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1995 Polish presidential election

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

1995 Polish presidential election

← 1990 5 November 1995 (first round)
19 November 1995 (second round)
2000 →
Turnout64.70% (first round)
68.23% (second round)
 
Nominee Aleksander Kwaśniewski Lech Wałęsa
Party SLD Independent[a]
Popular vote 9,704,439 9,058,176
Percentage 51.72% 48.28%

Second round results by voivodeship

President before election

Lech Wałęsa
Independent

President

Aleksander Kwaśniewski
SLD

Presidential elections were held in Poland on 5 November 1995, with a second round on 19 November.[1] The leader of Social Democracy, Aleksander Kwaśniewski, and incumbent President Lech Wałęsa advanced to the second round. Kwaśniewski won the election with 52% of the vote in the run-off against 48% for Wałęsa.

YouTube Encyclopedic

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  • "Poland in a Changing World", President Aleksander Kwaśniewski, President of Poland
  • History of Polish Presidential Elections: 1922-2020

Transcription

Aleksander Kwasniewski: Distinguished director, professors, dear ladies and gentlemen, dear students, I hope some students from Poland as well, (speaks Polish). Some students from Poland are here, so this is an additional honor for me. Dear friends, I'm extremely glad to be a guest of Columbia University. Thanks for nice and very kind introduction. And, first of all, I'd like to thank you for this invitation. It is a source of great satisfaction to me to be able to meet with representatives of the United States intellectual elite, with the community that is sketching the path of the future, not just for America, but also for the entire world. Indeed, that is the dimension of today's debate at the World Leaders forum. I'm very pleased that Columbia University, one of America's most prestigious places of higher learning is closely affiliated with Poland. It was here that the Polish Studies program was created two years ago. Thanks to this program, the research is being conducted into Poland's more distant and contemporary history and our country has become much better known to the American public opinion. I would like to thank cordially the authorities of Columbia University, especially its Eastern European Studies Center for supporting this wonderful undertaking. I would also like to thank the Katsushika Foundation and the Semper Palonia Foundation. I hope that it will be possible for the Polish students, faculty, to launch operations in the near future at this renowned university which will make our country even better known to Americans. Ladies and gentlemen, dear students, two notions have modeled the most recent quarter of the century of Polish history: freedom and solidarity. Today no one has any doubt whatsoever that what happened in Poland 25 years ago deserves to be called a turning point. The formation of Solidarnosc, Solidarity, in 1980 changed the course of history and it initiated changes throughout Europe. The sowing of Solidarnosc has led, although not immediately, to a great yield. In Poland this took place in 1989 in the form of the Round Table Agreement between the authorities and the opposition, which demanded democratic changes. Consequently, the first non-communistic government was formed. Immediately thereafter, just like a domino, changes took place in Eastern Germany, the Berlin Wall fell. The Velvet Revolution occurred in Czechoslovakia. Changes took place in Hungary, Romania, the Baltic States. And the Soviet, finally the Soviet Union disintegrated. The Iron Curtain which had seemed was supposed to have split our continent asunder for eternity simply and suddenly melted away. The Cold War came to an end. The processes of Enlargement NATO, and the European Union, demarcated a new era. An era of openness, cooperation, and integration. Poland is an excellent proof of the immense creativities strength freedom arbors. The greatest resource we had at the starting point was human energy and creativity. The Poland of 1989-90, when we embarked on the path of transformation, and contemporary Poland are, in fact, two different countries. Some examples. Our gross domestic product has grown over these 15 years by 42 percent. This is the greatest increase among all the Central and Eastern European states. The year of 2004 had particular meaning as that was the year Poland acceded to the European Union. It was a time of truth for the competitiveness of our economy. The results have proven to be spectacular, especially in terms of exports, which compared to the previous year, have spiked by more than 37 percent. The Polish economy has modernized. It is not just that it produces incomparably more than 15 year ago, but that at the same time it also consumes one-third less one-third less water, one-half less coal, with admitting ten times less dust into the atmosphere. Living conditions have improved considerably. Poles live three years longer on average. There are four times more phone lines and three times more passenger cars per 1000 inhabitants. We are experiencing an educational boom. You, dear students from Poland, are a good example of this educational boom. Now in Poland we have two million students in the universities and that is five times more than in 1990. Nearly every other young Poland is studying. Although we are still not a wealthy nation, this year's UN report ranks Poland high in terms of living condition in number 36. We are among the most developed nations, of course, and that is necessary to underline. We also have problems. We must urgently create new jobs, reduce public debt, and effectively reform the healthcare system. You will concur that these Polish challenges sound very familiar, even here in America, and especially in Western Europe. We can see the problems which we have, challenges which we face, they mean simply normalcy. Including all its splendors and shadows, but this normalcy is really fact measure of our success. Dear friends, ladies and gentlemen, the enlargement of the European Union include ten new member states, including eight from Central and Eastern Europe, marked with the experience of communism become a great historical event. It is response to the avenue of the conflicts and divisions that