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1974 New York state election

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The 1974 New York state election was held on November 5, 1974, to elect the governor, the lieutenant governor, the state comptroller, the attorney general, two judges of the New York Court of Appeals and a U.S. Senator, as well as all members of the New York State Assembly and the New York State Senate.

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Transcription

Hi, I'm Craig and this is Crash Course Government and Politics, and today we're going to talk about what is, if you ask the general public, the most important part of politics: elections. If you ask me, it's hair styles. Look at Martin Van Buren's sideburns, how could he not be elected? Americans are kind of obsessed with elections, I mean when this was being recorded in early 2015, television, news and the internet were already talking about who would be Democrat and Republican candidates for president in 2016. And many of the candidates have unofficially been campaigning for years. I've been campaigning; your grandma's been campaigning. Presidential elections are exciting and you can gamble on them. Is that legal, can you gamble on them, Stan? Anyway, why we're so obsessed with them is a topic for another day. Right now I'm gonna tell you that the fixation on the presidential elections is wrong, but not because the president doesn't matter. No, today we're gonna look at the elections of the people that are supposed to matter the most, Congress. Constitutionally at least, Congress is the most important branch of government because it is the one that is supposed to be the most responsive to the people. One of the main reasons it's so responsive, at least in theory, is the frequency of elections. If a politician has to run for office often, he or she, because unlike the president we have women serving in Congress, kind of has to pay attention to what the constituents want, a little bit, maybe. By now, I'm sure that most of you have memorized the Constitution, so you recognize that despite their importance in the way we discuss politics, elections aren't really a big feature of the Constitution. Except of course for the ridiculously complex electoral college system for choosing the president, which we don't even want to think about for a few episodes. In fact, here's what the Constitution says about Congressional Elections in Article 1 Section 2: "The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states, and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature." So the Constitution does establish that the whole of the house is up for election every 2 years, and 1/3 of the senate is too, but mainly it leaves the scheduling and rules of elections up to the states. The actual rules of elections, like when the polls are open and where they actually are, as well as the registration requirements, are pretty much up to the states, subject to some federal election law. If you really want to know the rules in your state, I'm sure that someone at the Board of Elections, will be happy to explain them to you. Really, you should give them a call; they're very, very lonely. In general though, here's what we can say about American elections. First stating the super obvious, in order to serve in congress, you need to win an election. In the House of Representatives, each election district chooses a single representative, which is why we call them single-member districts. The number of districts is determined by the Census, which happens every 10 years, and which means that elections ending in zeros are super important, for reasons that I'll explain in greater detail in a future episode. It's because of gerrymandering. The Senate is much easier to figure out because both of the state Senators are elected by the entire state. It's as if the state itself were a single district, which is true for states like Wyoming, which are so unpopulated as to have only 1 representative. Sometimes these elections are called at large elections. Before the election ever happens, you need candidates. How candidates are chosen differs from state to state, but usually it has something to do with political parties, although it doesn't have to. Why are things so complicated?! What we can say is that candidates, or at least good candidates, usually have certain characteristics. Sorry America. First off, if you are gonna run for office, you should have an unblemished record, free of, oh I don't know, felony convictions or sex scandals, except maybe in Louisiana or New York. This might lead to some pretty bland candidates or people who are so calculating that they have no skeletons in their closet, but we Americans are a moral people and like our candidates to reflect our ideals rather than our reality. The second characteristic that a candidate must possess is the ability to raise money. Now some candidates are billionaires and can finance their own campaigns. But most billionaires have better things to do: buying yachts, making even more money, building money forts, buying more yachts, so they don't have time to run for office. But most candidates get their money for their campaigns by asking for it. The ability to raise money is key, especially now, because running for office is expensive. Can I get a how expensive is it? "How expensive is it?!" Well, so expensive that the prices of elections continually rises and in 2012 winners of House races spent nearly 2 million each. Senate winners spent more than 10 million. By the time this episode airs, I'm sure the numbers will be much higher like a gajillion billion million. Money is important in winning an election, but even more important, statistically, is already being in Congress. Let's go to the