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Black bloc protesters march with signs calling for "US out of everywhere" and "fight the rich and their wars".
Black bloc protesters march with signs calling for "US out of everywhere" and "fight the rich and their wars".

Neocolonialism, neo-colonialism, or neo-imperialism is the practice of using capitalism, globalisation and cultural imperialism to influence a developing country instead of the previous colonial methods of direct military control (imperialism) or indirect political control (hegemony). Coined by the French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre in 1956,[1][2] it was first used by Kwame Nkrumah in the context of African countries undergoing decolonisation in the 1960s. Neo-colonialism is also discussed in the works of Western thinkers such as Jean-Paul Sartre (Colonialism and Neo-colonialism, 1964)[3] and Noam Chomsky (The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism, 1979).[4]

YouTube Encyclopedic

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  • ✪ How Africa is Becoming China's China
  • ✪ Conceptualising Development Neo Colonialism
  • ✪ What is Neocolonialism in Hindi | नव उपनिवेशवाद क्या है | Nav Upniveshvad Meaning | अर्थ व परिभाषा
  • ✪ Neocolonialism
  • ✪ Ch 36.3 Latin America Struggles with Neocolonialism


This video was made possible by Brilliant. Start learning with Brilliant for 20% off by being one of the first 200 to sign up at Political alliances manifest themselves here—on the voting floor of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, New York. In this room countries impose legislation that carries weight worldwide and so what happens in this room is the physical materialization of the world’s politics. 47 years ago, exactly that happened when one of the General Assembly’s most consequential votes occurred. China, you see, essentially has two governments. There’s the Republic of China which used to control the mainland and Taiwan but today only administers Taiwan and there’s the People's Republic of China which controls the mainland. Both claim to be the rightful governments of all of the Chinese territory—both Taiwan and the mainland—and so back in 1971 the United Nations had to decide which government would represent China. Essent ially, the question was which government was the rightful leader of the territory as there could only be one in the United Nations. The US was the main superpower opposing the People’s Republic representing China as it had a strong political and military alliance with the Republic of China government and so the vote was essentially the US’ sphere of influence versus the world. Among the 35 countries that voted against the People’s Republic were much of Africa—the Central African Republic, Chad, Gabon, Liberia, Niger, South Africa, and plenty of others that sided with the US. Despite the US’s efforts, the resolution ended up passing and the representative government for China in the UN was switched to the People’s Republic of China but what’s interesting about this is not the result, it’s who voted against the People’s Republic. Since that 1971 vote, you see, something has changed. In 2007, the UN general assembly met once again to vote on whether to adopt a resolution condemning the human rights situation in North Korea. As one of North Korea’s strongest allies, this vote was China and its sphere of influence versus the world. In this vote, though, only Burundi, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritania, and Tanzania voted against China. All the 43 other African countries either abstained or voted no along with China because in the forty years between those votes, political ties changed. Africa no longer bows to the US. Much of the continent is now economically and politically aligned with the world’s fastest emerging superpower—China. The simple answer for why this is is because China has pumped huge amounts of money into the continent of Africa. They’re buying allies. For example, China built a $3.2 billion railway in Kenya trekking the 300 miles from Nairobi, the capitol, to Mombassa, the second largest city and primary port, in 4 hours and 30 minutes. That’s faster than what the fastest train in the US, the Acela Express, takes to travel the equivalent distance from Philadelphia to Boston. China also built a $526 million dam in Guinea which helped push the country from having constant power shortages to making more energy than it needs and selling the extra capacity to its neighbors. China also built a $475 million light rail system in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the first of its kind in sub-Saharan Africa, designed as a way to combat the capital’s crippling traffic. These are only a sampling. There are literally hundreds of others of Chinese infrastructure projects in Africa each year. All across the continent, China is playing a part in projects both big and small that are transforming African economies. It’s important to note that these projects are not, though, free. Each of these three were financed by loans granted by China’s state-owned and controlled Export-Import bank and these loans do, of course, need to be paid back by the countries granted them. Large African infrastructure projects, though, would be viewed as risky by any traditional bank and would therefore struggle to get financed but China’s export-import bank doesn’t care. Assuming cooperation between the Chinese and African countries’ governments, this bank will give low-interest or no-interest loans to African countries so they can build these trains or dams or other projects. These loans are therefore considered a form of foreign aid since China doesn’t expect to get all their money back, at least adjusted for inflation, since they’re not charging much interest and there’s a high risk of default. Of course China isn’t just financing these projects out of kindness. For each of them there’s a political goal behind it. You see, the country of China is running out of growth potential. Its era of double digit year over year GDP growth is over as it makes the shift from industrializing to industrialized. Africa, meanwhile, is one of the least developed areas of the world and a lack of development actually makes fast growth easy. The first step of economic development for many countries is natural resource exploitation. Nearly every country has some level of natural resources that they can use to kickstart growth but first they need to have enough money to build the infrastructure and take the steps needed to gather these natural resources. As everyone knows, it takes money to make money and China