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New England Woman Suffrage Association

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The New England Woman Suffrage Association (NEWSA) was established in November 1868 to campaign for the right of women to vote in the U.S. Its principal leaders were Julia Ward Howe, its first president, and Lucy Stone, who later became president. It was active until 1920, when suffrage for women was secured by the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

Julia Ward Howe, first president of the New England Woman Suffrage Association
Julia Ward Howe, first president of the New England Woman Suffrage Association

The NEWSA was formed during a period when a split was developing within the women's rights movement and also between one wing of that movement and the abolitionist movement. Disagreement was especially sharp over the proposal to enfranchise African American men before enfranchising women. The NEWSA, which accepted that approach, was organized partly to counter the activities of Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who opposed it, insisting that women and black men should be enfranchised at the same time. The NEWSA also maintained close ties with the abolitionist movement and the Republican Party whereas Stanton and Anthony were working toward an independent women's movement.

The NEWSA was the first major political organization with women's suffrage as its goal.[1] It was formed on a regional basis several months before the establishment of two national women's suffrage organizations, the National Woman Suffrage Association and the American Woman Suffrage Association. The NEWSA played a key role in the formation of the latter and had overlapping leadership with it.

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Episode 31: Feminism and Suffrage Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course U.S. history and today we’re going to talk about women in the progressive era. My God, that is a fantastic hat. Wait, votes for women?? So between Teddy Roosevelt, and Woodrow Wilson, and all those doughboys headed off to war, women in this period have sort of been footnoted shockingly.. Mr. Green, Mr. Green. I’d NEVER make a woman a footnote. She’d be the center of my world, my raison d’etre, my joie de vivre. Oh, Me from the Past. I’m reminded of why you got a C+ in French 3. Let me submit to you, Me from the Past, that your weird worship of women is a kind of misogyny because you’re imagining women as these beautiful, fragile things that you can possess. It turns out that women are not things. They are people in precisely the same way that you are a person and in the progressive era, they demanded to be seen as full citizens of the United States. In short, women don’t exist to be your joie de vivre. They get to have their own joie de vivre. intro So, it’s tempting to limit ourselves to discussion of women getting the right to vote with the passage of the 19th amendment, but if we focus too much on the constitutional history, we’re gonna miss a lot. Some historians refer to the thirty years between 1890 and 1920 as the “women’s era” because it was in that time that women started to have greater economic and political opportunities. Women were also aided by legal changes, like getting the right to own property, control their wages and make contracts and wills. By 1900 almost 5 million women worked for wages, mainly in domestic service or light manufacturing, like the garment industry. Women in America were always vital contributors to the economy as producers and consumers and they always worked, whether for wages or taking care of children and the home. And as someone who has recently returned from paternity leave, let me tell you, that ain’t no joke. And American women were also active as reformers since, like, America became a thing. And those reform movements brought women into state and national politics before the dawn of the progressive era. Unfortunately, their greatest achievement, Prohibition, was also our greatest national shame. Oh, yeah, alright, okay. It’s actually not in our top 5 national shames. But, probably women’s greatest influence indeed came through membership AND leadership in the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. The WCTU was founded in 1874 and by 1890 it had 150,000 members, making it the largest female organization in the United States. Under the leadership of Frances Willard, the WCTU embraced a broad reform agenda. Like it included pushing for the right for women to vote. The feeling was that the best way to stop people from drinking was to pass local laws that made it harder to drink, and to do that it would be very helpful if women could vote. Because American men were a bunch of alcoholic scoundrels who darn well weren’t going to vote to get rid of beer hoses. In 1895 Willard boldly declared, “A wider freedom is coming to the women of America. Too long has it been held that woman has no right to enter these movements (…) Politics is the place for woman.” But the role of women in politics did greatly expand during the Progressive era. As in prior decades, many reformers were middle and upper class women, but the growing economy and the expansion of what might be called the upper-middle class meant that there were more educational opportunities and this growing group of college-educated women leaned in and became the leaders of new movements. Sorry, there was no way I was gonna get through this without one “lean in.” I love that book. So as we’ve talked about before, the 1890s saw the dawning of the American mass consumer society and many of the new products made in the second wave of industrialization were aimed at women, especially “labor-saving” devices like washing machines. If you’ve ever had an infant, you might notice that they poop and barf on everything all