Thought Bubble. The person holding an office who runs for that office again is called the incumbent and has a big advantage over any challenger. This is according to political scientists who, being almost as bad at naming things as historians, refer to this as incumbency advantage. There are a number of reasons why incumbents tend to hold onto their seats in congress, if they want to. The first is that a sitting congressman has a record to run on, which we hope includes some legislative accomplishments, although for the past few Congresses, these don't seem to matter. The record might include case work, which is providing direct services to constituents. This is usually done by congressional staffers and includes things like answering questions about how to get certain government benefits or writing recommendation letters to West Point. Congressmen can also provide jobs to constituents, which is usually a good way to get them to vote for you. These are either government jobs, kind of rare these days, called patronage or indirect employment through government contracts for programs within a Congressman's district. These programs are called earmarks or pork barrel programs, and they are much less common now because Congress has decided not to use them any more, sort of. The second advantage that incumbents have is that they have a record of winning elections, which if you think about it, is pretty obvious. Being a proven winner makes it easier for a congressmen to raise money, which helps them win, and long term incumbents tend to be more powerful in Congress which makes it even easier for them to raise money and win. The Constitution give incumbents one structural advantage too. Each elected congressman is allowed $100,000 and free postage to send out election materials. This is called the franking privilege. It's not so clear how great an advantage this is in the age of the internet, but at least according to the book The Victory Lab, direct mail from candidates can be surprisingly effective. How real is this incumbency advantage? Well if you look at the numbers, it seems pretty darn real. Over the past 60 years, almost 90% of members of The House of Representatives got re-elected. The Senate has been even more volatile, but even at the low point in 1980 more than 50% of sitting senators got to keep their jobs. Thanks, Thought Bubble. You're so great. So those are some of the features of congressional elections. Now, if you'll permit me to get a little politically sciencey, I'd like to try to explain why elections are so important to the way that Congressmen and Senators do their jobs. In 1974, political scientist David Mayhew published a book in which he described something he called "The Electoral Connection." This was the idea that Congressmen were primarily motivated by the desire to get re-elected, which intuitively makes a lot of sense, even though I'm not sure what evidence he had for this conclusion. Used to be able to get away with that kind of thing I guess, clearly David may-not-hew to the rules of evidence, pun [rim shot], high five, no. Anyway Mayhew's research methodology isn't as important as his idea itself because The Electoral Connection provides a frame work for understanding congressman's activities. Mayhew divided representatives' behaviors and activities into three categories. The first is advertising; congressmen work to develop their personal brand so that they are recognizable to voters. Al D'Amato used to be know in New York as Senator Pothole, because he was able to bring home so much pork that he could actually fix New York's streets. Not by filling them with pork, money, its money, remember pork barrel spending? The second activity is credit claiming; Congressmen get things done so that they can say they got them done. A lot of case work and especially pork barrel spending are done in the name of credit claiming. Related to credit claiming, but slightly different, is position taking. This means making a public judgmental statement on something likely to be of interest to voters. Senators can do this through filibusters. Representatives can't filibuster, but they can hold hearings, publicly supporting a hearing is a way of associating yourself with an idea without having to actually try to pass legislation. And of course they can go on the TV, especially on Sunday talk shows. What's a TV, who even watches TV? Now the idea of The Electoral Connection doesn't explain every action a member of Congress takes; sometimes they actually make laws to benefit the public good or maybe solve problems, huh, what an idea! But Mayhew's idea gives us a way of thinking about Congressional activity, an analytical lens that connects what Congressmen actually do with how most of us understand Congressmen, through elections. So the next time you see a Congressmen call for a hearing on a supposed horrible scandal or read about a Senator threatening to filibuster a policy that may have significant popular support, ask yourself, "Is this Representative claiming credit or taking a position, and how will this build their brand?" In other words: what's the electoral connection and how will whatever they're doing help them get elected? This might feel a little cynical, but the reality is Mayhew's thesis often seems to fit with today's politics. Thanks for watching, see you next week. Vote for me; I'm on the TV. I'm not -- I'm on the YouTube. Crash Course: Government and Politics is produced in association with PBS Digital Studios. Support for Crash Course US Government comes from Voqal. Voqal supports nonprofits that use technology and media to advance social equity. Learn more about their mission and initiatives at Voqal.org. Crash Course is made by all of these nice people. Thanks for watching. That guy isn't nice.

