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P. B. S. Pinchback

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Pinckney B. S. Pinchback
P. B. S. Pinchback - Brady-Handy.jpg
24th Governor of Louisiana
In office
December 9, 1872 – January 13, 1873
Preceded byHenry C. Warmoth
Succeeded byJohn McEnery
12th Lieutenant Governor of Louisiana
In office
December 6, 1871[1] – December 9, 1872
GovernorHenry C. Warmoth
Preceded byOscar Dunn
Succeeded byDavidson Penn
Personal details
Born
Pinckney Benton Stewart

(1837-05-10)May 10, 1837
Macon, Georgia, U.S.
DiedDecember 21, 1921(1921-12-21) (aged 84)
Washington, D.C., U.S.
Political partyRepublican
Spouse(s)Nina Hawthorne
EducationStraight University (LLB)

Pinckney Benton Stewart Pinchback (born Pinckney Benton Stewart May 10, 1837 – December 21, 1921) was an American publisher and politician, a Union Army officer, and the first African American to become governor of a U.S. state. A Republican, Pinchback served as the 24th Governor of Louisiana from December 9, 1872, to January 13, 1873. He was one of the most prominent African-American officeholders during the Reconstruction Era.

Pinchback was born free in Macon, Georgia to a mulatto woman and a white planter. His father, William Pinchback, raised the younger Pinchback as his own son on his plantation in Mississippi. After the death of his father in 1848, Pinchback and his mother fled to the free state of Ohio. After the start of the American Civil War, Pinchback traveled to Union-occupied New Orleans and raised several companies for the 1st Louisiana Native Guard, becoming one of few African American commissioned officers in the Union Army.

Pinchback remained in New Orleans after the Civil War, becoming active in Republican politics. He won election to the Louisiana State Senate in 1868 and became the president pro tempore of the state senate. He became the acting Lieutenant Governor of Louisiana upon the death of Oscar Dunn in 1871 and briefly served as Governor of Louisiana after Henry C. Warmoth was suspended from office. African Americans were increasingly disenfranchised after the end of Reconstruction in 1877 and Pinchback would be the only African American to serve as governor of a U.S. state until 1990. After the contested 1872 Louisiana gubernatorial election, Republican legislators elected Pinchback to the United States Senate. Due to the controversy over the 1872 elections, Pinchback was never seated in Congress.

Pinchback served as a delegate to the 1879 Louisiana constitutional convention, where he helped gain support for the founding of Southern University. He served as the surveyor of customs of New Orleans from 1882 to 1885 and later helped challenge the segregation of Louisiana's public transportation system, leading to the Supreme Court case of Plessy v. Ferguson. He moved to Washington, D.C. in 1892 and died in that city in 1921.

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  • ✪ Reconstruction and 1876: Crash Course US History #22
  • ✪ Louisiana Radical: James Longstreet and Reconstruction (Lecture)
  • ✪ Look at what's growing in the garden! from Cheryl Richardson
  • ✪ Reconstruction Part II: The KKK, 15th Amendment, Legacy - APUSH & US EOC