has money. By investing in African mining and farming, China can profit off of Africa’s growth and fuel the business back in China that require minerals and food, but in addition to it serving as a source of natural resources, Africa has another resource—labor. It might seem strange that China, the country that the world uses for low-cost manufacturing, is looking for a labor source elsewhere but that is exactly what it’s doing. China is a victim of its own success. The economic development that its manufacturing industry brought pushed a large segment of its population into the middle class which raised labor costs country-wide. It’s not bad news, China as a country has shifted from having a low-skilled to a medium-skilled workforce as their education level has improved, but for the lowest cost, lowest skilled manufacturing work, the country of China is no longer competitive. Therefore, Chinese manufacturing firms are setting up their own operations in Africa—one of the cheapest and lowest skilled labor markets in the world. Today, China is now the largest trading partner with Africa as a whole. Despite China being a vastly larger country than the US in population, the US and China both trade a similar value of goods worldwide each year. In this case, though, whereas $48 billion worth off goods were exchanged between the US and Africa in 2016, China traded $128 billion worth of goods—nearly three times as much. Now, the whole idea of setting up a structure of power over other less developed states in order to gather resources and use their labor force might sound familiar because that’s largely what colonialism was. The motives behind European powers expanding their territory to less developed nations in the 15th through 20th centuries were remarkably similar to the motivations behind China’s growing economic influence in the developing world today. Despite what some may say, there is empirical evidence that China has been using these infrastructure investments to affect worldwide politics. It’s been found that if an African country recognizes Taiwan as a country they receive, on average, 2.7 fewer Chinese infrastructure projects within their borders each year. Conversely, if an African country votes overwhelmingly along with China in the United Nations General Assembly, they receive 1.8 more infrastructure projects per year. Considering that the General Assembly is an equal representative body where each country gets one vote no matter if they have a million residents or a billion, China’s getting a lot of influence for, in the grand scheme of things, not a lot of money. China touts the fact that their foreign investment and aid is “no strings attached.” Unlike other institutions that give low or no-interest loans to developing countries like the International Monetary Fund or World Bank, China give loans with no requirements on factors like respect of human rights or democratic elections. Of course, this data linking infrastructure investment with political leanings shows that there are indeed hidden strings that require benefit for China rather than benefit for the receiving country. Western powers are understandably concerned about this shift in power dynamics towards a country with vastly different ideals. In 2017, China entered a select club as it opened a military base in Djibouti. While four other countries have bases in Djibouti—France, Italy, Japan, and the US—this base was unique as it was China’s first base abroad and those by themselves, military bases abroad, are unique. Only 15 of the world’s most developed and militarily powerful countries worldwide have them and now China is one of them. Although, western powers might be worried for the wrong reasons. The government of China is clearly putting a lot of focus and money into Africa but not as much as you’d think based off the result they’re getting—vast amounts of influence over a whole continent. There are two key numbers to look at. In 2015, China loaned just $12 billion to African countries. In the same year, the country invested a mere $3 billion in the continent. That’s just not much but the reason China is gaining this enormous influence over the continent is because the Chinese government no longer has to force this phenomenon. Private Chinese industry is taking hold of Africa. Of the estimated 10,000 Chinese businesses in Africa, 90% of them are privately owned rather than one of the numerous Chinese state-run companies. The Chinese companies in Africa are actually making money—some substantially so. The Chinese government certainly has provided a considerable push to the industrialization of Africa but now that that’s done, economic forces are moving the initiative further forward. Chinese small business is gripping the continent. Much of the western world is ignoring the prospects of the continent—ignoring that business in Africa can now be as profitable as business in China was when its period of tremendous growth began. Right now, Africa is establishing itself as the source of labor and resources for China and so, until the west pays attention, Africa will continue inching forward on its path towards becoming China’s China. One of the techniques used to predict the GDP or GDP growth of a country, which is of course used to decide which country to invest in, is machine learning. For example, here’s what a machine learning model predicted a country’s GDP would be over three months and here’s what it actually was. It forecasted the country’s GDP far better than humans did. The science behind predictions like this is complex but fascinating. If you want to learn how it works, though, the best place to do so is Their machine learning course makes this advanced concept simple because their simple explanations, illuminating graphics, and thought-provoking questions break a concept down into small packages and then builds it back up to the final result. They truly are experts in successfully teaching complex topics. They also have plenty of other fascinating courses on topics like computational biology, number theory, artificial neural networks, and more. You can start learning for free at but then, if you want to access the full range of classes with their premium subscription, the first 200 to use that link will also get 20% off their annual premium subscription. Thanks for watching and we’ll see you again in three weeks for another Wendover Productions video.




Kwame Nkrumah (pictured on a Soviet postage stamp) is a Ghanaian politician who coined the term "Neo-colonialism."
Kwame Nkrumah (pictured on a Soviet postage stamp) is a Ghanaian politician who coined the term "Neo-colonialism."