Background

In 1973, Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller resigned, and was succeeded by Lt. Gov. Malcolm Wilson.

In 1973, Judge Charles D. Breitel was elected Chief Judge of the New York Court of Appeals, and Judge Adrian P. Burke resigned, effective December 31, 1973, thus leaving two vacancies on the Court of Appeals. In January 1974, Republican Samuel Rabin and Democrat Harold A. Stevens, the Presiding Justices of the Appellate Division's First and Second Departments, were appointed by Governor Malcolm Wilson to fill the vacancies temporarily.[1]

Nominations

Democratic primary

The Democratic State Committee met from June 13 to 15 at Niagara Falls, New York, and designated Howard J. Samuels for governor, but Congressman Hugh L. Carey polled enough votes to force a primary election.[2] They also designated Mario M. Cuomo for lieutenant governor;[3] the incumbent Arthur Levitt for Comptroller; Robert R. Meehan for attorney general; Judge Harold A. Stevens and Appellate Justice Lawrence H. Cooke for the Court of Appeals; and Mayor of Syracuse Lee Alexander for the U.S. Senate.[4] Despite the state committee's stance, Carey and his reformist slate found support in disparate quarters. In August he was strongly endorsed by former New York City mayor Robert F. Wagner who, drawing a pointed comparison to Samuels, called Carey "free of boss ties and obligations".[5] The primary election was held on September 10.[6] Carey and his allies swept to victory: all the state party's designees were defeated, with only the unopposed Comptroller Levitt and one unopposed judge surviving the upset. Basil Paterson, who in 1970 received the most votes in the Democratic primary was not mentioned as a candidate for governor in 1974.

1974 Democratic primary results
Office Party designees Challengers
Governor Howard J. Samuels 380,326 Hugh L. Carey 582,406
Lieutenant Governor Mario M. Cuomo 284,821 Mary Anne Krupsak 390,123 Antonio G. Olivieri 218,583
Comptroller Arthur Levitt (unopposed)
Attorney General Robert R. Meehan[7] 264,681 Robert Abrams 515,642
Judge of the Court of Appeals Lawrence H. Cooke
Judge of the Court of Appeals Harold A. Stevens Jacob D. Fuchsberg
U.S. Senator Lee Alexander 255,250 Ramsey Clark 414,327 Abraham Hirschfeld 194,076

Other parties with ballot line

The Republican State Committee met on June 12 at the Nassau Coliseum, and designated the incumbents Wilson, Lefkowitz, Rabin, Stevens and Javits for re-election; and completed the ticket with Nassau County Executive Ralph G. Caso for lieutenant governor; and Ex-Mayor of Rochester Stephen May for Comptroller.[8] On June 28, Rabin declined to run because he was already 69, just one year short of the constitutional age limit,[9] and on July 22, Appellate Justice Louis M. Greenblott, of Binghamton, was designated instead.[10]

The Conservative State Committee met on June 15, and designated the incumbent Republican governor Wilson for re-election. T. David Bullard polled enough votes to force a primary election, but withdrew on June 29.[11] They also designated Republican Ralph G. Caso for lieutenant governor; Bradley J. Hurd (born c. 1902), "lumber dealer," of Buffalo, for Comptroller; Edward F. Campbell (born c. 1920), of Huntington, for attorney general; the incumbent Democrat Harold A. Stevens, and Manhattan lawyer Henry S. Middendorf, Jr., for the Court of Appeals; and Barbara A. Keating, of Larchmont, for the U.S. Senate.[12]

The Liberal State Committee met on June 15, and designated Ex-Deputy Mayor of New York Edward A. Morrison for governor; and Raymond B. Harding, of The Bronx, for lieutenant governor; with the understanding that both would step aside in favor of the winners of the Democratic primary to be held in September. They also endorsed the incumbents Levitt (Dem.), Lefkowitz (Rep.), Stevens (Dem.) and Javits (Rep.) for re-election.[13] On September 14, Morrison and Harding withdrew, and the State Committee endorsed the Democratic nominees Hugh L. Carey for governor; and Mary Anne Krupsak for lieutenant governor. Morrison and Harding were nominated to run for the New York Supreme Court.[14]

The Republican, Liberal and Conservative tickets designated by the state committees were not challenged in primaries.

Minor parties

Six minor parties filed petitions to nominate candidates and appeared on the ballot.[15]

The "Courage Party," the New York state branch of the American Party, nominated Dr. Wayne S. Amato (born c. 1941), Ph.D. in chemical engineering, assistant professor at Syracuse University, for governor; Charles R. Schanger, of Redford, for lieutenant governor; and Dr. William F. Dowling, Jr., dentist, of Garden City, for the U.S. Senate.[16]

The Free Libertarian Party nominated Jerry Tuccille, of Tarrytown, for governor; Louis J. Sicilia, of Manhattan, for lieutenant governor; Robert S. Flanzer, of Brooklyn, for Comptroller; Leland W. Schubert, of Manhattan, for attorney general; Melvin J. Hirshowitz and Jack A. Martin, both of Manhattan, for the Court of Appeals; and Percy L. Greaves, Jr., for the U.S. Senate.[17]