Transcription

Episode 21: Reconstruction Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course U.S. History and huzzah! The Civil War is over! The slaves are free! Huzzah! That one hit me in the head? It’s very dangerous, Crash Course. So when you say, “Don’t aim at a person,” that includes myself? The roller coaster only goes up from here, my friends. Huzzah! Mr. Green, Mr. Green, what about the epic failure of Reconstruction? Oh, right. Stupid Reconstruction always ruining everything intro So after the Civil War ended, the United States had to reintegrate both a formerly slave population and a formerly rebellious population back into the country, which is a challenge that we might’ve met, except Abraham Lincoln was assassinated and we were left with Andrew “I am the Third Worst President Ever” Johnson. I’m sorry, Abe, but you don’t get to be in the show anymore. So, Lincoln’s whole post-war idea was to facilitate reunion and reconciliation, and Andrew Johnson’s guiding Reconstruction principle was that the South never had a right to secede in the first place. Also, because he was himself a Southerner, he resented all the elites in the South who had snubbed him, AND he was also a racist who didn’t think that blacks should have any role in Reconstruction. TRIFECTA! So between 1865 and 1867, the so-called period of Presidential Reconstruction, Johnson appointed provisional governors and ordered them to call state conventions to establish new all-white governments. And in their 100% whiteness and oppression of former slaves, those new governments looked suspiciously like the old confederate governments they had replaced. And what was changing for the former slaves? Well, in some ways, a lot. Like, Fiske and Howard universities were established, as well as many primary and secondary schools, thanks in part to The Freedman’s Bureau, which only lasted until 1870, but had the power to divide up confiscated and abandoned confederate land for former slaves. And this was very important because to most slaves, land ownership was the key to freedom, and many felt like they’d been promised land by the Union Army. Like, General Sherman’s Field Order 15, promised to distribute land in 40 acre plots to former slaves. But that didn’t happen, either through the Freedman’s Bureau or anywhere else. Instead, President Johnson ordered all land returned to its former owners. So the South remained largely agricultural with the same people owning the same land, and in the end, we ended up with sharecropping. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. The system of sharecropping replaced slavery in many places throughout the South. Landowners would provide housing to the sharecroppers--no, Thought Bubble, not quite that nice. There ya go--also tools and seed, and then the sharecroppers received, get this, a share of their crop--usually between a third and a half, with the price for that harvest often set by the landowner. Freed blacks got to control their work, and plantation owners got a steady workforce that couldn’t easily leave, because they had little opportunity to save money and make the big capital investments in, like, land or tools. By the late 1860s, poor white farmers were sharecropping as well--in fact, by the Great Depression, most sharecroppers were white. And while sharecropping certainly wasn’t slavery, it did result in a quasi-serfdom that tied workers to land they didn’t own--more or less the opposite of Jefferson’s ideal of the small, independent farmer. So, the Republicans in Congress weren’t happy that this reconstructed south looked so much like the pre-Civil War south, so they took the lead in reconstruction after 1867. Radical Republicans felt the war had been fought for equal rights and wanted to see the powers of the national government expanded. Few were as radical as Thaddeus “Tommy Lee Jones” Stephens who wanted to take away land from the Southern planters and give it to the former slaves, but rank-and-file Republicans were radical enough to pass the Civil Rights Bill, which defined persons born in the United States as citizens and established nationwide equality before the law regardless of race. Andrew Johnson immediately vetoed the law, claiming that trying to protect the rights of African Americans amounted to discrimination against white people, which so infuriated Republicans that Congress did something it had never done before in all of American history. They overrode the Presidential veto with a 2/3rds majority and the Civil Rights Act became law. So then Congress really had its dander up and decided to amend the Constitution with the 14th amendment, which defines citizenship, guarantees equal protection, and extends the rights in the Bill of Rights to all the states (sort of). The amendment had almost no Democratic support, but it also didn’t need any, because there were almost no Democrats in Congress on account of how Congress had refused to seat the representatives from the “new” all-white governments that Johnson supported. And that’s how we got the 14th amendment, arguably the most important in the whole Constitution. Thanks, Thought Bubble. Oh, straight to the mystery document today? Alright. The rules here are simple. I guess the author of the Mystery Document and try not to get shocked. Alright let’s see what we’ve got today. Sec. 1. Be it ordained by the police jury of the parish of St. Landry, That no negro shall be allowed to pass within the limits of said parish without special permit in writing from his employer. Sec. 4. . . . Every negro is required to be in the regular service of some white person, or former owner, who shall be held responsible for the conduct of said negro.. Sec. 6. . . . No negro shall be permitted to preach, exhort, or otherwise declaim to congregations of colored people, without a special permission in writing from the president of the police jury. . . . Gee, Stan, I wonder if the President of the Police Jury was white. I actually know this one. It is a Black Code, which was basically legal codes where they just replaced the word “slave” with the word “negro.” And this code shows just how unwilling white governments were to ensure the rights of new, free citizens. I would celebrate not getting shocked, but now I am depressed. So, okay, in 1867, again over Johnson’s veto, Congress passed the Reconstruction Act, which divided the south into 5 military districts and required each state to create a new government, one that included participation of black men. Those new governments had to ratify the 14th amendment if they wanted to get back into the union. Radical Reconstruction had begun. So, in 1868, Andrew Johnson was about as electable in the U.S. as Jefferson Davis, and sure enough he didn’t win. Instead, the 1868 election was won by Republican and former Union general Ulysses S. Grant. But Grant’s margin of victory was small enough that Republicans were like, “Man, we would sure win more elections if black people could vote.” Which is something you hear Republicans say all the time these days. So Congressional Republicans pushed the 15th Amendment, which prohibited states from denying men the right to vote based on race, but not based on gender or literacy or whether your grandfather could vote. So states ended up with a lot of leeway when it came to denying the franchise to African Americans, which of course they did. So here we have the federal government dictating who can vote, and who is and isn’t a citizen of a state, and establishing equality under the law--even local laws. And this is a really big deal in American history, because the national government became, rather than a threat to individual liberty, “the custodian of freedom,” as Radical Republican