When first proposed, neocolonialism labelled European countries' continued economic and cultural relationships with their former colonies, African countries that had been liberated in the aftermath of Second World War. Kwame Nkrumah, former president of Ghana (1960–66), coined the term, which appeared in the 1963 preamble of the Organisation of African Unity Charter, and was the title of his 1965 book Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism (1965).[5] Nkrumah theoretically developed and extended to the post–War 20th century the socio-economic and political arguments presented by Lenin in the pamphlet Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1917). The pamphlet frames 19th-century imperialism as the logical extension of geopolitical power, to meet the financial investment needs of the political economy of capitalism.[6] In Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism, Kwame Nkrumah wrote:

In place of colonialism, as the main instrument of imperialism, we have today neo-colonialism . . . [which] like colonialism, is an attempt to export the social conflicts of the capitalist countries. . . .

The result of neo-colonialism is that foreign capital is used for the exploitation rather than for the development of the less developed parts of the world. Investment, under neo-colonialism, increases, rather than decreases, the gap between the rich and the poor countries of the world. The struggle against neo-colonialism is not aimed at excluding the capital of the developed world from operating in less developed countries. It is aimed at preventing the financial power of the developed countries being used in such a way as to impoverish the less developed.[7]

Non-aligned world

Neocolonialism was used to describe a type of foreign intervention in countries belonging to the Pan-Africanist movement, as well as the Bandung Conference (Asian–African Conference, 1955), which led to the Non-Aligned Movement (1961). Neocolonialism was formally defined by the All-African Peoples' Conference (AAPC) and published in the Resolution on Neo-colonialism. At both the Tunis conference (1960) and the Cairo conference (1961), AAPC described the actions of the French Community of independent states, organised by France, as neocolonial.[8]


The representative example of European neocolonialism is Françafrique, the "French Africa" constituted by the continued close relationships between France and its former African colonies. In 1955, the initial usage of the "French Africa" term, by President Félix Houphouët-Boigny of Ivory Coast, denoted positive social, cultural and economic Franco–African relations. It was later applied by neocolonialism critics to describe an imbalanced international relation. The politician Jacques Foccart, the principal adviser for African matters to French presidents Charles de Gaulle (1958–69) and Georges Pompidou (1969–1974), was the principal proponent of Françafrique.[10] The works of Verschave and Beti reported a forty-year, post-independence relationship with France's former colonial peoples, which featured colonial garrisons in situ and monopolies by French multinational corporations, usually for the exploitation of mineral resources. It was argued that the African leaders with close ties to France — especially during the Soviet–American Cold War (1945–91) — acted more as agents of French business and geopolitical interests, than as the national leaders of sovereign states. Cited examples are Omar Bongo (Gabon), Félix Houphouët-Boigny (Ivory Coast), Gnassingbé Eyadéma (Togo), Denis Sassou-Nguesso (Republic of the Congo), Idriss Déby (Chad), and Hamani Diori (Niger).[citation needed]

Belgian Congo

After the decolonisation of Belgian Congo, Belgium continued to control, through the Société Générale de Belgique, an estimated 70% of the Congolese economy following the decolonisation process. The most contested part was in the province of Katanga where the Union Minière du Haut Katanga, part of the Société, controlled the mineral-resource-rich province. After a failed attempt to nationalise the mining industry in the 1960's, it was reopened to foreign investment.[citation needed]

Neocolonial economic dominance

U.S. President Harry Truman and Mohammad Mosaddeq, the Iranian Prime Minister in 1951. Two years later, the Persian nationalisation of the petroleum of Iran was halted with Operation Ajax, a British–American coup d' état, which deposed P.M. Mossadeq on 19 August 1953, and reinstated the deposed, absolute monarchy of the Pahlavi family.[11]
U.S. President Harry Truman and Mohammad Mosaddeq, the Iranian Prime Minister in 1951. Two years later, the Persian nationalisation of the petroleum of Iran was halted with Operation Ajax, a British–American coup d' état, which deposed P.M. Mossadeq on 19 August 1953, and reinstated the deposed, absolute monarchy of the Pahlavi family.[11]
People in Brisbane protesting Australia's claim on East Timorese oil, in May 2017
People in Brisbane protesting Australia's claim on East Timorese oil, in May 2017

In 1961, regarding the economic mechanism of neocolonial control, in the speech Cuba: Historical Exception or Vanguard in the Anti-colonial Struggle?, Argentine revolutionary Ché Guevara said:

We, politely referred to as "underdeveloped", in truth, are colonial, semi-colonial or dependent countries. We are countries whose economies have been distorted by imperialism, which has abnormally developed those branches of industry or agriculture needed to complement its complex economy. "Underdevelopment", or distorted development, brings a dangerous specialisation in raw materials, inherent in which is the threat of hunger for all our peoples. We, the "underdeveloped", are also those with the single crop, the single product, the single market. A single product whose uncertain sale depends on a single market imposing and fixing conditions. That is the great formula for imperialist economic domination.[12]

Dependency theory

Dependency theory is the theoretical description of economic neocolonialism. It proposes that the global economic system comprises wealthy countries at the centre, and poor countries at the periphery. Economic neocolonialism extracts the human and natural resources of a poor country to flow to the economies of the wealthy countries. It claims that the poverty of the peripheral countries is the result of how they are integrated in the global economic system. Dependency theory derives from the Marxist analysis of economic inequalities within the world's system of economies, thus, under-development of the periphery is a direct result of development in the centre. It includes the concept of the late 19th century semi-colony.[13] It contrasts the Marxist perspective of the Theory of Colonial Dependency with capitalist economics. The latter proposes that poverty is a development stage in the poor country's progress towards full integration in the global economic system. Proponents of Dependency Theory, such as Venezuelan historian Federico Brito Figueroa, who investigated the socioeconomic bases of neocolonial dependency, influenced the thinking of the former President of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez.[citation needed]

