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Pyotr Stolypin

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Pyotr Stolypin
Пётр Столы́пин
Pyotr Stolypin LOC 07327.jpg
3rd Prime Minister of Russia
In office
21 July 1906 – 18 September 1911
MonarchNicholas II
Preceded byIvan Goremykin
Succeeded byVladimir Kokovtsov
Minister of Interior
In office
26 April 1906 – 18 September 1911
Prime MinisterIvan Goremykin
Preceded byPyotr Durnovo
Succeeded byAlexander Makarov
Personal details
Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin

(1862-04-14)14 April 1862
Dresden, Kingdom of Saxony, German Confederation
Died18 September 1911(1911-09-18) (aged 49)
Kiev, Kiev Governorate, Russian Empire
Cause of deathHomicide
Resting placeKiev Cave Monastery, Kiev, Ukraine
Spouse(s)Olga Borisovna Neidhardt

Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin (Russian: Пётр Арка́дьевич Столы́пин, IPA: [pʲɵtr ɐˈrkadʲjɪvʲɪtɕ stɐˈlɨpʲɪn]; 14 April [O.S. 2 April] 1862 – 18 September [O.S. 5 September] 1911) was the 3rd Prime Minister of Russia, and Minister of Internal Affairs of the Russian Empire from 1906 to 1911. His tenure was marked by efforts to counter revolutionary groups and by the implementation of noteworthy agrarian reforms. Stolypin was a monarchist and hoped to strengthen the throne. He is considered one of the last major statesmen of Imperial Russia with clearly defined public policies and with the determination to undertake major reforms.[1]