Charles Sumner put it. So but with this legal protection, former slaves began to exercise their rights. They participated in the political process by direct action, such as staging sit-ins to integrate street-cars, by voting in elections, and by holding office. Most African Americans were Republicans at the time, and because they could vote and were a large part of the population, the Republican party came to dominate politics in the South, just like today, except totally different. Now, Southern mythology about the age of radical Reconstruction is exemplified by Gone with the Wind, which of course tells the story of northern Republican dominance and corruption by southern Republicans. Fortune seeking northern carpetbaggers, seen here, as well as southern turncoat scalawags dominated politics and all of the African American elected leaders were either corrupt or puppets or both. Yeah, well, like the rest of Gone with the Wind, that’s a bit of an oversimplification. There were about 2,000 African Americans who held office during Reconstruction, and the vast majority of them were not corrupt. Consider for example the not-corrupt and amazingly-named Pinckney B.S. Pinchback, who from 1872 to 1873 served very briefly in Louisiana as America’s first black governor. And went on to be a senator and a member of the House of Representatives. By the way, America’s second African American governor, Douglas Wilder of Virginia was elected in 1989. Having African American officeholders was a huge step forward in term of ensuring the rights of African Americans because it meant that there would be black juries and less discrimination in state and local governments when it came to providing basic services. But in the end, Republican governments failed in the South. There were important achievements, especially a school system that, while segregated, did attempt to educate both black and white children. And even more importantly, they created a functioning government where both white and African American citizens could participate. According to one white South Carolina lawyer, “We have gone through one of the most remarkable changes in our relations to each other that has been known, perhaps, in the history of the world.” That’s a little hyperbolic, but we are America after all. (libertage) It’s true that corruption was widespread, but it was in the North, too. I mean, we’re talking about governments. And that’s not why Reconstruction really ended: It ended because 1. things like schools and road repair cost money, which meant taxes, which made Republican governments very unpopular because Americans hate taxes, and 2. White southerners could not accept African Americans exercising basic civil rights, holding office or voting. And for many, the best way to return things to the way they were before reconstruction was through violence. Especially after 1867, much of the violence directed toward African Americans in the South was politically motivated. The Ku Klux Klan was founded in 1866 and it quickly became a terrorist organization, targeting Republicans, both black and white, beating and murdering men and women in order to intimidate them and keep them from voting. The worst act of violence was probably the massacre at Colfax, Louisiana where hundreds of former slaves were murdered. And between intimidation and emerging discriminatory voting laws, fewer black men voted, which allowed white Democrats to take control of state governments in the south, and returned white Democratic congressional delegations to Washington. These white southern politicians called themselves “Redeemers” because they claimed to have redeemed the south from northern republican corruption and black rule. Now, it’s likely that the South would have fallen back into Democratic hands eventually, but the process was aided by Northern Republicans losing interest in Reconstruction. In 1873, the U.S. fell into yet another not-quite-Great economic depression and northerners lost the stomach to fight for the rights of black people in the south, which in addition to being hard was expensive. So by 1876 the supporters of reconstruction were in full retreat and the Democrats were resurgent, especially in the south. And this set up one of the most contentious elections in American history. The Democrats nominated New York Governor (and NYU Law School graduate) Samuel Tilden. The Republicans chose Ohio governor (and Kenyon College alumnus) Rutherford B. Hayes. One man who’d gone to Crash Course writer Raoul Meyer’s law school. And another who’d gone to my college, Kenyon. Now, if the election had been based on facial hair, as elections should be, there would’ve been no controversy, but sadly we have an electoral college here in the United States, and in 1876 there were disputed electoral votes in South Carolina, Louisiana, and, of course, Florida. Now you might remember that in these situations, there is a constitutional provision that says Congress should decide the winner, but Congress, shockingly, proved unable to accomplish something. So they appointed a 15 man Electoral Commission--a Super-Committee, if you will. And there were 8 Republicans on that committee and 7 Democrats, so you will never guess who won. Kenyon College’s own Rutherford B. Hayes. Go Lords and Ladies! And yes, that is our mascot. Shut up. Anyway in order to get the Presidency and win the support of the supercommittee, Hayes’ people agreed to cede control of the South to the Democrats and to stop meddling in Southern affairs and also to build a transcontinental railroad through Texas. This is called the Bargain of 1877 because historians are so good at naming things and it basically killed Reconstruction. Without any more federal troops in Southern states and with control of Southern legislatures firmly in the hands of white democrats the states were free to go back to restricting the freedom of black people, which they did. Legislatures passed Jim Crow laws that limited African American’s access to public accommodations and legal protections. States passed laws that took away black people’s right to vote and social and economic mobility among African Americans in the south declined precipitously. However, for a brief moment, the United States was more democratic than it had ever been before. And an entire segment of the population that had no impact on politics before was now allowed to participate. And for the freedmen who lived through it, that was a monumental change, and it would echo down to the Civil Rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s, sometimes called the second reconstruction. But we’re gonna end this episode on a downer, as we are wont to do here at Crash Course US History because I want to point out a lesser-known legacy of Reconstruction. The Reconstruction amendments and laws that were passed granted former slaves political freedom and rights, especially the vote, and that was critical. But to give them what they really wanted and needed, plots of land that would make them economically independent, would have required confiscation, and that violation of property rights was too much for all but the most radical Republicans. And that question of what it really means to be “free” in a system of free market capitalism has proven very complicated indeed. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Meredith Danko. The associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Café. Every week there’s a new caption for the libertage. You can suggest those in comments where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thank you for watching Crash Course. Don’t forget to subscribe. And as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be awesome. reconstruction -

