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NUTS statistical regions of Norway

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

As a member of EFTA, Norway (NO) is not included in the Classification of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS), but in a similar classification used for coding statistical regions of countries that are not part of the EU but are candidate countries, potential candidates or EFTA countries. The three levels are:

  • level 1 (equivalent to NUTS level 1): Norway
  • level 2 (equivalent to NUTS level 2): 7 Regions
  • level 3 (equivalent to NUTS level 3): 19 Counties

The codes are as follows:

NO0 Norway
NO01 Oslo og Akershus
NO011 Oslo
NO012 Akershus
NO02 Hedmark og Oppland
NO021 Hedmark
NO022 Oppland
NO03 Sør-Østlandet
NO031 Østfold
NO032 Buskerud
NO033 Vestfold
NO034 Telemark
NO04 Agder og Rogaland
NO041 Aust-Agder
NO042 Vest-Agder
NO043 Rogaland
NO05 Vestlandet
NO051 Hordaland
NO052 Sogn og Fjordane
NO053 Møre og Romsdal
NO06 Trøndelag
NO061 Sør-Trøndelag
NO062 Nord-Trøndelag
NO07 Nord-Norge
NO071 Nordland
NO072 Troms
NO073 Finnmark

Below these levels, there are two LAU levels (LAU-1: economic regions; LAU-2: municipalities).

The LAU codes of Norway can be downloaded here: [1]Page white excel.png

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  • ✪ Invisible Immigrants: Spaniards in the U.S. (1868-1945)
  • ✪ Douglas Mallette - Science, Engineering and Technology for Human Concern - Blindern, in Oslo, Norway
  • ✪ General Chemistry 1B. Lecture 11. Global Warming: Why, When, and How

Transcription

>> From the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C. >> Juan Manuel Perez: The topic of today is a topic that has been largely forgotten. When we think of Spaniards in the U.S., the first thing that comes to mind are the Conquerors and the explorers of the 16th century, 17th century and even 18th century, but contemporary Spanish immigration to the U.S. has been largely forgotten. And, except maybe for the work by Herman Breda [phonetic] in 1992, published by the Murphy Foundation. It is a subject that is, you know, basically unknown. That's why, when I was contacted this spring and told about the research that our speaker today has been doing for the last 7 years, I got real excited because, obviously, immigration is, for obvious reasons, is of interest to me since I am an immigrant. I was born and raised in Spain. Professor Fernandez is professor of Spanish History and Literature at New York University. He received his BA from Dartmouth College in 1983 and his MA and PhD in Romance Languages in Literature from Princeton University in 1988. He taught at Yale University from 1988 to 1995 before moving to New York University where he has been ever since. At NYU, he served for 12 years as the Inaugural Director of University's King Juan Carlos Center of Spain. He is author or editor of several books on Spanish literature, history and culture. And, for the last 7 years, he has been working on a major project aimed at documenting the history of Spanish immigration to the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Together with Luis Argeo in 2014, he coauthored the book that he will talk to us about today, "Invisible Immigrants: Spaniards in the U.S. 1868-1945". Professor. [ Applause ] >> James D. Fernandez: Thank you so much, Juan Manuel. I'd like to express, or repeat, the expressions of gratitude to everyone who has made this event possible, the Library of Congress, Mariel, Catalina and Juan Manuel Perez. I'd also like to acknowledge the support of the Consul General of Spain in Washington who's not here yet. I think he might be on his way, but Enrique Sarda Valls has been very supportive of this project and I'd like to recognize that. And, also, thank Maria Molina Alvarez de Toledo, recently appointed cultural head of the Embassy's cultural office, for joining us today. Thank you so much. Many of you have been supporting this project over the years. And, actually, I've had the incredible privilege of just meeting, today here, some people that, over the last few years, have been sending photographs and information and even money [laughter] to support, to support this project. And it really is, it's a pleasure and an honor to be here. It's kind of daunting to be in the Library of Congress and it's daunting, also, to start meeting old friends, or seeing old friends and meeting new friends, some of which have been Facebook friends for several years. So, thank you all, really, for being here and for your support of this project. I'm going to begin by invoking a speech that might seem very familiar to many of you. In the midst of a profound economic and social crisis, an aspiring politician attacks the immigrants of a certain nation portraying that nation as a lawless mess and accusing that nation's government of intentionally sending its most undesirable citizens to the United States. Sound familiar? [Laughter] They are not sending us their best. But the speech that I'm thinking of might sound familiar, but I don't think any of you have ever heard it before. Because the discourse that I'm referencing was delivered just a few steps from here, was delivered just a few steps from here on the Floor of the House of Representatives in 1920. The speaker was Congressman Harold Knutson, Republican of Minnesota, and his exact words were these. Spain is a seething mess of anarchy and the Spanish