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In 1881, Russian Emperor Alexander II was assassinated by left-wing terrorists in St.Petersburg. Today, the place where he was fatally wounded is marked by the magnificent Church of the Saviour on Spilled Blood. Alexander II had been a reformer, hailed as 'the Liberator' for freeing Russia's serfs. But his son and successor, Alexander III, believed his father's reforms had unleashed dangerous forces within Russia, that ultimately led to his death. As Emperor, he publicly vowed to reassert autocratic rule, declaring that, 'in the midst of our great grief, the voice of God orders us to undertake courageously the task of ruling, with faith in the strength and rightness of autocratic power.' The Tsar's secret police, the so-called 'Okhranka', was ordered to infiltrate Russia's many revolutionary groups. Those found guilty of plotting against the government were hanged or sent into 'internal exile' in Siberia. Alexander III was a pious man, who supported the Orthodox church, and the assertion of a strong Russian national identity. Russia's Jews became victims of this policy. They'd already been targeted in murderous race riots known as 'pogroms', after false rumours were spread that they were responsible for the assassination of the emperor. Now the government expelled 20,000 Jews from Moscow, and many who could began to leave the country. Over the next 40 years, around two million Jews would leave Russia, most bound for the USA. Concerned by the growing power of Germany, Russia signed an alliance with France, both sides promising military aid if the other was attacked. Sergei Witte was appointed Russia's new Minister of Finance. His reforms helped to modernise the Russian economy, and encourage foreign investment – particularly from its new ally, France. French loans helped Russia to develop its industry and infrastructure: Work began on the Trans-Siberian railway. Completed in 1916, it remains the world's longest railway line, running 5,772 miles from Moscow to Vladivostok. Alexander III was succeeded by his son Nicholas II. His coronation was marred by tragedy, when 1,400 people were crushed to death at an open-air celebration in Moscow. China granted Russia the right to build a naval base at Port Arthur. When China faced a major revolt known as the Boxer Rebellion, Russia moved troops into Manchuria, under the pretext of defending Port Arthur from the rebels. This brought Russia into conflict with Japan, who also had designs over Manchuria, and Korea. The Japanese made a surprise attack on Port Arthur, then defeated the Russian army at the giant Battle of Mukden. Russia's Baltic Fleet, meanwhile, had sailed half-way around the world to reach the Pacific... where it was immediately annihilated at the Battle of Tsushima. Russia was left with no option but to sign a humiliating peace, brokered by US President Theodore Roosevelt. Meanwhile the Tsar faced another crisis much closer to home. In St.Petersburg, a strike by steel-workers had escalated, and plans were made for a mass demonstration. Tens of thousands of protesters marched to the Winter Palace to present a petition to the Tsar, asking for better workers' rights and more political freedom. But instead, troops opened fire on the crowds, killing more than 100. 'Bloody Sunday', as it became known, led to more strikes and unrest across the country. The crew of the battleship Potemkin mutinied, killing their officers and taking control of the ship. To defuse the crisis, Nicholas II reluctantly issued the October Manifesto, drafted under the supervision of Sergei Witte. It promised an elected assembly and new political rights, including freedom of speech, and was welcomed by most moderates. Russia's first constitution was drafted the next year. For the first time, the Tsar would share power with an elected assembly, the state duma – though the Tsar had the right to veto its legislation, and dissolve it at any time. Sergei Witte finally lost the Tsar's confidence, and was dismissed. The Tsar's new Prime Minister, Stolypin, introduced land reforms to help the peasants, while dealing severely with Russia's would-be revolutionaries. So much so, that the hangman's noose got a new nickname - 'Stolypin's necktie'. But having survived several attempts on his life, Stolypin was shot and killed by an assassin at the Kiev Opera House. Meanwhile, Grigori Rasputin, a Siberian faith healer, had joined the Imperial family's inner circle, thanks to his unique ability to ease the suffering of the Tsar's haemophiliac son, Alexei. Despite sporadic acts of terrorism, Russia now had the fastest growing economy in Europe. Agricultural and industrial output were on the rise. Most ordinary Russians remained loyal to the Tsar and his family. Russia's future seemed bright. In 1914, in Sarajevo, a Slav nationalist assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, sparking a European crisis. When Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia, Emperor Nicholas ordered the Russian army to mobilise, to show his support for a fellow Slav nation. Austria-Hungary's ally, Germany, saw Russian mobilisation as a threat, and declared war. Europe's network of alliances came into effect, and soon all the major powers were marching to war. World War One had begun. Russia experienced a wave of patriotic fervour. The capital, St.Petersburg, was even renamed Petrograd, to sound less German. An early Russian advance into East Prussia ended with heavy defeats at Tannenberg and the Masurian Lakes. There was greater success against Austria-Hungary, but that too came at a high price. Russian losses forced the army to make a general retreat in 1915. In 1916, Russia's Brusilov Offensive against Austro-Hungarian forces was one of the most successful Allied attacks of the war. But losses were so heavy, that the Russian army was unable to launch any more major operations. In Petrograd, Rasputin, whose alleged influence over the Tsar's family was despised by certain Russian aristocrats, was murdered, possibly with the help of British agents. The war put intolerable strains on Russia. At the front, losses were enormous. While in the cities, economic mismanagement led to rising prices and food shortages. In Petrograd, the workers' frustration led to strikes and demonstrations. Troops ordered to disperse the crowds refused, and joined the protesters instead. The government had lost control of the capital. On board the imperial train at Pskov, senior politicians and generals told the Emperor he must abdicate, or Russia would descend into anarchy, and lose the war. Nicholas accepted their advice, and renounced the throne in favour of his brother, Grand Duke Michael, who, effectively, declined the offer. 300 years of Romanov rule were at an end. Russia was now a republic. A Provisional Government took power, but could not halt Russia's slide into economic and military chaos. Meanwhile, workers, soldiers and peasants elected their own councils, known as 'soviets'. The Petrograd Soviet was so powerful, it was effectively a rival government, especially as discontent with the Provisional Government continued to grow. The Bolsheviks, under Vladimir Lenin, attracted growing support, with their radical proposals for an immediate end to the war, the redistribution of land, and transfer of power to the soviets. In October, they launched a coup, masterminded by Leon Trotsky. Bolshevik Red Guards stormed the Winter Palace, where the Provisional Government met, and arrested its members. Lenin and the Bolsheviks were now in charge. Russia had been thrown upon a bold and dangerous course - under a Marxist-inspired revolutionary party, it would now seek to create the world's first communist state. But first, it would have to survive the chaos and slaughter of one of history's bloodiest civil wars. Thank you to all our Patreon supporters who made this video possible. Please click the link to find out how you can support the channel, and help us choose future topics.


Family and background

Stolypin was born in Dresden, Germany, on 14 April 1862, and was later baptized on 24 May in the Russian Orthodox Church in that city.[2] His father, Arkady Dmitrievich Stolypin (1821–99), was at the time a Russian envoy in Germany.