The Socialist Workers Party nominated Derrick Morrison (born 1946), of Manhattan, a writer for The Militant, for governor. Morrison was actually ineligible for the office which requires a minimum age of 30. They also nominated James Mendietta, of Brooklyn, for lieutenant governor; Sam Manuel for Comptroller; Raymond Markey (born c. 1940), librarian, for attorney general; and Rebecca Finch (born c. 1944) for the U.S. Senate.[18]

The Communist Party nominated Jose A. Ristorrucci (born c. 1943 in Puerto Rico) for governor; Carol Twigg, of Buffalo, for lieutenant governor; Daniel Spector, of Brooklyn, for Comptroller; Michael Zagarell for attorney general; and Mildred Edelman, of Manhattan, for the U.S. Senate.

The Socialist Labor Party nominated John Emanuel for governor; and Robert E. Massi (born c. 1944), lawyer, of Brooklyn, for the U.S. Senate.

The U.S. Labor Party nominated Anton Chaitkin for governor; Victoria Staton for lieutenant governor; Leif O. Johnson, of Manhattan, for comptroller; Raymond M. Martino, of Goshen, for attorney general; and Elijah C. Boyd, Jr. (born c. 1944), of Manhattan, for the U.S. Senate.

Result

The incumbents Levitt, Lefkowitz and Javits were re-elected. The incumbents Wilson and Stevens were defeated.

1974 state election results
Office Democratic ticket Republican ticket Conservative ticket Liberal ticket Courage ticket Free Libertarian ticket Socialist Workers ticket Communist ticket Socialist Labor ticket Labor ticket
Governor Hugh L. Carey 2,807,724 Malcolm Wilson 1,950,587 Malcolm Wilson 269,080 Hugh L. Carey 220,779 Wayne S. Amato 12,459 Jerry Tuccille 10,503 Derrick Morrison 8,857 Jose A. Ristorrucci 5,232 John Emanuel[19] 4,574 Anton H. Chaitkin 3,151
Lieutenant Governor Mary Anne Krupsak Ralph G. Caso Ralph G. Caso Mary Anne Krupsak Charles R. Schanger Louis J. Sicilia James Mendietta Carol Twigg (none) Victoria Staton
Comptroller Arthur Levitt 3,068,473 Stephen May 1,288,538 Bradley J. Hurd 244,701 Arthur Levitt 231,667 Robert S. Flanzer 10,535 Sam Manuel 14,504 Daniel Spector 8,085 (none) Leif O. Johnson 7,691
Attorney General Robert Abrams 2,189,654 Louis J. Lefkowitz 2,367,014 Edward F. Campbell 232,631 Louis J. Lefkowitz 257,623 Leland W. Schubert 8,092 Raymond H. Markey 12,283 Michael Zagarell[20] 6,424 (none) Raymond M. Martino 10,161
Judge of the Court of Appeals Lawrence H. Cooke 2,461,771 Louis M. Greenblott 1,433,016 Henry S. Middendorf, Jr.[21] 296,682 Lawrence H. Cooke 232,080 Melvin J. Hirshowitz 13,826 (none)
Judge of the Court of Appeals Jacob D. Fuchsberg 2,465,926 Harold A. Stevens 2,321,004 Harold A. Stevens Harold A. Stevens Jack A. Martin 14,779 (none)
U.S. Senator Ramsey Clark 1,973,781 Jacob K. Javits 2,098,529 Barbara A. Keating 822,584 Jacob K. Javits 241,659 William F. Dowling, Jr. 7,459 Percy L. Greaves, Jr. Rebecca Finch 7,727 Mildred Edelman 3,876 Robert E. Massi 4,037 Elijah C. Boyd, Jr. 3,798

Obs.:

  • The vote for governor is used to define ballot access, for automatic access are necessary 50,000 votes.

Aftermath

This was the last time judges of the Court of Appeals were elected by popular ballot. After the election of Jacob D. Fuchsberg, who had entered the Democratic primary by petition, gathering signatures, the political and legal establishment thought that the filling of vacancies on the State's highest court could not be entrusted to the electorate anymore. Traditionally, the nominees had been selected by the party leaders and ratified by the state conventions from among the most experienced and respected judges of lower courts, with occasional intrusions of well-respected politicians who were lawyers, like Kenneth Keating. Even the New York City Bar Association had urged the defeat of Fuchsberg,[22] a trial lawyer without any experience on the bench, who campaigned vigorously and spent much money on his campaign.

