were biological weapons. But they could hide them. You know, Iraq is a big country. This is one. The second, I think liberating 27 million Iraqis and building a democratic center in Middle East was deserving to be, to participate in this war of liberation. And don't forget that this is a tradition of American people. America participated in the Second World War, first World War, in Asia, liberating Afghanistan and Belkan, in many places. That's the glorious people of the world. They have their own responsibility to pay the price of it. Although I'm sorry for all kinds of American casualties. Lee Bollinger: Yes. Student: President, I'm international student in the School of Engineering and, from Turkey. So, I wonder what you exactly meant in the beginning of your speech with Kurdistan? President Jalal Talabani: Pardon? Student: What you meant exactly in the speech of, in the beginning of your speech, as Kurdistan. President Jalal Talabani: Kurdistan is a country. I didn't create it. God created it. A few in Turkey denying it. It doesn't mean that it's not existing. This even at the time of command pressure (inaudible) was recognize that, go back to the first building of Turkish National Assembly, you will see on the wall, the list of military, Kurdistan military. This country is now a part of it in Iraq. This part of Iraq is officially recognize it. We have a regional government of Kurdistan, and this original, we have also a National Assembly of Kurdistan that we are recognizing in Iraq. We don't want to interfere in your own affairs. If you don't want to recognize it, it's up to you. But we have Kurdistan as a part of Iraq. Lee Bollinger: Yes? Nate Jennings: Welcome, Mr. President. My name's Nate Jennings. I'm an undergraduate student in the engineering school. You spoke a little bit about the Constitution in your speech. And I was wondering if you could address what the major impediments are to having some kind of consensus. I know you said not, there's never a case where everyone can be happy. But what do you see as being the major problems from having, I guess widespread consensus? President Jalal Talabani: Yeah, the major problems was first the relation between state and religion. Some people say, insisted that Iraq must be an Islamic regime, and some people wanted to say that Islam is the main source of the laws in Iraq. It was one of the big shifts in the discussion. Second was, some Sunni Arabs refuse consideration for the South. They recognize a federation for Kurdistan because they said federation is existing since a long time in Kurdistan. It is a reality to de facto. But they denied right of having original government for the people of the South. The third, about the relation between Iraq and Arab World. What we have agreed with the secretary-general of Arab League was Iraq is a founding member, enacted member of the League of Arab Leagues, and committed to the charter and the decisions of Arab League. Some people want to say that Iraq as a part of Arab nation, by denying the existence of Kurds, Kurdanians, Turkomans, Assyrians, etcetera. That was the three main issues in the way of reaching a consensus on the Constitution. Lee Bollinger: Yes. Hallah Al-Zaraf: Mr. President, my name is Hallah Al-Zaraf. I am an Iraqi Fulbright student. I major in health policy, and if you allow me sir, I will speak in English, and then give me the pleasure of talking in Arabic to our president. As an Iraqi Arab Muslim Shi'a woman, I feel so privileged to stand here and talk to you because this is the first time I have a chance to talk a president and I have passed my 40 years. I never wanted to speak to the president before, but I am greatly honored to be here and talk to you. I'm doing masters, I left a family behind. I'm doing it basically for Iraq. I want to go back as soon as possible and try to do something and participate with all the good efforts. I have the worry, being a woman, being, you know, I don't know what's going to happen to the Constitution, the draft, but I do acknowledge that there are women leadership. I mean, the existence of the First Lady here is something we would have never thought it would happen, and the lady minister. How can we be-- (applause) what assurances could we have in light of what you have said about the dominance of the cleric, very strong fundamental attitude towards women participation in Iraq? What is our assurance if we go back? And thank you very much. I don't know if I need to it in Arabic. (speaks Arabic) President Jalal Talabani: Well, I am, no, no, I am, I'm proud to have you with us here, an Iraqi woman from Shi'ite section of Iraq, and proud to, to see lady like you express this attitude very frankly. And I'd like to tell you that according in institution, many rights of women is insured. Equality among men and