Stolypin's family was prominent in the Russian aristocracy, his forebears having served the tsars since the 16th century, and as a reward for their service had accumulated huge estates in several provinces. His father Arkady Dmitrievich Stolypin (1821–99), was a general in the Russian artillery, the governor of Eastern Rumelia and commandant of the Kremlin Palace guard. He was married twice. His second wife, Natalia Mikhailovna Stolypina (née Gorchakova; 1827–89), was the daughter of Prince Mikhail Dmitrievich Gorchakov, the Commanding general of the Russian infantry during the Crimean War and later the governor general of Warsaw.

Photo of 14-year-old Stolypin
Photo of 14-year-old Stolypin

Pyotr grew up on the family estate Serednikovo, once inhabited by Mikhail Lermontov, and near Moscow. From 1869, Stolypin spent his childhood years in Kalnaberžė manor (now Kėdainiai district of Lithuania), built by his father, a place that remained his favorite residence for the rest of life.[3] In 1876, the Stolypin family moved to Vilnius (now the capital of Lithuania), where he attended grammar school. In 1879 the family moved to Oryol. Stolypin and his brother Aleksandr studied at the Oryol Boys College where he was described by his teacher, B. Fedorova, as ‘standing out among his peers for his rationalism and character.’[4]

In 1881 Stolypin studied agriculture at St. Petersburg University where one of his teachers was Dmitri Mendeleev.[5] He entered government service upon graduating in 1885, writing his thesis on tobacco growing in the south of Russia. It is unclear if he joined the Ministry of State Property or Internal Affairs.

Stolypin served as marshal of the Kovno (now Kaunas, Lithuania) Governorate between 1889 and 1902. This public service gave him an inside view of local needs and allowed him to develop administrative skills [6]. His thinking was influenced by the single-family farmstead system of the Northwestern Krai, and he later sought to introduce the land reform based on private ownership throughout the Russian Empire.[7]

Stolypin’s service in Kovno was deemed a success by the Russian government. He was promoted seven times, culminating in his promotion to the rank of state councilor in 1901. Four of his daughters were also born during this period; his daughter Maria recalled: “this was the most calm period his life”.[5]

In 1884, Stolypin married Olga Borisovna Neidhart – whose family was of a similar standing to Stolypin’s.[8] They married whilst Stolypin was still a student – an uncommon occurrence at the time. The marriage began in tragic circumstances; Olga had been engaged to Stolypin’s brother, Mikhail, but became engaged to Stolypin following Mikhail’s death in a duel. Their marriage was a happy one, devoid of scandal; the couple had five daughters and one son.[9]

Governor and interior minister

In May 1902 Stolypin was appointed governor in Grodno, where he was the youngest person ever appointed to this position. In February 1903 he became governor of Saratov. Stolypin is known for suppressing strikers and peasant unrest in January 1905.[10] According to Orlando Figes, its peasants were among the poorest and most rebellious in the whole of the country.[11] It seems he cooperated with the zemstvos, the local government. He gained a reputation as the only governor able to keep a firm hold on his province during the Revolution of 1905, a period of widespread revolt. The roots of unrest lay partly in the Emancipation Reform of 1861, which had given land to the Obshchina, instead of individually to the newly freed serfs.[12] Stolypin was the first governor to use effective police methods. Some sources suggest that he had a police record on every adult male in his province.[13] His successes as provincial governor led to Stolypin being appointed interior minister under Ivan Goremykin in April 1906. He instigated a new track of the Trans-Siberian Railway along the Amur River within Russian borders.

Prime Minister

Stolypin by Ilya Repin
Stolypin by Ilya Repin

After two months Dmitri Feodorovich Trepov suggested the absent-minded Goremykin ought to step down and promoted a cabinet with only Kadets, which in his opinion would soon enter into a violent conflict with the Tsar and fail. He secretly met with Pavel Milyukov. Trepov opposed Stolypin, who promoted a coalition cabinet.[14] Georgy Lvov and Alexander Guchkov tried to convince the tsar to accept liberals in the new government.

When Goremykin, according to S. Witte a bureaucratic nonentity, resigned on 21 July [O.S. 8 July] 1906 Nicholas II appointed Stolypin also as Prime Minister, while he continued as Minister of Interior, an unusual concentration of power in Imperial Russia. He dissolved the Duma, despite the reluctance of some of its more radical members, in order to facilitate government cooperation.[1] In response, 120 Kadet and 80 Trudovik and Social Democrat deputies went to Vyborg (then a part of the autonomous Grand Duchy of Finland and thus beyond the reach of Russian police) and responded with the Vyborg Manifesto (or the "Vyborg Appeal"), written by Pavel Milyukov. Stolypin allowed the signers to return to the capital unmolested.