the time. Like, I recently called the pediatrician and I was like, “My 14-day-old daughter poops fifteen times a day.” And he was like, “If anything, that seems low.” So the washing machine is a real game-changer. And many women realized that being the primary consumers who did the shopping for the home gave them powerful leverage to bring about change. Chief among these was Florence Kelley, a college-educated woman who after participating in a number of progressive reform causes came to head the National Consumers League. The League sponsored boycotts and shaped consumption patterns encouraging consumers to buy products that were made without child or what we now would call sweatshop labor. Which at the time was often just known as “labor.” And there was also a subtle shift in gender roles as more and more women worked outside the home. African American women continued to work primarily as domestic servants or in agriculture, and immigrant women mostly did low-paying factory labor, but for native-born white women there were new opportunities, especially in office work. And this points to how technology created opportunities for women. Like, almost all the telephone operators in the U.S. were women. By 1920 office workers and telephone operators made up 25% of the female workforce, while domestic servants were only 15%. A union leader named Abraham Bisno remarked that working gave immigrant women a sense of independence: “They acquired the right to personality, something alien to the highly patriarchal family structures of the old country.” Of course this also meant that young women were often in conflict with their parents, as a job brought more freedom, money, and perhaps, if they were lucky, a room of one’s own. Oh, it’s time for the Mystery Document? Please let it be Virginia Woolf, please let it be Virginia Woolf. The rules here are simple. I guess the author of the Mystery Document. I’m either right or I get shocked. Alright, let’s see what we’ve got. “The spirit of personal independence in the women of today is sure proof that a change has come … the radical change in the economic position of women is advancing upon us… The growing individualization of democratic life brings inevitable changes to our daughters as well as to our sons … One of its most noticeable features is the demand in women not only for their own money, but for their own work for the sake of personal expression. Few girls today fail to manifest some signs of the desire for individual expression …” Well, that’s not Virginia Woolf. Stan, I’m going to be honest, I do not know the answer to this one. However, it has been Woodrow Wilson for the last two weeks. You wouldn’t do that again to me, or would you? I’m gonna guess Woodrow Wilson. Final answer. DANG IT. Charlotte Perkins Gilman in the book Women and Economics? What? Aaaaaah! The idea that having a job is valuable just for the independence that it brings and as a form of “individual expression” was pretty radical, as most women, and especially most men, were not comfortable with the idea that being a housewife was similar to being a servant to one’s husband and children. But of course that changes when staying at home becomes one of many choices rather than your only available option. And then came birth control. Huzzah! Women who needed to work wanted a way to limit the number of pregnancies. Being pregnant and having a baby can make it difficult to hold down a job and also babies are diaper-using, stuff-breaking, consumptive machines. They basically eat money. And we love them. But birth control advocates like Margaret Sanger and Emma Goldman also argued that women should be able to enjoy sex without having children. To which men said, “Women can enjoy sex?” Believe it or not, that was seen as a pretty radical idea and it lead to changes in sexual behavior including more overall skoodilypooping. Goldman was arrested more than 40 times for sharing these dangerous ideas about female sexuality and birth control and she was eventually deported. Sanger, who worked to educate working class women about birth control, was sentenced to prison in 1916 for opening a clinic in Brooklyn that distributed contraceptive devices to poor immigrant women. The fight over birth control is important for at least three reasons. First, it put women into the forefront of debates about free speech in America. I mean, some of the most ardent advocates of birth control were also associated with the IWW and the Socialist Party. Secondly, birth control is also a public health issue and many women during the progressive era entered public life to bring about changes related to public health, leading the crusade against tuberculosis, the so-called White Plague, and other diseases. Thirdly, it cut across class lines. Having or not having children is an issue for all women, regardless of whether they went to college, and the birth control movement brought upper, middle, and lower class women together in ways that other social movements never did. Another group of Progressive women took up the role of addressing the problems of the poor and spearheaded the Settlement House movement. The key figure here was Jane Addams. My God, there are still Adamses in American history? Oh, she spells it Addams-family-Addams, not like founding-fathers-Adams. Anyway, she started Hull House in Chicago in 1889. Settlement houses became the incubators of the new field of social work, a field in which women played a huge part. And Addams became one of America’s most important spokespeople for progressive ideas. And yet in many places, while all of this was happening, women could not technically vote. But their increasing involvement in social movements at the turn of the 20th century led them to electoral politics. It’s true that women were voting before the passage of the 19th amendment in 1920. Voting is a state issue, and