Cold War

During the mid-to-late 20th century, in the course of the ideological conflict between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., each country and its satellite states accused each other of practising neocolonialism in their imperial and hegemonic pursuits.[14][15][16][17][18][19][20] The struggle included proxy wars, fought by client states in the decolonised countries. Cuba, the Warsaw Pact bloc, Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser (1956–70), et al. accused the U.S. of sponsoring anti-democratic governments whose régimes did not represent the interests of their people and of overthrowing elected governments (African, Asian, Latin American) that did not support U.S. geopolitical interests.[citation needed]

In the 1960's, under the leadership of Chairman Mehdi Ben Barka, the Cuban Tricontinental Conference (Organisation of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America) recognised and supported the validity of revolutionary anti-colonialism as a means for colonised peoples of the Third World to achieve self-determination, which policy angered the U.S. and France. Moreover, Chairman Barka headed the Commission on Neocolonialism, which dealt with the work to resolve the neocolonial involvement of colonial powers in decolonised counties; and said that the U.S., as the leading capitalist country of the world, was, in practise, the principal neocolonialist political actor.[citation needed]

Multinational corporations

Critics of neocolonialism also argue that investment by multinational corporations enriches few in underdeveloped countries and causes humanitarian, environmental and ecological damage to their populations. They argue that this results in unsustainable development and perpetual underdevelopment. These countries remain reservoirs of cheap labor and raw materials, while restricting access to advanced production techniques to develop their own economies. In some countries, monopolization of natural resources, while initially leading to an influx of investment, is often followed by increases in unemployment, poverty and a decline in per-capita income.[21]

In the West African nations of Guinea-Bissau, Senegal and Mauritania, fishing was historically central to the economy. Beginning in 1979, the European Union began negotiating contracts with governments for fishing off the coast of West Africa. Commercial, unsustainable, over-fishing by foreign fleets played a significant role in large-scale unemployment and migration of people across the region.[22] This violates the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Seas, which recognises the importance of fishing to local communities and insists that government fishing agreements with foreign companies should target only surplus stocks.[23]

International borrowing

To alleviate the effects of neocolonialism, American economist Jeffrey Sachs recommended that the entire African debt (ca. 200 billion U.S. dollars) be dismissed, and recommended that African nations not repay the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF):[24]

The time has come to end this charade. The debts are unaffordable. If they won't cancel the debts, I would suggest obstruction; you do it, yourselves. Africa should say: "Thank you very much, but we need this money to meet the needs of children who are dying, right now, so, we will put the debt-servicing payments into urgent social investment in health, education, drinking water, the control of AIDS, and other needs".


The People's Republic of China has built increasingly strong ties with some African, Asian, European and Latin American nations,[25][26] becoming Africa's largest trading partner in 2009.[27][28] As of August 2007, an estimated 750,000 Chinese nationals were working or living for extended periods in Africa.[29][30] In the 1980s and 90s, China continued to purchase natural resources — petroleum and minerals — from Africa to fuel the Chinese economy and to finance international business enterprises.[31][32] In 2006, trade had increased to $50 billion expanding to $500 billion by 2016.[33]

In Africa, China has loaned $95.5 billion to various countries between 2000 and 2015, the majority being spent on power generation and infrastructure.[34] Cases in which this has ended with China acquiring foreign land have led to accusations of "debt-trap diplomacy".[35][36][37] Other analysts have concluded that China is likely trying to "stockpile international support for contentious political issues."[27]

Commentators have stated that Western perceptions of China's motives are misconstrued due to Western conceptions of development as seen through their own lens of exploitation of others for resources—as exemplified by European colonialism—instead of through Chinese conceptions of development.[38]

In 2018, Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad cancelled two China-funded projects. He also talked about fears of Malaysia becoming "indebted" and of a "new version of colonialism."[39][40] He later clarified that he did not refer to the Belt and Road Initiative or China with this.[41][42]

According to Anderlini of the Financial Times, Pakistan is at risk of becoming a colony of China.[43]

Langan (2017) stated that Western actors tend to paint China as a threat in Africa, othering it from themselves, but it neglects the fact that Europe, the United States, China, and other emerging powers likewise facilitate economic and political interests through aid and trade in a manner that conflicts with African sovereignty.[44]

South Korean land acquisitions

To ensure a reliable, long-term supply of food, the South Korean government and powerful Korean multinationals bought farming rights to millions of hectares of agricultural land in under-developed countries.[45]

South Korea's RG Energy Resources Asset Management CEO Park Yong-soo stressed that "the nation does not produce a single drop of crude oil and other key industrial minerals. To power economic growth and support people's livelihoods, we cannot emphasise too much that securing natural resources in foreign countries is a must for our future survival."[46] The head of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), Jacques Diouf, stated that the rise in land deals could create a form of " neocolonialism", with poor states producing food for the rich at the expense of their own hungry people.[citation needed]