Stolypin's wooden villa after the attempted assassination. One third was blown to pieces.
Stolypin's wooden villa after the attempted assassination. One third was blown to pieces.

On 25 August 1906, three assassins from the Union of Socialists Revolutionaries Maximalists, wearing military uniforms, bombed a public reception Stolypin was holding at his dacha on Aptekarsky Island. Stolypin was only slightly injured by flying splinters, but 28 others were killed. Stolypin's 15-year-old daughter was heavily wounded; his 3-year-old son was slightly wounded, standing with his sister on the balcony.[15] Stolypin moved into the Winter Palace. In October 1906, at the request of the Tsar, Grigori Rasputin paid a visit to the wounded child.[16]

Stolypin changed the nature of the Imperial Duma to attempt to make it more willing to pass legislation proposed by the government.[17][18] After dissolving the Second Duma on 8 June 1907 (Coup of June 1907), 15 Kadets, who had been in contact with terrorists, were arrested; he changed the weight of votes more in favor of the nobility and wealthy, reducing the value of lower class votes.[18] The leading Kadets were ineligible. This affected the elections to the Third Duma, which returned much more conservative members, more willing to cooperate with the government.[1] It changed Georgy Lvov from a moderate liberal into a radical.[19]

Distribution of newly formed farms in Grodno governorate (1909)
Distribution of newly formed farms in Grodno governorate (1909)

In Saratov, Stolypin had come to the conviction that the open field system had to be abolished. Like in Denmark, he introduced land reforms in order to resolve peasant grievances and quell dissent. Stolypin's reforms aimed to stem peasant unrest by creating a class of market-oriented smallholding landowners.[20] He was assisted by Alexander Krivoshein, 1908 becoming the Minister of Agriculture. He aimed to create a moderately wealthy class of peasants that would support societal order. (See article "Stolypin's Reform").[21] He tried to improve the lives of urban laborers and worked towards increasing the power of local governments, but the zemstvos adopted an attitude hostile to the government.

Leo Tolstoy was particularly indignant. He wrote to Stolypin directly and said, "Stop your horrible activity! Enough of looking up to Europe, it is high time Russia knew its own mind!" That was the argument that Tolstoy often had with Dostoyevsky, who was in favor of private ownership of land. Dostoyevsky wrote: "If you want to transform humanity for the better, to turn almost beasts into humans, give them land and you will reach your goal."[10]

Since 1905 Russia was plagued by revolutionary unrest and discontent was widespread among the population. With broad support, leftist organizations waged a violent campaign against the autocracy; throughout Russia, many police officials and bureaucrats were assassinated. "Stolypin inspected rebellious areas unarmed and without bodyguards. During one of these trips, somebody dropped a bomb under his feet. There were casualties, but Stolypin survived."[10] To respond to these attacks, Stolypin introduced a new court system of martial law, that allowed for the arrest and speedy trial of accused offenders. Over 3,000 (possibly 5,500) suspects were convicted and executed by these special courts between 1906 and 1909. In a Duma session on 17 November 1907, Kadet party member Fedor Rodichev referred to the gallows as "Stolypin's efficient black Monday necktie". As a result, Stolypin challenged Rodichev to a duel, but the Kadet party member decided to apologize for the phrase in order to avoid the duel. Nevertheless, the expression remained, as did "Stolypin car".

Stolypin attempted to improve the acrimonious relations between Russian Orthodox and Jewish citizens at the level of nationalities policy. Sergey Sazonov was the brother-in-law of Stolypin and did his best to further his career; in 1910 he became Minister of Foreign Affairs, following Count Alexander Izvolsky. Around 1910 the press started a campaign against Rasputin, who was said to have paid too much attention to young girls and women. Stolypin wanted to ban him from the capital and threatened to prosecute him as a sectarian. Rasputin went on a trip to Jerusalem and came back to St. Petersburg only after Stolypin's death.

"Stolypin resigned in March of 1911 from the fractious and chaotic Duma after the failure of his land-reform bill".[22] He had proposed spreading the system of zemstvo to the southwestern provinces of Russia. It was originally slated to pass with a narrow majority, but Stolypin's political opponents stopped it. Tsar Nicholas II decided to look for a successor to Stolypin and considered Sergei Witte, Vladimir Kokovtsov and Alexei Khvostov.