Contents

Early life

He was born free as Pinckney Benton Stewart in May 1837 in Macon, Bibb County, Georgia. His parents were Eliza Stewart, a freed slave, and Major William Pinchback, a white planter and his mother's former master. William Pinchback, who also had a legal white family, freed Eliza and her children in 1836; she had borne six by that point and two had survived.[2] She had four more with him.

Pinckney Stewart's parents were of diverse ethnic origins; Eliza Stewart was classified as mulatto, and had African, Cherokee, Welsh, and German ancestry. William Pinchback was ethnic European-American, of Scots-Irish, Welsh, and German American ancestry.[3] Their mixed-race children were thus of majority European-American ancestry. Shortly after Pinckney's birth, his father William purchased a much larger plantation in Mississippi, and he moved there with both his white and mixed-race families.

Pinckney Benton Stewart and his siblings were considered the "natural" (or illegitimate) children of their father, but they were brought up in relatively affluent surroundings and treated as his own. The children were raised as white children. In 1846, Pinchback sent Pinckney and his older brother Napoleon north to a private academy in Cincinnati, Ohio. In 1848, when Pinckney was eleven, his father died.[2]

Fearful that the Pinchbacks might try to claim her children as slaves, Eliza Stewart fled with the children to Cincinnati in the free state of Ohio. Napoleon, at 18, helped to keep the family together but broke down under the responsibility.[2] At 12, Pinckney left school and began to work as a cabin boy on river and canal boats to help his family. For a while he lived in Terre Haute, Indiana, where he worked as a hotel porter. During that time, he still identified himself as Pinckney B. Stewart. He did not take his father's surname of Pinchback until after the end of the American Civil War.