In 2008, South Korean multinational Daewoo Logistics secured 1.3 million hectares of farmland in Madagascar to grow maize and crops for biofuels. Roughly half of the country's arable land, as well as rainforests were to be converted into palm and corn monocultures, producing food for export from a country where a third of the population and 50 percent of children under 5 are malnourished, using South African workers instead of locals. Local residents were not consulted or informed, despite being dependent on the land for food and income. The controversial deal played a major part in prolonged anti-government protests that resulted in over a hundred deaths.[45] This was a source of popular resentment that contributed to the fall of then-President Marc Ravalomanana. The new president, Andry Rajoelina, cancelled the deal.[47] Tanzania later announced that South Korea was in talks to develop 100,000 hectares for food production and processing for 700 to 800 billion won. Scheduled to be completed in 2010, it was to be the largest single piece of overseas South Korean agricultural infrastructure ever built.[45]

In 2009, Hyundai Heavy Industries acquired a majority stake in a company cultivating 10,000 hectares of farmland in the Russian Far East and a South Korean provincial government secured 95,000 hectares of farmland in Oriental Mindoro, central Philippines, to grow corn. The South Jeolla province became the first provincial government to benefit from a new central government fund to develop farmland overseas, receiving a loan of $1.9 million. The project was expected to produce 10,000 tonnes of feed in the first year.[48] South Korean multinationals and provincial governments purchased land in Sulawesi, Indonesia, Cambodia and Bulgan, Mongolia. The national South Korean government announced its intention to invest 30 billion won in land in Paraguay and Uruguay. As of 2009 discussions with Laos, Myanmar and Senegal were underway.[45]

United States

There is an ongoing debate about whether certain actions by the United States should be considered neocolonialism.[49] Nayna J. Jhaveri, writing in Antipode, views the 2003 invasion of Iraq as a form of "petroimperialism," believing that the U.S. was motivated to go to war to attain vital oil reserves, rather than to pursue the U.S. government's official rationale for the Iraq War ("a preemptive strike to disarm Saddam Hussein of his weapons of mass destruction").[50]

Other approaches

Although the concept of neocolonialism was originally developed within a Marxist theoretical framework and is generally employed by the political left, the term "neocolonialism" is found in other theoretical frameworks and charges of neocolonialism are now levelled against Marxist and other left-wing states, such as the previously mentioned Chinese policies.


"Coloniality" claims that knowledge production is strongly influenced by the context of the person producing the knowledge and that this has further disadvantaged developing countries with limited knowledge production infrastructure. It originated among critics of subaltern theories, which, although strongly de-colonial, are less concerned with the source of knowledge.[51]

Cultural theory

Map of the European Union in the world, with Overseas Countries and Territories and Outermost Regions.
Map of the European Union in the world, with Overseas Countries and Territories and Outermost Regions.

One variant of neocolonialism theory critiques cultural colonialism, the desire of wealthy nations to control other nations' values and perceptions through cultural means such as media, language, education[52] and religion, ultimately for economic reasons. One impact of this is "colonial mentality", feelings of inferiority that lead post-colonial societies to latch onto physical and cultural differences between the foreigners and themselves. Foreign ways become held in higher esteem than indigenous ways. Given that colonists and colonisers were generally of different races, the colonised may over time hold that the colonisers' race was responsible for their superiority. Rejections of the colonisers culture, such as the Negritude movement, have been employed to overcome these associations. Post-colonial importation or continuation of cultural mores or elements may be regarded as a form of neocolonialism.[citation needed]


Post-colonialism theories in philosophy, political science, literature and film deal with the cultural legacy of colonial rule. Post-colonialism studies examine how once-colonised writers articulate their national identity; how knowledge about the colonised was generated and applied in service to the interests of the coloniser; and how colonialist literature justified colonialism by presenting the colonised people as inferior whose society, culture and economy must be managed for them. Post-colonial studies incorporate subaltern studies of "history from below"; post-colonial cultural evolution; the psychopathology of colonisation (by Frantz Fanon); and the cinema of film makers such as the Cuban Third Cinema, e.g. Tomás Gutiérrez Alea, and Kidlat Tahimik.[citation needed]

Critical theory

Critiques of postcolonialism/neocolonialism are evident in literary theory. International relations theory defined "postcolonialism" as a field of study. While the lasting effects of cultural colonialism are of central interest, the intellectual antecedents in cultural critiques of neocolonialism are economic. Critical international relations theory references neocolonialism from Marxist positions as well as postpositivist positions, including postmodernist, postcolonial and feminist approaches. These differ from both realism and liberalism in their epistemological and ontological premises. The neo-liberalist approach tends to depict modern forms of colonialism as a benevolent imperialism.[citation needed]

Conservation and neocolonialism

Wallerstein, and separately Frank, claim that the modern conservation movement, as practiced by international organisations such as the World Wide Fund for Nature, inadvertently developed a neocolonial relationship with underdeveloped nations.[53]