government is gathering these anarchists and dumping them on us, 1920 on the Floor of the House of Representatives. In the speech, this Norwegian born Congressman Knutson [laughter] talks about having recently visited Ellis Island where he claims to have witnessed the arrival on a single day of 2,000 Spaniards. It is in the face of this perceived invasion that Knutson and many of his colleagues, anti-immigrant colleagues, proposed the construction, not of a physical wall, but of a legal, statistical obstacle, a funnel. And, within a few years, the United States would enact a series of very strict national quotas limiting the immigration of many, especially Asians, but also Southern and Eastern Europeans. So, by 1924, the annual quota for Spaniards who could legally enter the United States was 131 from the whole country, for the whole year. See if I can talk and chew gum at the same time. I cite this example of -- unpleasant example of Hispanophobia directed, in this case, against, specifically against Spaniards from 100 years ago because I think it will surprise many of you that citizens of Spain were generating such anxiety among anti-immigrant folks like the good Congressman from Minnesota, or not so good. It tends to surprise because very few people know that, in the last decades of the 19th and early decades of the 20th century, tens of thousands of Spaniards ended up settling in tightly knit enclaves all over the United States from Tampa, Florida to Boise, Idaho, from Sacramento, California to Barre, Vermont. As Juan Manuel said, I've made these invisible immigrants the subject of my research for the last 7 or 8 years, and I'd like, today, to briefly present some of the findings of this work. Spaniards in the Americas, Juan Manuel also alluded to this already, for many people in the U.S. and probably for many people in Spain as well, this phrase, Spaniards in the Americas, almost certainly will evoke images of the Conquistadores, explorers and friars who, in the name of the Spanish crown, mapped, explored, conquered and settled vast swaths of the Americas, south, central and north during the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, including, of course, very large portions of the territory that, today, forms part of the United States. Very few people realize, however, that the number of Spaniards who left the Iberian Peninsula to come to the Americas in the latter half of the 19th century and the first decades of the 20, is vastly greater than the number of all of the Spaniards who made that same trip in the previous 4 centuries. Now think about that. You can add up -- if we add up the Spaniards who came to the Americas between 1850 and 1930, the estimate made by historians is 4 million. Four million Spaniards in that 80 year period came to the Americas, whereas, between Columbus's first voyage in 1850, we're talking about a different scale, hundreds of thousands, and not millions. So the implications of this are that the massive demographic, cultural presence of Spaniards in the Americas is really a 19th and 20th century phenomenon. And, when we start thinking this way, pretty much everything changes. Here's Consul General Enrique, thank you so much for joining us. >> Enrique Sarda Valls: Sorry to be late. >> James D. Fernandez: No, I hope you'll -- . >> Enrique Sarda Valls: -- I'm sorry to be late, ladies and gentlemen, but I wasn't, I couldn't find the right building [laughter]. So I prayed, I apologize. >> James D. Fernandez: Thank you so much. >> Enrique Sarda Valls: Go on. >> James D. Fernandez: Thank you. Yeah, so the implications of this statistic, right, are that -- and it should, I think it should change the way we think about the history of Spain, the history of Spain's presence in the Americas. The massive presence of Spaniards on these continents is a modern, almost contemporary phenomenon. And it occurs mainly after Spain has lost sovereignty over most of the Americas. Those millions of Spaniards are traveling, for the most part, to countries that have achieved their independence from Spain with the exception, of course, of Cuba and Puerto Rico which also continue to receive massive number of immigrants through the late 19th century. But a lot of people don't know that immigration to Cuba from Spain actually accelerated and intensified after 1898, okay. It seems like a paradox, but we can talk about that, and it's actually, it can be explained, okay? It's in the context of the waning of the Spanish Empire in the American Hemisphere and the emergence of the United States as an interventionist imperialist world power in this late 19th, early 20th century. And, especially here in what came to be called the American Hemisphere, it's that context, it's within that context that roughly 4 million Spaniards came to the Americas. And, of course as we know, the vast majority of those Spaniards went to Spanish speaking countries for obvious reasons, cultural, linguistic affinity. But a significant number of them ended up in the United States. Did that work? [ Inaudible Comment ] Okay, it's the same picture I think. So, for several years, I've been working with Luis Argeo, a writer and filmmaker from Asturias. We have been crisscrossing the U.S. and Spain interviewing the descendants of these intrepid immigrants, filming their oral histories and, whenever possible, scanning their family albums. Our long term goal is to create a vast, digital