in many western states, women were granted the right to vote in the late 19th century. States could also grant women the right to run for office, which explains how the first Congresswoman, Jeannette Rankin, could vote against America’s entry into World War I in 1917. That said, the passage and ratification of the 19th Amendment is a big deal in American history. It’s also a recent deal. Like, when my grandmothers were born, women could not vote in much of the United States. The amendment says that states cannot deny people the right to vote because they are women, which isn’t as interesting as the political organization and activity that led to its passage. Alright, let’s go to the Thought Bubble. The suffrage movement was extremely fragmented. There was a first wave of suffrage, exemplified by the women at Seneca Falls, and this metamorphosed into the National American Women’s Suffrage Association, or NAWSA. Most of the leadership of NAWSA was made up of middle to upper class women, often involved in other progressive causes, who unfortunately sometimes represented the darker side of the suffrage movement. Because these upper class progressives frequently used nativist arguments to make their claims for the right to vote. They argued that if the vote could be granted to ignorant immigrants, some of whom could barely speak English, then it should also be granted to native born women. This isn’t to say that the elitist arguments won the day, but they should be acknowledged. By the early 20th century a new generation of college-educated activists had arrived on the scene. And many of these women were more radical than early suffrage supporters. They organized the National Women’s Party and, under the leadership of Alice Paul, pushed for the vote using aggressive tactics that many of the early generation of women’s rights advocates found unseemly. Paul had been studying in Britain between 1907 and 1910 where she saw the more militant women’s rights activists at work. She adopted their tactics that included protests leading to imprisonment and loud denunciations of the patriarchy that would make tumblr proud. And during World War I she compared Wilson to the Kaiser and Paul and her followers chained themselves to the White House fence. The activists then started a hunger strike during their 7-month prison sentence and had to be force-fed. Woodrow Wilson had half-heartedly endorsed women’s suffrage in 1916, but the war split the movement further. Most suffrage organizations believed that wartime service would help women earn respect and equal rights. But other activists, like many Progressives, opposed the war and regarded it as a potential threat to social reform. But, in the end, the war did sort of end up helping the cause. Patriotic support of the war by women, especially their service working in wartime industries, convinced many that it was just wrong to deny them the right to vote. And the mistreatment of Alice Paul and other women in prison for their cause created outrage that further pushed the Wilson administration to support enfranchising women. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So, women’s long fight to gain the right to vote ended with the ratification of the 19th Amendment in 1920. But, in some ways, the final granting of the franchise was a bit anti-climactic. For one thing, it was overshadowed by the 18th Amendment, Prohibition, which affected both women and men in large numbers. Also Gatsbys. You could say a lot of bad things about Prohibition, and I have, but the crusade against alcohol did galvanize and politicize many women, and organizations such as the WCTU and the Anti-Saloon League introduced yet more to political activism. But, while the passage of the 19th amendment was a huge victory, Alice Paul and the National Women’s Party were unable to muster the same support for an Equal Rights Amendment. Paul believed that women needed equal access to education and employment opportunities. And here they came into contact with other women’s groups, especially the League of Women Voters and the Women’s Trade Union League, which opposed the ERA fearing that equal rights would mean an unraveling of hard-won benefits like mother’s pensions and laws limiting women’s hours of labor. So, the ERA failed, and then another proposed amendment that would have given Congress the power to limit child labor won ratification in only 6 states. So in many ways the period between 1890 and 1920, which roughly corresponds to the Progressive Era, was the high tide of women’s rights and political activism. It culminated in the ratification of the 19th amendment, but the right to vote didn’t lead to significant legislation that actually improved the lives of women, at least not for a while. Nor were there immediate changes in the roles that women were expected to play in the social order as wives and mothers. Still, women were able to increase their autonomy and freedom in the burgeoning consumer marketplace. But it’s important to note that like other oppressed populations in American history, women weren’t given these rights, they had to fight for the rights that were said to be inalienable. And we are all better off for their fight and for their victory. Women’s liberation is to be sure a complicated phrase and it will take a new turn in the Roaring 20s, which we’ll talk about next week. I’ll see you then. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Meredith Danko. The associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, Rosianna Rojas, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Café. Every week there’s a new caption to the Libertage. You can suggest captions in comments where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course and as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be awesome. I’m gonna go this way, Stan, just kiiidding! Suffrage -