See also


  1. ^ Ardant, Philippe (1965). "Le néo-colonialisme : thème, mythe et réalité". Revue française de science politique. 15 (5): 837–855. doi:10.3406/rfsp.1965.392883.
  2. ^ Sartre, Jean-Paul (March–April 1956). "La Mystification néo-colonialiste (The Neo-colonialist mystification)". Les Temps modernes. 123: 125.CS1 maint: date format (link)
  3. ^ Sartre, Jean-Paul (2001). Colonialism and Neocolonialism. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-19146-3.
  4. ^ Chomsky, Noam; Herman, Edward S. (1979). The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism. Black Rose Books Ltd. p. 42ff. ISBN 978-0-919618-88-6.
  5. ^ Arnold, Guy (6 April 2010). The A to Z of the Non-Aligned Movement and Third World. Scarecrow Press. p. 108. ISBN 978-1-4616-7231-9.
  6. ^ Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism Archived October 11, 2016, at the Wayback Machine. transcribed from Lenin's Selected Works, Progress Publishers, 1963, Moscow, Volume 1, pp. 667–766.
  7. ^ From the Introduction. Kwame Nkrumah. Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism. First Published: Thomas Nelson & Sons, Ltd., London (1965). Published in the USA by International Publishers Co., Inc., (1966);
  8. ^ Wallerstein, p. 52: 'It attempted the one serious, collectively agreed-upon definition of neo-colonialism, the key concept in the armoury of the revolutionary core of the movement for African unity'; and William D. Graf's review of Neo-colonialism and African Politics: a Survey of the Impact of Neo-colonialism on African Political Behaviour (1980, Yolamu R. Barongo, in the Canadian Journal of African Studies, p. 601: 'The term, itself, originated in Africa, probably with Nkrumah, and received collective recognition at the 1961 All-African People's Conference.'
  9. ^ "African protests over the CFA 'colonial currency'". BBC News. 30 August 2017.
  10. ^ Kaye Whiteman, "The Man Who Ran Françafrique — French Politician Jacques Foccart's Role in France's Colonisation of Africa Under the Leadership of Charles de Gaulle", obituary in The National Interest, Fall 1997.
  11. ^ Saeed Kamali Dehghan; Richard Norton-Taylor (19 August 2013). "CIA admits role in 1953 Iranian coup". The Guardian.
  12. ^ "Cuba: Historical exception or vanguard in the anticolonial struggle?" speech by Che Guevara on 9 April 1961
  13. ^ Ernest Mandel, "Semicolonial Countries and Semi-Industrialised Dependent Countries", New International (New York), No.5, pp.149-175
  14. ^ Kanet, Roger E.; Miner, Deborah N.; Resler, Tamara J. (2 April 1992). Soviet Foreign Policy in Transition. Cambridge University Press. pp. 149–150. ISBN 978-0-521-41365-7.
  15. ^ Ruether, Rosemary Radford (2008). Christianity and Social Systems: Historical Constructions and Ethical Challenges. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 138. ISBN 978-0-7425-4643-1. Neo-colonialism means that European powers and the United States no longer rule dependent territories, directly through their occupying troops and imperial bureaucracy. Rather, they control the area's resources indirectly, through business corporations and the financial lending institutions they dominate ...
  16. ^ Siddiqi, Yumna (2008). Anxieties of Empire and the Fiction of Intrigue. Columbia University Press. pp. 123–124. ISBN 978-0-231-13808-6. provides the standard definition of "Neo-colonialism" specific to the US and European colonialism.
  17. ^ Shannon, Thomas R. (1996). An Introduction to the World-system Perspective. Westview Press. pp. 94–95. ISBN 978-0-8133-2452-4., wherein "Neo-colonialism" is defined as a capitalist phenomenon.
  18. ^ Blanchard, William H. (1996). Neocolonialism American Style, 1960-2000. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 3–12, defines "Neo-colonialism" in page 7. ISBN 978-0-313-30013-4.
  19. ^ Seton-Watson, Hugh (1977). Nations and States: An Enquiry Into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism. Methuen. p. 339. ISBN 978-0-416-76810-7. Provides the history of the word "neo-colonialism" as an anti-capitalist term (p. 339_ also applicable to the U.S.S.R. (p. 322).
  20. ^ Edward M. Bennett. "Colonialism and Neo-colonialism" (pp. 285–291) in Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy. Alexander DeConde, Richard Dean Burns, Fredrik Logevall eds. Second Edition. Simon and Schuster, (2002) ISBN 0-684-80657-6. Clarifies that neo-colonialism is a practice of the colonial powers, that "the Soviets practiced imperialism, not colonialism".
  21. ^ "World Bank, IMF Threw Colombia Into Tailspin" Archived September 29, 2012, at the Wayback Machine The Baltimore Sun, April 4, 2002
  22. ^ "Europe Takes Africa's Fish, and Boatloads of Migrants Follow" Archived September 26, 2015, at the Wayback Machine The New York Times, January 14, 2008