Marriage and family

In 1860 at the age of 23, Stewart married Emily Hawthorne, a free woman of color.[2] Like Stewart, she was "practically white" in appearance.[2] They had four children: Pinckney Napoleon in 1862, Bismarck in 1864, Nina in 1866, and Walter Alexander in 1868. Two others had died young. Bismarck's name reflected his father's admiration for statesman Otto von Bismarck of Germany, whom he considered to be one of the world's greatest men. His mother Eliza Stewart lived with Pinchback and his family from 1867 to her death in 1884.[4]

They had a fine house in New Orleans. Usually, in the summer, the whole family traveled to Saratoga Springs, New York, a resort town, where they would stay for several weeks. Pinchback liked to gamble on the horse racing during the summer season.[4]

Military service and Civil War

The Civil War began the following year, and Stewart decided to fight on the side of the Union. In 1862, he quietly made his way to New Orleans, which had just been captured by the Union Army. He raised several companies for the Union's all-black 1st Louisiana Native Guards Regiment, which was garrisoned in the city. A minority of men were Louisiana free men of color, part of the educated class before the war who had participated in the state militia, but most of the Guards were slaves who had escaped to join the Union forces and gain freedom.[5]

Commissioned a captain, Stewart was one of the Union Army's few commissioned officers of African-American ancestry. Like Stewart, the officers were mostly of mixed race. Most of them were drawn from free people of color in New Orleans before the war; unlike him, they were usually of colonial French and African descent. He became Company Commander of Company A, 2nd Louisiana Regiment Native Guard Infantry, made up mostly of escaped slaves. (It was later reformed as the 74th US Colored Infantry Regiment, of the United States Colored Troops.)[6]

Passed over twice for promotion and tired of the prejudice he encountered from white officers, Stewart resigned his commission in 1863. In a letter of April 30, 1863, his sister Adeline B. Saffold wrote to him from Sidney, Ohio, urging him to follow her example:

If I were you, Pink, I would not let my ambition die. I would seek to rise and not in that class either but I would take my position in the world as a white man as you are and let the other go for be assured of this as the other you will never get your rights. ...[2]

After the war, Stewart and his wife moved to Alabama, to test their freedom as full citizens. Racial tensions during Reconstruction resulted in shocking levels of violence as whites tried to re-establish social dominance and suppress voting by blacks.[7] Stewart returned with his family to New Orleans.

Political career

After the war in New Orleans, Stewart took his father's surname of Pinchback. He became active in the Republican Party. The exact moment Pinchback decided to enter politics is described by George Devol on page 216 of his book "Forty years a gambler on the Mississippi."[8] In 1867, Pinchback organized the Fourth Ward Republican Club in New Orleans soon after Congress passed the Reconstruction Acts. That year, he was elected to the constitutional convention.

In 1868 Pinchback was elected as a State Senator. He became senate president pro tempore of a legislature that included 42 representatives of African-American descent (half of the House, and seven of 36 seats in the Senate). (At the time, the population of African Americans and whites in the state was nearly equal.)

As Senate president pro tempore, in 1871 Pinchback succeeded to the position as acting lieutenant governor upon the death of Oscar Dunn, the first elected African-American lieutenant governor of a US state.

Pinchback also contributed to the political discussion after acquiring the biweekly newspaper, the New Orleans Louisianian. He published the paper until 1879. He was appointed as director of the New Orleans public schools, established by the state legislature for the first time during Reconstruction.[9] Pinchback had a long-standing interest in education of blacks and was appointed to the Louisiana State Board of Education where he served from March 18, 1871 until March, 1877.[10]

In 1872, the legislature filed impeachment charges against the incumbent Republican governor, Henry Clay Warmoth, over disputes over certifying returns of the disputed gubernatorial election, in which both Democrat John McEnery and Republican William Kellogg claimed victory. Trying to support a centrist fusion government at a time of divisions among Republicans, Warmoth had supported his appointed return board, which certified McEnery as winner. Republicans opposed this outcome and appointed their own returns board, which certified Kellogg. The election had been marked by violence and fraud. State law required Warmoth to step aside until his impeachment case was tried. Pinchback took the oath as acting governor on December 9, 1872, and he served for about six weeks, until the end of Warmoth's term.[11] Warmoth was not convicted, and the charges were eventually dropped by the legislature.