online archive available to anyone, historians or families, or anyone interested in this little known chapter of the shared history of Spain and the U.S. Along the way, as we build this archive, we're producing documentary films, we've completed 2, online exhibitions and physical exhibitions and, also, books. The first book is the one I'd like to talk about today, "Invisible Immigrants". It was just over a year ago that we realized, Luis and I, that we had already amassed an archive of more than 7,000 photographs, most of them never seen beyond the immediate context of the family that owned them. And we realized that those photos are an invaluable resource for the reconstruction of this history, and decided that the time had come to try to tell the general story of this diaspora through those photographs. And the book is the product of that decision. So this is the map that we developed as part of the project of developing the book. We've marked enclaves where we've either conducted research, or intend to conduct research. It's not complete. The book has been out for, I guess, 6 or 8 months now. We've already got lots of angry E-mails saying, "Bethlehem, Pennsylvania's not on there" [laughter] and so we'll be adding to it. But, in general terms, I have, you know, I'm going to give you a very quick overview of the diaspora and of the book. In general terms, we can think that the Spaniards who came here either came via formal recruitment efforts where an American company would actually go to Spain and put up signs and actively recruit Spanish laborers for specific industry or task. And then, what's more common, are more informal networks that develop. This is typical in Spanish immigration to Latin America as well, these informal networks of families and towns and industries and sectors of the economy develop where countrymen from one part of Spain settle themselves in a certain place and involved in a certain sector of the economy. And they start bringing cousins and nephews and uncles and such. So there are formal arrangements, formal recruitment, and a lot of informal networking. In terms of the formal arrangements, by far, the largest and most interesting and bizarre episode in the history of Spanish immigration to the U.S. occurred between 1907 and 1913 when the Hawaiian sugarcane planters association wanted to recruit white workers to work on the sugarcane plantations of the Hawaiian Islands. And they started this vast campaign of recruiting, they recruited many, the recruited many people from Puerto Rico. They recruited many, probably the largest number from Portugal. But, for this 6 year period between 1907 and 1913, they also concentrated on southern Spain where, in the provinces of Malaga and Granada, they've been growing sugarcane for over a thousand years. The sugarcane planters in Hawaii knew this. Remember, the United States took over Hawaii in 1898 and so, we're in 1907, there's explicit attempt to whiten and improve the gene stock of the Hawaiian Islands by recruiting white European workers. And so the planters look around the globe and see where are there white folk that know how to work with sugarcane, and the Madeira, the Azores, Southern Spain and the Caribbean also. Within 6 years, they recruited 8,000 Spaniards to make the more than 50 day voyage to Hawaii from -- the first ship left from Malaga, the next 6 left from Gibraltar. Remember, the Panama Canal was not open yet, it was actually being constructed, so it was a journey across the Atlantic around South America into the Pacific and up to Hawaii. Eight thousand Spaniards took that journey and, roughly, two-thirds of them, within a few years, realized that Hawaii was not what they were looking for. And they were not satisfied with the conditions and made a quick second emigration to California where they settled around Sacramento. And many of the dots that you see there correspond to enclaves of Spaniards who are actually rebounding from the Hawaiian Islands. And they work predominantly in agriculture, in fruit and nut harvesting and also in fishing and fish canneries. So that's sort of the biggest and clearest example of direct, active recruiting. Most of the other examples are less direct. But I'll point out, because we have some members in the audience from Tampa, Tampa, Florida became a crucial enclave of Spaniards vast. By far, if we want to find a place in the United States where this history that I'm talking about has left a visible trace, Tampa, Florida is the place we need to go. In 1886, a Valencian born cigar maker, Vicente Martinez Ybor, decided to move his cigar making center from Key West, where he had moved in 1869, that's another story. The book has the date 1868 in there, if I had more time, I'd explain why that is. In any case, Tampa, Florida becomes the center of the cigar trade, Cuban cigar trade, in 1886. And, within a few decades -- I should point out, Tampa had a population of 700 in 1886 when Vicente Martinez Ybor opened his factory in the part of -- now part of Tampa called Ybor City. Within a couple of decades, it had a population of over 100,000. And, at its peak, Tampa had more than 200 cigar factories and turned out a million cigars a day. It was the capital of cigar production in the world. And the owners of most of those factories were from Spain, Spanish born. Many of the workers were Spanish born, there were also a lot of Cuban cigar makers, but the