  23. ^ United Nations 2007
  24. ^ "Africa 'should not pay its debts'". BBC News. 6 July 2004. Retrieved 23 November 2013.
  25. ^ Online, Asia Time. "Asia Times Online :: China News - Military backs China's Africa adventure". Archived from the original on 2012-07-21.
  26. ^ "Mbeki warns on China-Africa ties". 14 December 2006 – via
  27. ^ a b "China in Africa". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved 23 February 2019.
  28. ^ "China overtakes US as Africa's top trading partner".
  29. ^ "Breaking News, World News & Multimedia".
  30. ^ "Chinese imperialism in Africa - International Communist Current".
  31. ^ "China in Africa". Archived from the original on 2009-02-08.
  32. ^ "Green Left - CHINA: Is China Africa's new imperialist power?". March 12, 2007. Archived from the original on 2007-03-12.
  33. ^ "Is China the new colonial power in Africa?" Archived March 3, 2016, at the Wayback Machine Taipei Times, November 1, 2006
  34. ^ Bräutigam, Deborah (April 12, 2018). "Opinion | U.S. politicians get China in Africa all wrong". Washington Post. Retrieved 23 February 2019.
  35. ^ Beech, Hannah (20 August 2018). "'We Cannot Afford This': Malaysia Pushes Back Against China's Vision". The New York Times.
  36. ^ Abi-Habib, Maria (25 June 2018). "How China Got Sri Lanka to Cough Up a Port". The New York Times.
  37. ^ Mutua, Makau. "Why China remains greatest threat to Kenya's sovereignty". The Standard. Retrieved 2019-05-06.
  38. ^ Poghosyan, Benyamin (22 November 2018). "China – US Relations: The Need for Talks to Overcome Misperceptions". Georgia Today. Archived from the original on 23 November 2018. Retrieved 23 November 2018. The Western concept of development inextricably contain the notion of exploiting others’ resources for own advancement. The inter-European wars, as well the history of European colonialism, covering vast territories of Asia, Africa and America and large-scale slave trade, prove this notion of Europeans exploiting others’ resources for development. Thus, Europeans are viewing the Chinese growth-oriented policy through their own lens: Chinese development will usher in the exploitation of outside resources, first of all neighboring states, and later spreading through the Euro Atlantic area, with the Belt and Road initiative being the main vehicle of this policy.
  39. ^ "Malaysia's Mahathir warns against 'new colonialism' during China visit". ABC News. 2018-08-21. Retrieved 2018-08-23.
  40. ^ "Mahathir fears new colonialism, cancels 2 Chinese projects on Beijing visit - Times of India". The Times of India. Retrieved 2018-08-23.
  41. ^ Jaipragas, Bhavan (2 October 2018). "Is China's belt and road colonialism? Mahathir: not at all". South China Morning Post.
  42. ^ "Dr M: I didn't accuse the Chinese". The Edge Markets. 3 October 2018.
  43. ^ Anderlini, Jamil (2018-09-19). "China is at risk of becoming a colonialist power". Financial Times. Retrieved 2019-08-02.
  44. ^ Mark Langan (11 October 2017). Neo-Colonialism and the Poverty of 'Development' in Africa. Springer. pp. 94–101. ISBN 978-3-319-58571-0. While the 'China Threat' discourse deployed by Western actors paints China as the 'other' in contrast to the apparently virtuous intervention of Europe and the USA, nevertheless, it would be misguided to maintain the opposite stance [...] It is important, however, to avoid the 'othering' of China as per the 'China Threat' discourse. China is not alone in the perpetuation of conditions of mal-governance and ill-being. Western actors—as well as other emerging powers—facilitate their own economic and political interests via aid and trade to the detriment of African sovereignty.
  45. ^ a b c d "Korea's Overseas Development Backfires". 4 December 2009.
  46. ^ Coherent State Support Key to Overseas Resources Development Archived March 4, 2016, at the Wayback Machine Korea Times.
  47. ^ Madagascar scraps Daewoo farm deal Financial Times.
  48. ^ S. Korea Leases Philippine Farmland to Grow Corn Archived March 3, 2016, at the Wayback Machine Korea Times.
  49. ^ Gratale, Joseph Michael (26 March 2012). "Walberg, Eric. Postmodern Imperialism: Geopolitics and the Great Games". European journal of American studies. ISSN 1991-9336.
  50. ^ Nayna J Jhaveri (2004). "Petroimperialism: US Oil Interests and the War in Iraq". Antipode (PDF). Oxford, United Kingdom. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
  51. ^ Grosfoguel, Ramon (3 April 2007). "The Epistemic Decolonial Turn". Cultural Studies.
  52. ^ Sabrin, Mohammed (2013). "EXPLORING THE INTELLECTUAL FOUNDATIONS OF EGYPTIAN NATIONAL EDUCATION" (PDF). External link in |website= (help)
  53. ^ In a manner consistent with Immanuel Wallerstein's World Systems Theory (Wallerstein, 1974) and Andre Gunder Frank's Dependency Theory (Frank, 1975).