Pyotr Stolypin's reforms produced astounding results within a few years. Between 1906 and 1915, thanks to the efforts of Stolypin's farmers, the productivity of crops nationwide grew by 14 percent, in Siberia by 25 percent. In 1912, Russia's grain exports exceeded by 30 percent those of Argentina, the United States and Canada combined.[23]


Kiev Opera House where Stolypin was assassinated
Kiev Opera House where Stolypin was assassinated
Stolypin's burial. The Romanovs did not attend his funeral because he was Rasputin's foe.
Stolypin's burial. The Romanovs did not attend his funeral because he was Rasputin's foe.

Stolypin traveled to Kiev, despite police warnings that an assassination plot was afoot. (There had already been 10 attempts to kill him.[citation needed])

On 14 September [O.S. 1 September] 1911, there was a performance of Rimsky-Korsakov's The Tale of Tsar Saltan at the Kiev Opera House in the presence of the Tsar and his two oldest daughters, the Grand Duchesses Olga and Tatiana. The theater was occupied by 90 men posted as interior guards.[24] According to Alexander Spiridovich, after the second act "Stolypin was standing in front of the ramp separating the parterre from the orchestra, his back to the stage. On his right were Baron Freedericks and Gen. Sukhomlinov."[This quote needs a citation] His personal bodyguard had stepped out to smoke. Stolypin was shot twice, once in the arm and once in the chest by Dmitry Bogrov, a leftist revolutionary. Bogrov ran to one of the entrances and was caught. "He [Stolypin] turned toward the Imperial Box, then seeing the Tsar who had entered the box, he made a gesture with both hands to tell the Tsar to go back."[This quote needs a citation] The orchestra began to play "God Save the Tsar." The doctors hoped Stolypin would recover, but, despite never losing consciousness, his condition deteriorated. He died three days later.

Bogrov was hanged 10 days after the assassination. The judicial investigation was halted by order of the Tsar, giving rise to suggestions that the assassination was planned not by leftists, but by conservative monarchists who were afraid of Stolypin's reforms and his influence on the Tsar. This, however, has never been proven. On his request, Stolypin was buried in the city where he was murdered.[11]


A statue of Pyotr Stolypin in central Kiev, removed after the February Revolution.
A statue of Pyotr Stolypin in central Kiev, removed after the February Revolution.
Stolypin's grave in the Pechersk Monastery (Lavra) in Kiev.
Stolypin's grave in the Pechersk Monastery (Lavra) in Kiev.

The opinions on Stolypin's work are divided. Some hold that, in the unruly atmosphere after the Russian Revolution of 1905, he had to suppress violent revolt and anarchy. However, historians disagree over how realistic Stolypin's policies were. The standard view of most scholars in this field has been that he had little real chance of reforming agriculture since the Russian peasantry was so backward and he had so little time to change things. Others, however, have argued that, while it is true that the conservatism of most peasants prevented them from embracing progressive change, Stolypin was correct in thinking that he could "wager on the strong" since there was indeed a layer of strong peasant farmers. This argument is based on evidence drawn from tax returns data, which shows that a significant minority of peasants were paying increasingly higher taxes from the 1890s, a sign that their farming was producing higher profits.

There remains doubt whether, even without the interruption of Stolypin's murder and the First World War, his agricultural policy would have succeeded. The deep conservatism from the mass of peasants made them slow to respond. In 1914 the strip system was still widespread, with only around 10% of the land having been consolidated into farms.[25] Most peasants were unwilling to leave the security of the commune for the uncertainty of individual farming. Furthermore, by 1913, the government's own Ministry of Agriculture had itself begun to lose confidence in the policy.[25] Nevertheless, Krivoshein became the most powerful figure in the Imperial government.

In "Name of Russia", a 2008 television poll to select "the greatest Russian", Stolypin placed second, behind Alexander Nevsky and followed by Joseph Stalin.[26] He is seen by his admirers as the greatest statesman Russia ever had, the one who could have saved the country from revolution and the civil war.[27]

On 27 December 2012, a monument to Pyotr Stolypin was unveiled in Moscow, near the Russian White House where the Russian Cabinet is situated.