The New England Woman Suffrage Association (NEWSA) was formed during a period when a split was developing within the women's rights movement and also between one wing of that movement and the abolitionist movement. Disagreements had already weakened the American Equal Rights Association, which was formed in 1866 by women's rights advocates and abolitionists to campaign for equal rights, including suffrage, for all citizens regardless of race or sex.[2] Priority had become an issue: should universal suffrage be the immediate goal, or should African American men be enfranchised first? After slavery was abolished in the U.S. in 1865, the American Anti-Slavery Society declared that its work would not be finished until African Americans were also guaranteed political equality.[3] By the time of the NEWSA's founding, hope for fulfillment of that goal was embodied in a proposed Fifteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution that would prohibit the denial of suffrage because of race. Because it would not also prohibit the denial of suffrage because of sex, however, it became a focal point for discord within the women's movement.

Some members of the women's movement, such as Abby Kelley Foster, supported the amendment because they believed that suffrage for African American males was a more pressing need than suffrage for women.[4] Others, such as Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, opposed any amendment that would in effect enfranchise all men while excluding all women, believing it would create an "aristocracy of sex" by giving constitutional authority to the idea that men were superior to women.[5] Lucy Stone, who played a leading role in the NEWSA, argued that suffrage for women was more important than suffrage for black men but also supported the Fifteenth Amendment.[6]

The split also involved different assessments of the ruling Republican Party.[7] Many leading women's suffragists had been introduced to social activism through the anti-slavery movement and felt loyalty to both that movement and to the Republican Party, which had provided political leadership for the abolition of slavery in the U.S. and was still in the difficult process of consolidating that victory.[8] After the uncomfortably close elections of 1868, Republican leaders recognized the importance of enfranchising African American men, most of whom were recently freed slaves, as a way of helping to preserve the victory over slaveholders during the American Civil War (1861–1865).[9] They and their abolitionist allies increasingly viewed women's suffrage as an objective that, even if successful, would not produce comparable political benefits, and they considered the campaign for it to be a drain on resources that were needed elsewhere.[10]

Women's rights activists generally had been strong supporters of the abolitionist movement and had also depended heavily on its resources. Those who distanced themselves from abolitionist and Republican leadership during this period, however, found themselves increasingly cut off from abolitionist resources and sometimes the target of outright hostility from Republicans.[11] Stanton, Anthony and their allies felt betrayed and began to criticize the Republican Party and some of the abolitionist leadership.[12] Olympia Brown, an ally who played a role in the NEWSA's creation, criticized abolitionist leaders by name and said, "We must look for our support to new men".[13] Stanton and Anthony greatly inflamed feelings by accepting help from George Francis Train, a supporter of women's rights who was also a wealthy Democrat and an outspoken racist.[14] Other women's suffrage activists, however, continued to support the abolitionist leadership and the Republican Party to varying degrees.


Planning committee

Olympia Brown, who had recently become one of the first ordained woman ministers,[15] initiated the proposal for a New England women's suffrage organization.[16] She hoped to create an association that would limit its activity to a campaign for women's suffrage, believing that campaigning for suffrage for both women and African Americans, as the American Equal Rights Association had done, would cause women's suffrage to be overshadowed. She sought to create an organization that would, in her own words, campaign on a "clear-cut, separate and single question."[17]

On the advice of Abby Kelley Foster, she announced a meeting in Boston in May 1868 to discuss her proposal and succeeded in gathering a hall full of people.[18] The meeting established a planning committee chaired by Caroline Severance.[19] Brown found herself and her single-issue approach sidelined by the planners of the new organization.[20] Seeking to counter the initiatives of Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the committee launched an organization that supported suffrage for both blacks and women and was willing for black men to achieve suffrage first.[21]