Traditionally, the nominees for the Court of Appeals did not campaign at all and just accompanied the remainder of the ticket, most of the nominees having bipartisan backing during the last 60 years. The impression arose that any shyster or ambulance chaser could get on the Court of Appeals if he was an enrolled party member and gathered signatures to get into the primary by petition and then spent a lot of money to make his name known to the voters. Thus, in 1977, the State Constitution was amended, and, since 1978, vacancies on the Court of Appeals have been filled by appointment: a judicial selection panel submits names to the governor, who nominates one from the list for confirmation by the New York State Senate.

Notes

  1. ^ Stevens and Rabin Named To State's Highest Court in NYT on January 1, 1974 (subscription required)
  2. ^ STATE DEMOCRATS SELECT SAMUELS FOR TOP OF SLATE; Carey Faces Him in Primary; Governor Designee Gets 68% of Committee Vote in NYT on June 14, 1974 (subscription required)
  3. ^ DEMOCRATS NAME CUOMO TO 2D SPOT; But He Faces 2 in Primary; Meehan Upsets Abrams for Attorney General in NYT on June 15, 1974 (subscription required)
  4. ^ STATE DEMOCRATS PICK ALEXANDER FOR SENATE RACE; Primary Is Possible in NYT on June 16, 1974 (subscription required)
  5. ^ Ronan, Thomas F. (August 1, 1974). "Wagner Endorses Carey Candidacy". The New York Times. p. 56. Retrieved September 28, 2018.
  6. ^ VOTERS TO CHOOSE CANDIDATES TODAY IN STATE PRIMARY; Judgeships at Stake; ...Democratic Nominees to Be Selected for Governorship, Senate, Attorney General; ...No Statewide Posts at Stake Among 3 Other Parties in NYT on September 10, 1974 (subscription required)
  7. ^ Robert R. Meehan, D.A. of Rockland County, ran also in the 1970 primary
  8. ^ Wilson Accepts, Calling G.O.P. 'Vibrant'; The Nominees in NYT on June 13, 1974 (subscription required)
  9. ^ Rabin Drops Out of Appeals Court Race in NYT on June 29, 1974 (subscription required)
  10. ^ Republicans Pick Binghamton Judge To Run for Court of Appeals Bench in NYT on July 23, 1974 (subscription required)
  11. ^ BULLARD LEAVES GOVERNOR RACE; Conservative's Act Assures 2-Party Backing for Wilson in NYT on June 29, 1974 (subscription required)
  12. ^ Outcome of Four Conventions For Statewide Spots on Ballot; Senator in NYT on June 16, 1974 (subscription required)
  13. ^ Liberals Nominate Morrison, Ex-Lindsay Aide, for Governor; Incumbents Endorsed in NYT on June 16, 1974 (subscription required)
  14. ^ ROSE SAYS RIVALS WERE 'WIPED OUT; Liberal Party Leader Calls Queens Opposition at End in NYT on September 15, 1974 (subscription required)
  15. ^ State Candidates of 10 Parties Win Places on Election Ballot in NYT on October 8, 1974
  16. ^ Six Minor Parties Offer Candidates in State Races; Their Pleas Range From Centralization to Decentralization-They Hope for Enough Votes to Get on Next Ballot in NYT on October 28, 1974 (subscription required)
  17. ^ Free Libertarian Slate Given in NYT on April 8, 1974 (subscription required)
  18. ^ Slate of Socialist Workers For State Election Listed in NYT on January 31, 1974 (subscription required)
  19. ^ John Emanuel (born c. 1908 in Greece), "fur worker," ran also for Comptroller in 1954 and 1966; for Lieutenant Governor in 1958 and 1962; and for the U.S. Senate in 1964, 1968 and 1970
  20. ^ Michael Zagarell (born 1944), of Brooklyn, also ran for U.S. Vice President in 1968 with Charlene Mitchell, although he was ineligible for the office which requires a minimum age of 35
  21. ^ Henry Stump Middendorf, Jr. (1923–2000), lawyer, of Manhattan, Harvard graduate, ran also in 1965, H.S. Middendorf Jr., 77, Manhattan Lawyer Obit in NYT on March 14, 2000
  22. ^ City Bar Unit, in Rare Act, Urges Fuchsberg's Defeat in NYT on October 25, 1974 (subscription required)

Sources

New York State Red Book 1975

See also

This page was last edited on 27 January 2024, at 17:01
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