Also in 1872, at a national convention of African-American politicians, Pinchback had a public disagreement with Jeremiah Haralson of Alabama. James T. Rapier, also of Alabama, submitted a motion that the convention condemn all Republicans who had opposed President Ulysses S. Grant in that year's election.[12] Haralson supported the motion, but Pinchback opposed it because Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts would have been condemned for opposing Grant. Pinchback admired Sumner as a lifelong anti-slavery fighter.

1870s congressional elections

After his brief governorship, Pinchback remained active in politics and public service in Louisiana. From 1868, campaigns and elections in Louisiana were increasingly marked by Democratic violence. Historian George C. Rable described the White League, started in 1874, as the "military arm of the Democratic Party."[13] The paramilitary group used intimidation and violence to suppress black voting and run Republicans out of office.

As an outcome of the controversial 1872 election, four US seats from Louisiana were also contested, including Pinchback's seat in the at-large position. He was the first African American elected to Congress from Louisiana. In early 1873, both the Republican William Kellogg-allied state legislators, who had a slight majority, and the Democrat John McEnery-allied legislators elected US Senators. Pinchback was elected by the Republicans and presented the Senate with his credentials. The Democratic candidate also presented credentials. As the 1872 gubernatorial contest had involved the national government, Congress was initially reluctant to assess these issues. The contested claim was not settled for years, when Democrats controlled Congress.

Holding out for the Senate seat, Pinchback conceded the House seat to his Democratic opponent, but the 45th Congress (1877–1879), which finally decided the issue, had a Democratic majority and voted against Pinchback. The Senate gave him compensation of $16,000 for his salary and mileage after his protracted struggle to take his seat.[14]

In his memoir of Reconstruction, former Louisiana governor Henry Clay Warmoth wrote that the federal government was reluctant to seat people representing the Kellogg-Pinchback faction. He had a personal interest, as he had been forced out of Louisiana after allying with white conservatives in the 1872 election certification.[15] Historian John C. Rodrigue notes that the Committee on Elections was dealing with its own internal issues. It had accepted Pinchback's claim to the House seat, but he was holding out for the Senate seat, and then complications arose after the Democrats controlled Congress and upheld election of his opponent.[15]

Overall, the mid- to late 1870s marked an acceleration of the reversal of the political gains which African Americans in Louisiana had achieved since the end of the Civil War. In 1877, Democrats fully regained control of the state legislature after the withdrawal of federal troops, as a result of a national Democratic compromise marking the end of Reconstruction. Republican blacks continued to be elected to state and local offices, but elections were accompanied by violence and fraud. Most blacks were totally disfranchised by a new state constitution in 1898 and were effectively excluded from politics for decades.

Pinchback served as a delegate to the 1879 state constitutional convention; he and two other Republican African-American delegates, T. T. Allain, and Henry Demas, were credited with gaining support to establish Southern University, a historically black college in New Orleans, which was chartered in 1880. Pinchback was appointed as a member of Southern University's Board of Trustees (later redesignated the Board of Supervisors). The college relocated to the capital, Baton Rouge, in 1914.[16] He was a delegate to the 1880 Republican National Convention.[10]

In 1882, the national Republican administration appointed Pinchback as surveyor of customs in New Orleans, a politically significant position in which he served until 1885.[17] It was his last.

Later life

1911
1911

In 1885, Pinchback studied law in New Orleans at Straight University, a historically black college later known as Dillard University. He was admitted to the Louisiana bar in 1886, but never practiced.[17]

Continuing to be active in the African-American community, Pinchback had joined the Comité des Citoyens (Citizens' Committee), which set up the New Orleans civil rights challenge of Homer Plessy to state segregation in public transportation. Interstate trains were covered by federal legislation and supposed to be integrated. The case went to the Supreme Court of the United States as Plessy v. Ferguson. The Court ruled in 1896 that the state's providing "separate but equal" accommodations to African Americans was constitutional. This was a setback for African Americans; in practice, white-dominated legislatures and authorities generally underfunded black facilities, from train cars and waiting rooms to everything else.[citation needed]