Europe once lived through while also being an opening to new and numerous opportunities for development. Poland today is actively participating in debate on the EU's future. This community of 25 states, which will grow to 27 in the near future, and certainly more after is a complicated mechanism which must work in a coherent and effective manner. As problems appear, people sometimes even speak openly of crisis. However, for some who looks at the European Union from the outside, the sentiment of crisis may be something incomprehensible. Or even absurd. Europe, in the process of uniting, does not have any reasons to have complexes or to be despondent. Its score card of achievement is really impressive. The countries that are waiting to join the community also see things this way. After all, they would not all be knocking on the EU's door if they believe the life of crisis awaits them there. The reality of the EU is considerably better than the sentiment prevailing within. The process of EU enlargement should be continued. That is the most certain recipe for security, stability, and development for all Europeans. And the best that Europe can offer to the world. Ladies and gentlemen, one of the most important pillars of global security and stability is the transatlantic bonds. Poland is of the opinion that the European Union should continue with America to strengthen this close and lasting partnership. Only this will make it possible to counteract the global threats and challenges effectively. This model reflects much better the idea of international solidarity than a la carte partnership, calling for cooperation on select issues. At the same time, we are in favor on the EU's co-accountability for global security to be considerably greater than to date. Europe and America may have different views and even different interests in one or another matter. Experience shows, however, that whenever we want we are capable of reaching an agreement. A perfect example of this is the accord in the issue of jointly persuading the Iranian authorities to desist from uranium enrichment program. Its achievement is a good prognostic for further Euro-American cooperation. In matters of fundamental importance to the world we have common interests. I think that this one is currently more firmly rooted on both sides the Atlantic, than just two or three ago. Europe and America contribute toward politics' advantages that are complimentary, not mutually exclusive. I think that people in regions afflicted with crisis or countries suffering under despotic governments would have a hard time understanding why we cannot combine our forces to provide them with effective aid. Europe needs America and America needs Europe. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is also something that strongly bonds our continents. The alliance has found its place in the new architecture of security after the end of the Cold War. It plays an enormous role in integration processes, in bolstering stability and confidence. NATO's open door policy should be continued because it serves democratic reforms well in countries aspiring to the alliance. Ladies and gentlemen, Poland feels accountable for the direction that matters take and not just in our vicinity, not only in the European Union or in the transatlantic community but also in the whole world. I am thinking now both of problems that concern security as well of threats ensuing from the absence of sustainable development. The essence of today's world is interdependency and Poland has drawn its conclusions from this. We have not just fixed our gaze on ourselves. We also look to others, seeing them as partners for joint activities or as to persons to whom a helping hand must be extended. Indeed, this commitment is the leverage that elevates Poland's international position. Our country has good relations with all its neighbors. Polish soldiers have been taking part in peace and stabilization missions for more than half a century and in special way in recent years. We know from our history what the tragedy of war, external aggression, the violation of a nation's freedom and human rights, and the bitterness of isolation mean. That is why those who are currently living through similar misfortunes can count on the Poles. We are in different places around the world. In those places where there are threats of conflict, where citizens have suffered at the hands of authoritative regimes, as well as in those places where are smoldering ruins people are attempting to build a tranquil existence anew. Polish soldiers bring support and hope in Afghanistan and in Iraq, in Syria and Lebanon, in Kosovo, Macedonia, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Our response to global challenges takes the form of support provided to more impoverished nations and the participation of Polish services and non-governmental organizations in humanitarian operations. Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, in conclusion I would like to say the idea of solidarity was not born in Poland. It is an eternal idea that goes to the core of what is best in our humanity. Nevertheless, the Poles were the ones who introduced it to the circle of political values. Who transformed it into a social movement capable of changing reality. Today this is our great message addressed to the entire world. At this time I would like to mention Czeslaw Milosz who died one year ago. A great poet, a winner of Nobel Prize for Literature, a sage who spent 32 years of his long life here in the U.S. He lectured in American universities. Milosz was partially one of us and partially one of you. He embodied the fulfillment of the American dream coupled with the innocent longing for his lost homeland. He investigated the intricate path of the history and culture of our times. This great humanist wrote as follows in his moral treatise. I quote: 'You are living here now. Hick at noon. You have one life, one point. What you manage to do will remain.' Dear ladies and gentlemen, let us do our utmost to manage to do as much good as possible for the world and for our joint success. Let's ensure that our posterity is as meaningful as possible. Let's build our call to openness, cooperation among nations and people. Let's cherish solidarity. Thank you for your attention.