owners of the factories were, for the most part, immigrants themselves from Spain. So that's the story of Tampa. The presence of Spaniards in Tampa got so big that, of course, many Spaniards could make livings having restaurants and cafes and dairies catering to the Spaniards, all right. It was a community so large that it generated a diverse economy of Spaniards. Something similar happens in the New York area, whereas, in California, we can say almost all of the immigrants devoted themselves to agriculture and fishing. In the case of New York and Tampa, to a certain extent, where the economy was very diverse, we have Spaniards in all walks of life. Entertainment, food, hardly anyone knows this, but the founder of Goya Foods which most Americans associate with its consumers which are largely not Spanish, but the founder of Goya Foods was from Burgos. Prudencio Unanue was a Spaniard who formed part of this same story that I'm telling. Gregorio Bustelo, you guys drink -- before there was Starbucks, the only good coffee you could get was Café Bustelo, dark roasted Latin style coffee. Gregorio Bustelo was from Galicia, okay? We associate that brand with Puerto Ricans and Cubans who are the main consumers, and to whom the product has been marketed the most, okay? There are lots of dots in the western mountain states corresponding mostly to enclaves of basks who were brought over to work as shepherds on the vast ranches and shepherd ranges of the Montana, Nevada, Idaho and Washington State. There's also in the audience, I just today, met someone who I've been corresponding with for some years now who's a representative of Spaniards in the area of St. Louis, Missouri. And there's a whole archipelago of enclaves around the center of the country, most of which have something to do with metal industry. Again, I can't go into the details of the story, but there was a zinc foundry in a part of Asturias in the county of Castile Leon which is actually where my grandfather is from. A zinc foundry that exported thousands of workers to similar factories wherever there was zinc. So Luis and I have learned this in our research, if we want to identify enclaves of Spaniards, one of the things we can do is to go to guides of industry and find out where there was zinc in, say, 1910. Wherever there was zinc, there were Spaniards. Unlikely places like West Virginia. There were so many Spanish workers in West Virginia in 1910 that an honorary Spanish consulate was set up in Clarksburg, West Virginia to attend to the Spanish workers. So West Virginia, the St. Louis area on both sides of the river, many Spanish immigrants, mostly from Asturias and mostly from this very region around Arnaud [phonetic] right near Aviles, Consejo de Castilla y Leon. So all those dots in Donora, Pennsylvania, Spelter, West Virginia, Kent in Ohio, those all correspond to what we call the zinc circuit. So just to give a rough idea of where these, how this map was made and where these folks settled. So the book, we analyzed the oral histories that we had collected, and we looked over this vast archive of images, and came up with a story that it's not any one immigrant's story, but it's kind of a composite average story based on all of the information that we've gathered. And we created 6 chapters in the book, each chapter corresponded to one of the sentences of the story, which, as you can see, is very simple. In time of great upheavals among millions of other immigrants, they were but a drop in the bucket. In chapter 1, contains photographs that we scanned from family albums of life in Spain prior, immediately prior to the departure and also the kinds of images that the immigrants brought with them from Spain. They arrived and spread out all over the country in search of opportunities. Chapter 2 is devoted to work, the kinds of work that they did and the photographs that they made of their work. Chapter 3, together they laughed and cried, together they lived and loved. This is the longest chapter of the book that looks at social customs, leisure time, cultural activities, courtship, marriage, children and the fabric of life. Chapter 4 is about the organizations that the Spaniards formed, I'll talk a little bit about that when we get to that chapter. But they formed vast networks of very diverse organizations to take care of each other. Chapter 5, they got organized and rallied behind a cause that lost. The impact of the Spanish Civil War on this community cannot be underestimated, and it played a crucial role in the kinds of decisions they made about where they were from and where they wanted to be from. And, finally, they were here to stay, the last chapter, contains images of assimilation, those images of becoming permanently American. So chapter 1, we have lots of photographs like this one which is a picture of those left behind. Many family albums contain photographs of the loved ones who didn't emigrate. This is a family in Alicante in the village of Casas del Senor. And these are the folks who didn't come, okay. It's from an album in Monterey, California. The relatives of these folks went to Hawaii and ended up in California. The grandson of these folks would become the Mayor of Monterey, California and serve for 20 years as the Mayor of Monterey from 1986 to 2006. Our first documentary film is a portrait of Daniel Albert in his original Valenciano name, Dan Albert in perfect English [laughter], an amazing