In addition to Brown and Severance, key figures in the planning for the new organization included Abby Kelley Foster, her husband Stephen Symonds Foster, and Thomas Wentworth Higginson, all of whom had been important figures in the abolitionist movement. Lucy Stone, a pioneering worker for women's rights who later became a leading figure in the new organization, had not yet moved to Boston from New Jersey and was not deeply involved in its planning.[22] She attended the founding convention, however and was elected to the new organization's executive committee.[23]

Founding convention

The New England Woman Suffrage Association (NEWSA) was formed on November 19, 1868, during the second and last day of a regional women's rights convention in Boston, Massachusetts, where the new organization was to be headquartered.[24][25] Instead of distancing itself from the Republican Party, as Anthony and Stanton were doing, the planners for the NEWSA convention worked to attract Republican support and seated leading Republican politicians, including a U.S. senator, on the speaker's platform.[26]

Lucy Stone
Lucy Stone

At the time of the NEWSA convention, Congress was considering the proposed Fifteenth Amendment, which would prohibit the denial of suffrage because of race but would not, as many women suffragists had hoped, also prohibit the denial of suffrage because of sex. (The amendment was approved by Congress in February 1869 and ratified by the states in 1870.) At the convention, Francis Bird, one of the most powerful politicians in Massachusetts, said, "Negro suffrage, being a paramount question, would have to be settled before woman suffrage could receive the attention it deserved."[27]

Amid increasing confidence that the Fifteenth Amendment was assured of passage, Lucy Stone, a future president of the NEWSA, showed her preference for enfranchising both women and black men by unexpectedly introducing a resolution calling for the Republican Party to "drop its watchword of 'Manhood Suffrage'"[28] and support universal suffrage instead. Despite opposition by Frederick Douglass, William Lloyd Garrison and Frances Harper, Stone convinced the meeting to approve the resolution.[29] Two months later, however, when the Fifteenth Amendment was in danger of becoming stalled in Congress, Stone backed away from that position and declared that "Woman must wait for the Negro."[30]

The NEWSA supported the Fifteenth Amendment, believing that achieving suffrage for all men would be a step toward suffrage for women.[31] The wing of the women's movement associated with the NEWSA expected the Republican Party to push for women's suffrage after the Fifteenth Amendment was ratified (an expectation that was not realized). [32]

Julia Ward Howe, author of "The Battle Hymn of the Republic," was elected as the NEWSA's first president. A member of a prominent family, she had recently been convinced to join the women's suffrage movement by Higginson and Stone.[33] During the convention, Howe said she would not demand suffrage for women until it was achieved for blacks.[34]


State affiliates of the NEWSA were formed in most New England states.[35] In January 1869, supporters of the NEWSA began publishing a newspaper called the Woman's Advocate from the office of the American Anti-Slavery Society.[36][37]

Although the NEWSA waited until suffrage for blacks was assured before it began campaigning for women's suffrage at the national level, it pressed at an early stage for laws that would enfranchise women in the District of Columbia and the federal territories.[38] Another of its early initiatives was the collection of 8000 signatures on petitions to the Massachusetts legislature in 1869 in support of women's suffrage in that state, which led to the practice of annual public hearings on that question in the state legislature.[39] The NEWSA's work in subsequent years included fund-raising bazaars, lectures, petitions and legislative hearings.[40]

The split in the women's movement was formalized in May 1869 when Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton created the National Woman Suffrage Association to represent their wing.[41] The executive committee of the NEWSA responded by laying the groundwork for a rival organization called the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA), which was founded in November 1869.[42] Henry Ward Beecher, a prominent minister, agreed to become the first president of the AWSA, but NEWSA leaders Lucy Stone and Julia Ward Howe played key roles both in the formation of the AWSA and in its leadership in subsequent years.[43][44]

Julia Ward Howe served as president of the NEWSA until 1877. Lucy Stone was elected president that year and served until her death in 1893. Howe was again elected president in 1893 and served until her death in 1910.[45][46] Alice Stone Blackwell, Lucy Stone's daughter, was president from 1911 until the organization ceased to exist in 1920. When the Nineteenth Amendment, which secured suffrage for women, was ratified in 1920, the NEWSA simply ceased to function rather than formally dissolving.[47]