Pinchback moved with his family to Washington, DC, in 1892. Wealthy from his positions and settlement on the Senate seat, he had a large mansion built off Fourteenth Street near the Chinese embassy.[14] At the time, the oldest son Pinckney was established as a pharmacist in Philadelphia; the younger three ranged in age from 26 to 22 and were still living at home.[18] The Pinchback family was part of the mixed-race elite in Washington; people in the group had generally been free before the war and often had formal educations and had acquired property. The Washington Post covered his housewarming reception and many high-ranking guests.[14]

Later, he worked for a time in New York as a US Marshal.[17]

By his death in 1921 in Washington, DC, he was little known politically.[17] His body was returned to New Orleans, where he was interred in Metairie Cemetery.

Legacy

Pinchback and his wife Nina were the maternal grandparents of Jean Toomer.[14] Their daughter Nina Pinchback Toomer returned to live with her parents after her husband abandoned her and Jean as an infant. They helped raise him, and he started school in Washington, DC. After his mother remarried, they moved to New Rochelle, New York. He returned to his grandparents after his mother died in 1909, and went to high school at the academic M Street School. As an adult, Toomer became a poet and writer who was prominent as a modernist in New York during the Harlem Renaissance.

It was not until 1990 that another African American served as governor of any U.S. state. In 1989, Douglas Wilder of Virginia became the first to be elected to office (and the second African-American state governor). Deval Patrick of Massachusetts was elected governor in 2006 and served from January 2007 to January 2015. David Paterson of New York became the fourth African-American governor on March 17, 2008, when he succeeded to office following the resignation of Eliot Spitzer.

See also

References

  1. ^ Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction by James K. Hogue
  2. ^ a b c d e f Cynthia Earl Kerman, The Lives of Jean Toomer: A Hunger for Wholeness, LSU Press, 1989, pp. 15–18
  3. ^ Toomer, Turner (1980), p. 22
  4. ^ a b Kerman (1989), The Lives of Jean Toomer, p. 23
  5. ^ Terry L. Jones (2012-10-19) "The Free Men of Color Go to War" – NYTimes.com. Opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com. Retrieved on 2012-12-18.
  6. ^ Hollandsworth 1995, p. 122.
  7. ^ Douglas A. Blackmon, Slavery by Another Name (book and documentary website)
  8. ^ [1].
  9. ^ Kerman (1989), The Lives of Jean Toomer, pp. 19–20
  10. ^ a b Simmons, William J., and Henry McNeal Turner. Men of Mark: Eminent, Progressive and Rising. GM Rewell & Company, 1887. p759-781
  11. ^ Cowan, Walter Greaves; McGuire, Jack B (2008-08-01). Louisiana Governors: Rulers, Rascals, and Reformers. pp. 107–108. ISBN 9781934110904.
  12. ^ See United States presidential election, 1872 for more information about that election
  13. ^ George C. Rable, But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction, Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984, p. 132
  14. ^ a b c d Kent Anderson Leslie and Willard B. Gatewood Jr. "'This Father of Mine ... a Sort of Mystery': Jean Toomer's Georgia Heritage", Georgia Historical Quarterly 77 (winter 1993)
  15. ^ a b Henry Clay Warmoth, War, Politics, and Reconstruction: Stormy Days in Louisiana, "Introduction" by John C. Rodrigue, Univ of South Carolina Press, 1930/2006
  16. ^ Southern University at New Orleans, now under the same Board of Supervisors as Southern University and part of its statewide system, was developed later.
  17. ^ a b c d Ingham, John N; Feldman, Lynne B (1994). African-American Business Leaders: A Biographical Dictionary. pp. 560–562. ISBN 9780313272530.
  18. ^ Kerman (1989), The Lives of Jean Toomer, p.24

Further reading

External links

Political offices
Preceded by
Oscar Dunn
Lieutenant Governor of Louisiana
1871–1872
Succeeded by
Davidson Penn
Preceded by
Henry C. Warmoth
Governor of Louisiana
1872–1873
Succeeded by
John McEnery
This page was last edited on 22 December 2018, at 07:21
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