Background

The two favorites throughout the course of the campaign were the leader of the post-communist SLD Aleksander Kwaśniewski and incumbent President Lech Wałęsa. Kwaśniewski ran a campaign of change and blamed the economic problems in Poland on the post-Solidarity right. His campaign slogan was "Let's choose the future" (Wybierzmy przyszłość). Political opponents challenged his candidacy, and produced evidence to show that he had lied about his education in registration documents and public presentations. There was also some mystery over his graduation from university. A law court confirmed that Kwaśniewski had lied about his record, but did not penalize him for it, judging the information irrelevant to the election result. Meanwhile, Wałęsa was a very unpopular President and some opinion polls even showed that he might not make it into the second round. He was challenged by other post-Solidarity politicians of all sides of the political spectrum ranging from liberal former Minister of Labour and Social Policy Jacek Kuroń to ultraconservative former Prime Minister Jan Olszewski. Rather than focusing on his presidency, he focused on his personal image as an everyday man turned international hero that was created for him while he was chairman of Solidarity. His campaign slogan was "There are many candidates but there is only one Lech Wałęsa" (Kandydatów jest wielu – Lech Wałęsa tylko jeden).

Candidates

  • Jurist Tadeusz Koźluk (Independent), 65
  • Mechanic Kazimierz Piotrowicz (Independent), 51

Withdrawn

  • Businessman Bogdan Pawłowski (Independent), 50

Results

Kwaśniewski won with 51.7 percent of votes in the run-off. 64.7% of citizens cast their votes during the first round, 98.2% of those were valid. 68.2% of citizens cast their vote during the second round, 98.0% of those were valid.

Winners of the first round by voivodeship
Winners of the second round by powiats (in 1999 borders)
CandidatePartyFirst roundSecond round
Votes%Votes%
Aleksander KwaśniewskiDemocratic Left Alliance6,275,67035.119,704,43951.72
Lech WałęsaIndependent5,917,32833.119,058,17648.28
Jacek KurońFreedom Union1,646,9469.22
Jan OlszewskiMovement for the Republic1,225,4536.86
Waldemar PawlakPolish People's Party770,4194.31
Tadeusz Zieliński [pl]Labor Union631,4323.53
Hanna Gronkiewicz-WaltzIndependent492,6282.76
Janusz Korwin-MikkeReal Politics Union428,9692.40
Andrzej LepperSelf-Defence of the Republic of Poland235,7971.32
Jan PietrzakIndependent201,0331.12
Tadeusz Koźluk [pl]Independent27,2590.15
Kazimierz Piotrowicz [pl]Independent12,5910.07
Leszek Bubel [pl]Independent6,8250.04
Total17,872,350100.0018,762,615100.00
Valid votes17,872,35098.1818,762,61598.00
Invalid/blank votes330,8681.82383,8812.00
Total votes18,203,218100.0019,146,496100.00
Registered voters/turnout28,136,33264.7028,062,40968.23
Source: Nohlen & Stöver

References

  1. ^ Dieter Nohlen & Philip Stöver (2010) Elections in Europe: A data handbook, p1491 ISBN 978-3-8329-5609-7
  1. ^ Although Wałęsa was officially an independent, his campaign was endorsed and staffed by BBWR and SND [pl].
  • Obwieszczenie PKW z dn. 7 XI 1995 r., Dziennik Ustaw Nr 126, poz. 604;
  • Obwieszczenie PKW z dn. 7 XI 1995 r., Dz.U. Nr 131, poz. 636
This page was last edited on 10 April 2024, at 18:55
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