women. The right to have 25 person of Parliament from women. Of course this will reflect in government. Now we have about six ministers, ladies. Six ladies ministers in the--we'll have the (inaudible) prime minister, a lady also. And we have many members in the, ladies in the National Assembly. And also, we indirectly put in the Constitution that this Constitution will respect the universal declaration of human rights, which it had a lot of rights of women in it. And also, the women are free to choose in their marriage and their divorce, unlikely divorce of course to choose if they want to go to Civil Court or to go to the mosque. Hallah Al-Zaraf: One more last thing, please allow me to ask-- President Jalal Talabani: And of course, you know, my dear sister, you know that in Iraq we have now a strong movement, but I must be honest with you, they are not denying the fundamental rights of women. There are some kinds of differences, as you know. Hallah Al-Zaraf: Yes. And this is, this is the worry. President Jalal Talabani: But we are trying to receive compromise on it. Hallah Al-Zaraf: And *sha Allah, He will succeed. Thank you very much. President Jalal Talabani: We will do. Thank you. Hallah Al-Zaraf: And please accept the great greetings from other Iraqi Fulbrighters who are studying in Texas, Massachusetts, Michigan, this is a great opportunity to be here and talk to you personally. President Jalal Talabani: Give all of them regards-- Hallah Al-Zaraf: Thank you very much. President Jalal Talabani: --and my love. Hallah Al-Zaraf: Thank you very much, Mr. President. (applause) Lee Bollinger: The, the president has time for just two more questions. Yes? Emil Rove: My name is Emil Rove. I am an International Undergraduate Student in Columbia College. Mr. President, it is known that you have distanced yourself from the Kurdish Independence Movement for the sake of working with different ethnic groups during the process of rebuilding Iraq. What I am wondering is what your standards are going to be in the future concerning the Kurdish Independence Movement. President Jalal Talabani: Well, my dear friend. I had my struggle all my life, I was struggling for democracy in Iraq and Kurdish rights within the framework of Iraq. I was convinced that Kurdish people, who forcibly divided in the Middle East, has the right to serve this nation like others. But, it's impossible today to think about independent Kurdistan. I never asked for independent Kurdistan because I know it's impossible to--I can give you one example now. Let us imagine, tomorrow, the National Assembly of Kurdistan decides declaring independence, if our neighbors don't fight us, but close the border, how it can come back to you again to be here in this presence. For example, we must be realistic. We must struggle for what is possible, achievable of the mass of Kurdish people, and rethink the best is democracy for Iraq and federation within the framework of Iraq as a part of Kurdistan also. Thank you very much. Lee Bollinger: Yes? Crystal Foray: President. Thank you for coming today. My name is Crystal Foray, and I'm a graduate student at the School of Social Work, concentrating in International Social Welfare. In your speech, you said that there was no specific time frame to pull the troops out of Iraq. So my question for you is in your opinion, what exactly would need to take place in order for our troops to come home? Thank you. President Jalal Talabani: I think the best thing we can do is that to train our forces and to prepare Iraqi Armed Forces for combating against terrorism and defending this sovereignty independent of the country. And of course, there must be always a kind of consultation and negotiation among coalition forces in Iraqi to reach agreement when it will be necessary to remove. But I think when anyone's starting a noble mission, it must be finished successfully. Thank you very much. Lee Bollinger: Mr. President, let me just say that it is a great pleasure and honor for us to have you here today and to spend this time. It is interesting. We're working on a project as part of the World Leaders' Forum to have women from the Iraqi legislature come and speak at Columbia at some point in this year. This, of course, with the issues that have been raised, speak to great questions in the United States and the world, issues of multilateralism, issues of democracy, issues of free markets, issues of intelligence. These are questions that are being debated throughout America at this time, as you know. For you to come here and spend this time with us and to answer questions so forthrightly and freely, we deeply appreciate it, and thank you all for coming to join us. President Jalal Talabani: Thank you, Mr. President. (applause) You are very kind. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.