character. Let's see, this is the house that those people lived in in Alicante. This is a typical portrait of immigrant on the eve of immigration. This is from Lugo. Jose Vasquez was about to leave for Cuba. We'll see him later in New York in front of his clothes store. The family saved many documents, including this incredible poster that was put up all over southern Spain. This is a scan of an original poster promising [inaudible] to Spaniards who were willing to get on the ship and go to Hawaii. It lays out the conditions and describes Hawaii in these terms of paradise. Also, a lot of pictures in family albums are, as I said before, like relics from the old country. These 2 pictures are, especially interesting because, on the left, is Juan Sanchez Aricon [phonetic] of Cadiz, of San Roque in his army outfit which he wore when he was sent to fight in the Spanish American War in 1896. And we see the same Juan Sanchez Aricon on the right at a photographic studio at La Limia shortly before embarking, once again to cross the Atlantic, but this time to continue on to the Pacific and become a sugar cane worker on the Hawaiian islands. He'd serve in the army of the country that he fought against in World War I. And it's not that uncommon. These folks, they were in the Spanish American War fighting for Spain in the late 1800s and drafted to fight in the U.S. Army in World War I. The descendants of this photograph are in the audience. I've just met them. This is a portrait of Santa Maria del Mar in the county of Castrillon. This is the Fernandez Menendez family, the entire family emigrated to the Saint Louis area. And this is the typical, kind of portrait on the vispera, the eve of departure, kind of documenting this is what we look like just before we go. The second chapter, they arrived and spread out all over the country in search of opportunities. This is a group of Galician immigrants aboard the ship that brought them, Ocupania [phonetic] in the family album of Valego [phonetic] in Newark, New Jersey. This is the exploration of their places of work. We realized, as we did this chapter, that there are some work places where you don't take your camera. So people that worked inside mines or digging tunnels or in the engine room of a ship which are vast amounts of Spaniards, those are very typical occupation, we don't really have photographs of that. Whereas, we have a preponderance of photos of Spaniards proudly standing in front of their businesses. So the small business person, the guy who owned a cigar factory or a hardware store or a boarding house or a café, we have many, many beautiful pictures of that genre. But we should keep in mind that a lot of these folks were in places where cameras didn't go, okay. Documents like passports or visas, like this one, here's a picture of -- I'm sorry, that's a passport I guess, yeah. This is a photograph of Tampa cigar workers at a boarding house in Ybor City. These are recently arrived immigrants from Galicia, from Sava in the province of A Coruna on the house of the tenement where they lived on the Lower East Side with the Manhattan Bridge in the background. Again, this photograph which looks like it should be in a museum is in the family album of the Sanchez Alonso family in Astoria Queens. And, like this, hundreds of documents that we're doing everything we can to preserve. These are, this is the staff of a legendary Basque hotel in the West Village, Valentina Gira, crucial figure in the history of Spanish immigration. Valentina Gira had several sons, he'd send them to the docks. When the ships bearing Spaniards would come in, they would shout in Basque and in Spanish [foreign language spoken], oh, if you follow me, all Basques and Spaniards, he'd take them to 82 Bank Street where they'd get a room and a meal and advice about where to find work, very often in those sheep ranches out in the west. Valentina Gira was in constant contact with his Basque compatriots. He had a vast network, and he worked basically an employment agency out of this location. The building still stands in the West Village. Here's that same fellow we saw before, Jose Vasquez on the eve of his departure. He was in Cuba for some years, then came to New York, ended up owning a woman's clothing store on 14th Street which was the heart of a neighborhood once called Little Spain, La Vernia [phonetic]. A grocery store in West Tampa which had rooms above it for single cigar workers, bachelor cigar workers. This is a factory crew at the zinc foundry in Spelter, West Virginia. The Basque Hotel in San Francisco, I'm pretty sure this is prior to the great earthquake. I think this hotel burned down in 1906. Migrant Spanish farmworkers near Vacaville in California, notice the tents in the background, these Spaniards traveled around like many people do today, many Spanish speaking people do today in California still, mostly Mexican. Traveling up and down the California Valley based on the cycle of the harvest of the crops. There were Spaniards doing this in the '20s and '30s. And here's a group of Spanish children and those tents are where they would sleep in harvest season. Uh-oh. Okay, I don't know what happened there. That's okay. This is a very moving picture of the burial of a cannery worker in Monterey, California, a young Spaniard who died in an industrial accident. Next chapter, living la vida, in Spanglish, because that sort of started becoming the language