See also


  1. ^ a b c Imperial Russia, 1815-1917 - Position Paper[permanent dead link]
  2. ^ "WebCite query result". Archived from the original on 10 August 2011. Retrieved 12 January 2016.
  3. ^ " - Reliģija un reliģiskie uzskati". Retrieved 12 March 2017.
  4. ^ Fedorovo,, B.G. (2002). "I believe in Russia": a Biography of Petr Stolypin. Limbus Press.
  5. ^ a b Bok, M.P. (1953). Vospominaniya o moem otse P.A. Stolypina. New York: Chekhov publishers.
  6. ^ Figes, Orlando (2017). A People's Tragedy: The Russian Revolution. The Bodley Head. p. 223. ISBN 978-1-847-92451-3.
  7. ^ "Vilniuje įamžintas rusų reformatoriaus P.Stolypino atminimas". Retrieved 22 January 2018.
  8. ^ "Stolypin, Pyotr Aleksandrovich". Archived from the original on 10 August 2011. Retrieved 12 January 2016.
  9. ^ Blumberg, Arnold. Great Leaders, Great Tyrants?: Contemporary Views of World Rulers Who Made History, p. 302. Greenwood Press, 1995, ISBN 0-313-28751-1.
  11. ^ a b O. Figes (1996) A People's Tragedy. The Russian Revolution 1891-1924, p. 223.
  12. ^ PyotrArkadevich Stolypin © 2000–2013 Pearson Education, publishing as Fact Monster. 20 May. 2014
  13. ^ "Peter Stolypin - History Learning Site". Retrieved 12 March 2017.
  14. ^ Charles Louis Seeger (1 January 1921). "Recollections Of A Foreign Minister". Doubleday Page & Company. Retrieved 12 March 2017 – via Internet Archive.
  15. ^ "Bomb kills 28 - Hurts Stolypin" (PDF). The New York Times. 26 August 1906.
  16. ^ Fuhrmann, Joseph T. (24 September 2012). "Rasputin: The Untold Story". Wiley. Retrieved 12 March 2017 – via Google Books.
  17. ^ Orlando Figes, A People's Tragedy. The Russian Revolution 1891-1924, p. 225
  18. ^ a b Oxley, Peter (2001). Russia, 1855 - 1991: from tsars to commissars. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-913418-9.
  19. ^ O. Figes (1996) A People's Tragedy. The Russian Revolution 1891-1924, p. 220
  20. ^ "Stolypin, Piotr Arkadevich". Retrieved 12 March 2017.
  21. ^ "P.A. Stolypin and the Attempts of Reforms". Retrieved 12 March 2017.
  22. ^ Hackard, Mark (7 September 2011). "Solzhenitsyn: Stolypin's Murder". Retrieved 12 March 2017.
  23. ^ "Pioneering Land Reform - News". Retrieved 12 March 2017.
  24. ^ Design, Pallasart Web. "Murder of Prime Minister Stolypin in Kiev 1911 - Blog & Alexander Palace Time Machine". Retrieved 12 March 2017.
  25. ^ a b Lynch, Michael From Autocracy to Communism: Russia 1894-1941 p.42 ISBN 978-0-340-96590-0
  26. ^ Stalin voted third-best Russian BBC
  27. ^ O. Figes (1996) A People's Tragedy. The Russian Revolution 1891-1924, p. 221.

Further reading

  • Fuhrmann, Joseph T. (2013). Rasputin, the untold story (illustrated ed.). Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. p. 314. ISBN 978-1-118-17276-6.
  • Ascher, Abraham (2001). P. A. Stolypin: The Search for Stability in Late Imperial Russia. Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-3977-3.
  • McDonald, David MacLaren (1992). United Government and Foreign Policy in Russia, 1900-1914. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0674922396.
  • Conroy, M.S. (1976), Peter Arkadʹevich Stolypin: Practical Politics in Late Tsarist Russia, Westview Press, (Boulder), 1976. ISBN 0-8915-8143-X

External links

Political offices
Preceded by
Pyotr Nikolayevich Durnovo
Minister of Interior
26 April 1906 – 18 September 1911
Succeeded by
Aleksandr Aleksandrovich Makarov
Preceded by
Ivan Goremykin
Prime Minister of Russia
21 July 1906 – 18 September 1911
Succeeded by
Vladimir Kokovtsov
This page was last edited on 14 January 2019, at 14:37
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