Further reading

  • Opoku Agyeman. Nkrumah's Ghana and East Africa: Pan-Africanism and African interstate relations (Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1992).
  • Ankerl, Guy (2000). Global communication without universal civilisation. INU societal research. Vol.1: Coexisting contemporary civilisations : Arabo-Muslim, Bharati, Chinese, and Western. Geneva: INU Press. ISBN 2-88155-004-5.
  • Bill Ashcroft (ed., et al.) The post-colonial studies reader (Routledge, London, 1995).
  • Yolamu R Barongo. neo-colonialism and African politics: A survey of the impact of neo-colonialism on African political behavior (Vantage Press, NY, 1980).
  • Mongo Beti, Main basse sur le Cameroun. Autopsie d'une décolonisation (1972), new edition La Découverte, Paris 2003 [A classical critique of neo-colonialism. Raymond Marcellin, the French Minister of the Interior at the time, tried to prohibit the book. It could only be published after fierce legal battles.]
  • Frédéric Turpin. De Gaulle, Pompidou et l'Afrique (1958-1974): décoloniser et coopérer (Les Indes savantes, Paris, 2010. [Grounded on Foccart's previously inaccessibles archives]
  • Kum-Kum Bhavnani. (ed., et al.) Feminist futures: Re-imagining women, culture and development (Zed Books, NY, 2003). See: Ming-yan Lai's "Of Rural Mothers, Urban Whores and Working Daughters: Women and the Critique of Neocolonial Development in Taiwan's Nativist Literature," pp. 209–225.
  • David Birmingham. The decolonisation of Africa (Ohio University Press, 1995).
  • Charles Cantalupo(ed.). The world of Ngugi wa Thiong'o (Africa World Press, 1995).
  • Laura Chrisman and Benita Parry (ed.) Postcolonial theory and criticism (English Association, Cambridge, 2000).
  • Renato Constantino. Neocolonial identity and counter-consciousness: Essays on cultural decolonisation (Merlin Press, London, 1978).
  • George A. W. Conway. A responsible complicity: Neo/colonial power-knowledge and the work of Foucault, Said, Spivak (University of Western Ontario Press, 1996).
  • Julia V. Emberley. Thresholds of difference: feminist critique, native women's writings, postcolonial theory (University of Toronto Press, 1993).
  • Nikolai Aleksandrovich Ermolov. Trojan horse of neo-colonialism: U.S. policy of training specialists for developing countries (Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1966).
  • Thomas Gladwin. Slaves of the white myth: The psychology of neo-colonialism (Humanities Press, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1980).
  • Lewis Gordon. Her Majesty's Other Children: Sketches of Racism from a Neocolonial Age (Rowman & Littlefield, 1997).
  • Ankie M. M. Hoogvelt. Globalisation and the postcolonial world: The new political economy of development (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001).
  • J. M. Hobson, The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation (Cambridge University Press, 2004).
  • M. B. Hooker. Legal pluralism; an introduction to colonial and neo-colonial laws (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1975).
  • E.M. Kramer (ed.) The emerging monoculture: assimilation and the "model minority" (Praeger, Westport, Conn., 2003). See: Archana J. Bhatt's "Asian Indians and the Model Minority Narrative: A Neocolonial System," pp. 203–221.
  • Geir Lundestad (ed.) The fall of great powers: Peace, stability, and legitimacy (Scandinavian University Press, Oslo, 1994).
  • Jean-Paul Sartre. 'Colonialism and neo-colonialism. Translated by Steve Brewer, Azzedine Haddour, Terry McWilliams Republished in the 2001 edition by Routledge France. ISBN 0-415-19145-9.
  • Peccia, T., 2014, "The Theory of the Globe Scrambled by Social Networks: A New Sphere of Influence 2.0", Jura Gentium - Rivista di Filosofia del Diritto Internazionale e della Politica Globale, Sezione "L'Afghanistan Contemporaneo", The Theory of the Globe Scrambled by Social Networks
  • Stuart J. Seborer. U.S. neo-colonialism in Africa (International Publishers, NY, 1974).
  • D. Simon. Cities, capital and development: African cities in the world economy (Halstead, NY, 1992).
  • Phillip Singer(ed.) Traditional healing, new science or new colonialism": (essays in critique of medical anthropology) (Conch Magazine, Owerri, 1977).
  • Jean Suret-Canale. Essays on African history: From the slave trade to neo-colonialism (Hurst, London 1988).
  • Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o. Barrel of a pen: Resistance to repression in neo-colonial Kenya (Africa Research & Publications Project, 1983).
  • Carlos Alzugaray Treto. El ocaso de un régimen neocolonial: Estados Unidos y la dictadura de Batista durante 1958,(The twilight of a neocolonial regime: The United States and Batista during 1958), in Temas: Cultura, Ideología y Sociedad, No.16-17, October 1998/March 1999, pp. 29–41 (La Habana: Ministry of Culture).
  • Uzoigw, Godfrey N. "Neocolonialism Is Dead: Long Live Neocolonialism." Journal of Global South Studies 36.1 (2019): 59-87.
  • United Nations (2007). Reports of International Arbitral Awards. XXVII. United Nations Publication. p. 188. ISBN 978-92-1-033098-5.
  • Richard Werbner (ed.) Postcolonial identities in Africa (Zed Books, NJ, 1996).

External links

Academic course materials

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