spoken by this community as they had children and adapted to life in the United States. Chapter devoted to, as I said before, leisure, fun, courtship, marriage, things like that. Again, beautiful photographs. The beach, this is Rye Beach, New York, bunch of Asturian girls [laughter]. It was very common to take these kind of gag photographs, especially a newly arrived Spanish immigrant would think, oh what a joke, I'm driving a car. It was like it was so outlandish, especially if they sent this back to the village, that it was funny. But the remarkable thing is that 3 or 5 years later, they'll be sending back photos of them actually driving cars. But, yeah, right now it's a gag. Many beautiful studio portraits often taken to send back to the relatives. This is a pool room in Ybor City, not a place you'd want to get caught late at night, if you're not from Ybor City. This is a gorgeous photograph, it looks like Asturias. The Asturian born Angel Alonso [phonetic] who lost his job in New York during the Depression, and went back to doing what he knew how to do best which was farming. He moved to upstate New York and rented a farm and grew apples and made hay and had cows and he's in Walk Hill, New York, and it looks like he's back in Navares Asturias which was his hometown near Arriondas. His children were born in New York and Manuel is still alive, one of my main informants, the fellow on the right. He's 95. That farm that they set up became, eventually, a kind of boarding house, a hotel, where they would take in other Spanish families in the summer months who were trying to get away from the heat of the city and eat some fresh food and speak Spanish. My family's actually in this photograph, my father's the little boy in the very center of the picture, because his family would occasionally spend a week there in the summer, again, to get out of the sweltering heat of the city. It's so moving to find photographs of one family in the album of another family, but it's happening to us more and more. So I was looking through the photographs of the Alonso family and came across this photo of my grandfather and grandmother and parents. Some photographs, like this, have almost allegorical value because this is a family of Sevillanos who went to Hawaii and then to California. And it's almost as if their stringed instruments were allegorically telling the story [laughter]. They've got the Spanish guitar, the Hawaiian ukulele and the American banjo [laughter]. The next chapter is about the organizations that they formed. Like all other immigrants who came to the U.S. before the New Deal, the Spaniards landed in a country where there was no safety net, no ready-made welfare state, there was no social security, no unemployment insurance, no medical insurance. And these Spaniards all over the U.S. responded to this situation with an astounding spirit of entrepreneurship and solidarity, forming all manners of clubs and organizations to help them care for one another. So this is a picnic, this is one-fourth of a vast panoramic picture of the Spanish community in Cleveland, Ohio, 1930. Another Saint Louis picture, this is the -- the building still exists -- this is the Sociedad Espanola of Saint Louis, Missouri. They brought with them a game, El Hoyo Del La Jave [phonetic] which many Spaniards probably don't know because it's very peculiar to the area of Asturias where they're from. But the guy in the front is holding this pole with these aspas [phonetic] and the game consisted of throwing these metal discs from a certain distance and trying to hit those blades on that stick. There's still a league of La Jave in Saint Louis, I've been told, and you can still go there and play and probably gamble, I would guess. Canton, Ohio, I mentioned it before, had a very active social club. And Canton is unusual because, as I mentioned before, one of the streams of immigrants are the Asturianos who come following the zinc circuit. The other stream are on the [inaudible] who come from the Rio Tinto, Rio Tinto mines in the province of Nuerva [phonetic]. There's a lot of labor unrest and people are being laid off their jobs in the teens and into the twenties. And there's a mini diaspara of [inaudible] from the province of Huelva to Canton where they mix with the Spaniards. And so their annual picnics have both flamenco guitar and gaita. And we've documented cases of Asturian boys who learned to become flamenco musicians because of this mingling, something that is not likely to happen on the peninsula. This is the Centro Vasco Americano in New York. The picture's taken in the club's fronton. They had an indoor handball jai alai court from 1930. Soccer teams, again from Saint Louis, [inaudible] 1934. And in other places like Tampa, Florida, where there was more contact with the Cuban world, baseball took precedence over soccer and baseball was bigger in Tampa than soccer. And the Centro Asturiano had its own ball team. Some very famous professional baseball players of Spanish descent emerged. I'll mention a couple in my conclusion. Families conserved a lot of documents, like this membership book, actually a dues book from the Union Benefica Espanola De Hollister California. This is the Majestic Theater of Tampa's Centro Asturiano which still stands. I think there's 1400 seats in that auditorium. It hosted artists like Enrico Caruso and other greats. It was, for many years, one of the best venues