History

Early history

LCR was founded in 1971 by es:Alfredo Maneiro, an intellectual and former guerrilla who had been expelled from the Communist Party of Venezuela.[1] The new revolutionary socialist party grew quickly, benefiting from the collapse of the Communist Party.

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the party focused on organizing factory workers in the Guayana region of Bolivar state through the so-called Matanceros Movement, as well as workers on the west side of Caracas, Catia, Caracas and Catia. The party gained control of the leadership of the SUTISS metalworkers' union at SIDOR, the largest steel company in Venezuela.[1]

Maneiro's premature death, caused by a heart attack in 1982, left the party's leadership in the hands of the young labor activists he had trained.[2]

Electoral challenges

With the 1989 introduction of elections for local and regional offices, LCR had its first opportunity to compete electorally with a chance of success. In December 1988, LCR sent three deputies to the Venezuelan Chamber of Deputies.[3] In 1989, one of LCR's leaders, Andrés Velásquez, became the first Venezuelan elected governor who did not belong to either of the two major political parties (Accion Democratica and COPEI), winning the Bolívar governorship on the LCR ticket.

In the 1992 local elections, Aristóbulo Istúriz was elected mayor of Caracas for LCR, where he initiated processes of citizen participation which, although canceled after his term ended in 1995, would later influence the Bolivarian Revolution.

In the 1993 presidential elections, the party nominated Andrés Velásquez as its candidate. Velásquez finished in fourth place with 22%, according to the official results, close to winning candidate Rafael Caldera's 30.5%. However, Velásquez and his party alleged that electoral fraud had taken place and that he had actually come in second place.[4]

Francisco Arias Cárdenas, one of the main co-conspirators in Hugo Chávez's 1992 coup attempt, later joined LCR and was elected Governor of Zulia State.

Split

In 1997, the party split into two factions, a radical faction led by Pablo Medina, Aristóbulo Istúriz and Alí Rodríguez Araque and a moderate faction led by Andrés Velásquez. The radical faction, which was favored by a majority of party members, left to found a new party Patria Para Todos (PPT) and went on to support Hugo Chávez's candidacy for the presidency the following year.

After losing a majority of its members, LCR's influence was diminished. It retained its name, moderated its radical ideology, and later went into opposition to the Chávez government. The party remained strongly opposed to the Chávez government, joining the Coordinadora Democrática in 2002, supporting Manuel Rosales in the 2006 presidential elections, and opposing the 2007 proposed constitutional reform.

The party won four seats in the 2000 Venezuelan general election, but lost them all four years later. In the 2008 Venezuelan regional elections, held on November 23, Andrés Velásquez narrowly failed in his bid to win the Bolívar State governorship once again, due to splits within the opposition. LCR's Victor Fuenmayor was elected mayor of the state's second largest city, Ciudad Bolívar, the party's best result in the election. The party earned less than 1% of the nationwide vote for the various governorships.[citation needed]

External links

Further reading

  • Nogueira-Budny, Daniel (2014). "Great Promise, but Poor Performance: Understanding the Collapse of Venezuela's Causa Radical". Journal of Politics in Latin America. 6 (1): 109–136. doi:10.1177/1866802X1400600104. S2CID 55279130.

References

  1. ^ a b "'Teochoro' Petkoff, the man who stole the workers' benefits". 12 November 2018. Retrieved 8 February 2019.
  2. ^ Chalmers, Vilas, Hite, Martin, Piester, Segarra (1997). The New Politics of Inequality in Latin America: Rethinking Participation and Representation. England: OUP Oxford. p. 128. ISBN 0191525138.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  3. ^ Margarita López-Maya, "The Rise of Causa R in Venezuela", in Douglas A. Chalmers, Carlos M. Vilas, Katherine Hite, Scott B. Martin, Kerianne Piester, Monique Segarra (editors), The New Politics of Inequality in Latin America: Rethinking Participation and Representation, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, p130
  4. ^ "Venezuela se sacude del fraude". El Tiempo. 12 December 1993. Retrieved 8 February 2019.

https://journals.sub.uni-hamburg.de/giga/jpla/article/view/732

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