See also


  1. ^ DuBois (1978), p. 168
  2. ^ DuBois (1978), pp. 64,185 
  3. ^ DuBois (1978), p. 56
  4. ^ Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 2, p. 216. Foster is speaking here during the 1867 convention of the American Equal Rights Association (AERA).
  5. ^ DuBois (1978), pp. 174-175,185
  6. ^ Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 2, p. 384. Stone is speaking here during the 1869 AERA convention.
  7. ^ DuBois (1978), p. 163
  8. ^ DuBois (1978), pp. 19, 57, 59
  9. ^ Dudden (2011); p. 162
  10. ^ DuBois (1978), pp. 57, 59. The Constitution was amended in 1870 to theoretically ensure suffrage regardless of race, but, after an initial period during which that promise was meaningfully applied countrywide, voting by African Americans in much of the South was suppressed until the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
  11. ^ DuBois (1978), pp. 51, 72-73, 89
  12. ^ DuBois (1978), p. 166
  13. ^ "What People Say to Us," The Revolution, February 5, 1868, p. 67. Quoted in DuBois (1978), p. 106. The full quote is in Garrison (1981); p. 70.
  14. ^ DuBois (1978), p. 63
  15. ^ "Olympia Brown". St. Lawrence University. Retrieved March 31, 1013. Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
  16. ^ DuBois (1978), p. 165
  17. ^ Gwendolen B. Willis, ed., "Olympia Brown, An Autobiography," Annual Journal of Universalist Historical Society, 4 (1963), 38. Quoted in DuBois (1978), p. 165
  18. ^ Brown (1911); pp. 76-77
  19. ^ Elwood-Akers (2010), p. 61
  20. ^ Dudden (2011); p. 163
  21. ^ DuBois (1978), pp. 164-166. Kerr (1992), page 134, says the planners of the NEWSA's founding convention "invited Stanton and Antony and offered to pay their expenses." DuBois (1978), page 165, however, says that "When Stanton inadvertently received an invitation, Stephen Foster wrote to her to ask her not to attend." Dudden (2011), page 255, footnote 14, agrees that Stanton's invitation was withdrawn.
  22. ^ DuBois (1978), p. 165, including footnote 5 on that page.
  23. ^ DuBois (1978), pp. 165, 168
  24. ^ "The Boston Woman's Rights Convention". The Woman's Advocate. Boston. 1 (1). January 1869.
  25. ^ Kerr (1992), p. 145
  26. ^ DuBois (1978), pp. 165-166
  27. ^ "Woman's Rights Convention," New York Times, November 20, 1868, p. 1. Quoted in DuBois (1978), pp. 169, 165
  28. ^ "Woman Suffrage," New York Tribune, November 28, 1868; "Mrs. Lucy Stone and Woman Suffrage," Commonwealth, November 28, 1868. Cited in Dudden (2011); p. 163
  29. ^ Dudden (2011); p 163
  30. ^ "Stones Holding Their Peace," and "Lucy Stone and the Negro's Hour," Revolution 3 (February 4, 1869):73,89. Citied in Dudden (2011); p 165
  31. ^ DuBois (1978), pp. 172,176
  32. ^ DuBois (1978), pp. 199-200
  33. ^ Howe (1900), pp. 374-375
  34. ^ DuBois (1978), p. 169
  35. ^ DuBois (1978), p. 180
  36. ^ DuBois (1978), p. 163, footnote 2. In January 1870, the Woman's Advocate was replaced by the Woman's Journal, which was published by Lucy Stone and her husband Henry Blackwell.
  37. ^ Dudden (2011); p. 164
  38. ^ DuBois (1978), p. 170
  39. ^ Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 4, p. 721
  40. ^ Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 4, pp. 700-750
  41. ^ DuBois (1978), p. 189
  42. ^ Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 2, pp.  756-757
  43. ^ Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 2, p. 764
  44. ^ Cullen-DuPont, Kathryn (2000). "American Woman Suffrage Association" in The Encyclopedia of Women's History in America], second edition, p. 13. New York: Facts on File. ISBN 0-8160-4100-8.
  45. ^ Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 4, p. 720
  46. ^ Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 6, p. 278
  47. ^ Stanton, Anthony, Gage, Harper (1881–1922), Vol. 6, pp. 267 footnote 1, 281


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