in all of Florida, in terms of its acoustics for music and theater. And this is a celebration, or the -- it's a meeting commemorating the 6 months of a workers' strike, a cigar workers' strike in 1920. The Spanish Civil War, by the time the war breaks out in July of 1936, the colonies of Spanish immigrants all over the United States are at their peak in terms of numbers and cohesiveness. So they've been arriving steadily from 1898 to 1920, 22, when those quota laws are put in place and it becomes much harder to get in. But they still get, continue to get it in, lest everyone think that they were all legal, uh-unh. And, actually, the Cuba, Tampa entry was a lot easier than Ellis Island for, after the quota laws were enacted for Spaniards. So the community is at its highest point in terms of cohesiveness and numbers. If you think about it, the Great Depression forced them into helping each other. So those organizations that they founded, maybe at the beginning, they were supporting our cultural organizations but, after 1929, they become mutual aid societies or burial societies. There's a real need for the community to help each other. So throughout the early 1930s, those clubs get stronger and stronger and, when the war breaks out in Spain in 1936, the vast majority of these working class immigrants were pro-Republican. And most of their clubs, in fact, I can't find many examples of any clubs that were pro-Insurgents, pro-Franco, right. So the vast majority of the immigrants, and almost all of their organizations, turned their efforts to the raising supply -- raising support for the loyalist cause. And the family albums are full of these documents. Stunning pictures like this on 14th Street, outside of -- it was actually they're picketing a Spanish business which is proof that there were Spaniards who were pro-Franco. That was Casa Moneo, a very important grocery store on 14th Street. But this is, it looks like a newspaper picture, but it's actually -- the person who showed me this says, "Oh, that's my Aunt Zazi", so this is a family picture [laughter]. Fantastic portraits like this one, [foreign language spoken] Canton, Ohio, 1937. Assorted pictures from the album of a family in New Jersey. These are children in Tampa, Florida dressed up like milicianas with the popular front salute. A mass meeting in Manhattan's Center. A family in Canton, Ohio has preserved all of the programs, since the 1930s, of the annual Spanish Picnic organized by the Spanish colonies of the area. In this juxtaposition of 2 of the program covers, the one on the left is from 1937, and the one on the right is from 1946, I think this juxtaposition provides a perfect illustration of the process I'm trying to document and describe in which the Spanish Civil War marks a point of no return for the immigrants in the U.S. The language and the design of these 2 covers shows that something catastrophic has occurred between 1 cover and the other, right. From a Spanish speaking community on the left still looking back towards Spain, still living in Spain in some ways, still deeply involved in the affairs of the old country. In 9 years, we move to a community that's English speaking and that, this very forward looking American family which seems well on its way to assimilation. So I think that this is a perfect example of how, in our research, we've learned that the Spanish Civil War was really the point where most of these folks realized that, if they dreamt about going back, it wasn't going to happen, or it certainly wasn't going to be easy. I'll start wrapping up. They were here to stay. One of our standard questions, when we interview the descendants of immigrants, is, if their parents or grandparents had come to the U.S. knowing that they would permanently stay here, or if they had come hoping to make some money and return to Spain. And our informants, often, respond with firmness, sometimes mixed with surprise, almost annoyance at the question. Oh, no, they came here because they wanted to become American. It's kind of the standard line that we get from descendants of immigrants which is really not true and has never historically been true of any immigrant that ever left any country, any time in the history of immigration [laughter]. And those same people who, without thinking about it, say, "Oh, no, they came knowing that they would become Americans", they then start to tell us stories and, in some cases, they share their archives with us. In many cases, those archives have letters in Spanish that they haven't read, or can't read, because they don't have Spanish. And it's always a much more complicated picture and there's almost always a burning desire to, at some point, go back to Spain. The Spanish Civil War is what really kind of shuts that door. And we find this in family after family. It's really only then that that dream is put aside or, at least, postponed. Those same families that say, "Oh, no, our parents came to become Americans", then we go through the archive and we come across the Certificates of Naturalization and it's 1939, 1940, 1941. And I'm thinking, okay, your mother came in 1911. She registered in the Spanish Consul every year, 1912, 13, 14, she'd go to San Francisco to affirm her Spanishness because she needed the assistance of the Consulate and because, maybe, she dreamt of going back to Spain. All those years, she was maintaining her Spanish citizenship. And, only in '39, '40, '41, does she go and become an American citizen. I think, maybe, she was hoping that maybe she would, someday, go back to Spain. This is a beautiful Thanksgiving dinner in San Leandro, California. These were folks that had passed through Hawaii. I love these pictures of multi-generations where you can see, almost, the process of assimilation. The Spanish grandmother in the dress and the Spanish granddaughter in the bathing suit, and the mother kind of in between these worlds, right. In some ways, the whole process is there. Actually the mother of this picture was born in the Panama Canal zone. Her parents were operating a funda there. Lovely portraits of these children assimilating. That's Dan Albert, Daniel Albert. Born in 1930, his parents didn't allow him to play American sports during the early years of his life because they were going to go back to Spain. You couldn't play that barbaric version of football and get hurt, and not be able to work. By 1940, he was trying out for the football team and became captain of the football team. And had this -- and eventually coach of the Monterey High School football team. And here's his mother's Naturalization Certificate from 1940. Spanish women studying in a kind of business school in New York. This fellow, Uncle Bill Castro, his claim to fame, in the 1930s, was his castanet playing. And, in the 1940s, we see him playing the drums. So a lovely graduation picture from Tampa. And we come back to the kind of where we started. This family from Castrillon, from Santa Maria del Mar, all of whom immigrated. I think they had some other children that also eventually came. And we jump forward 30 years and see them here at a family gathering in 1934 in East Saint Louis. I don't know if you can see the patriarchs are still there. The mother and father here, here they are 30 years later. Those children have now had children and, in 1 case, the baby in the arms of the matriarch of the family is the first great grandchild of this clan who, I've just been told, is the only person still alive of everyone in this picture. So I'll -- in closing, folks like these and all the people that we've been looking at, got into this country just under the wire, in some ways, in that brief window of time before Mr. Knutson and likeminded politicians stopped the flow of these dangerous elements that, according the anti-immigration lobbies, Spain and other countries were dumping on the United States. The descendants of some of these folks have become famous, like the actor, Martin Sheen, the musician, Jerry Garcia, all the ballplayers, Al Lopez, Lou Piniella and Tino Martinez. But the vast majority, like the bulk of a massive iceberg, led lives full of solidarity, sacrifice and dignity and became fully assimilated and, therefore, practically invisible American citizens as teachers, doctors, homemakers, lawyers, bakers, politicians, et cetera. And many of us are among you today. We've been fortunate enough to be able to interview many children of the immigrants who are now in their 80s and 90s. They are usually the keepers of these precious archives and they are the ones who possess the keys that we need to interpret family documents and photographs. So, with each passing generation, information gets a little sketchier and the photographs get a little bit closer to being put in the attic and, God help us, maybe even someday disposed of, right? These people won't be with us much longer which is what lends real urgency to this project and to our task of rescuing the documentary legacy of Spain's intrepid invisible -- intrepid and invisible immigrants. Thank you. [ Applause ] >> Enrique Sarda Valls: Thank you, James. I'm going to address you some words, ladies and gentlemen, better late than never. I met James earlier this year and it was by chance. We were sitting together at the [foreign language spoken], which is a gathering of Spanish gentlemen and, only male generally, that will meet regularly every month at [foreign language spoken] for chatting over lunch and coffee. And James was sitting next to me. I had just arrived a few months before in Washington and hardly knew anyone. And we start talking about this and I was so fascinated by it from the first moment about his project, that I said, you must come to the Consulate and deliver a lecture on the subject. And, after I learned more about it, my fascination increased, particularly when I knew that it was crowdfunding was the method to gather the monies to carry out the project. And also the thing that to resort to private family archives to reconstruct the history of the Spanish immigration to this country was a matter of big, big interest for me. James held this lecture at the Consulate in February, I recall, it was an enormous success. And ever since, I was so enthusiastic about his work that I tried to promote it with my web pages, with my Facebook and, when he offered me to come here today, I immediately accepted. It's a great pleasure to be with you and to share with you this deeply moving human experience. As a human, as a Spanish Consul General, and 36 years of career behind me, I had the opportunity of dealing with a lot of immigrants. And these photos that we have seen here today are the photos that any Spanish family could have in its album, in their albums. And my family will find photos like that, of course I am already a little bit rather old, I'm 63 years old. But they're style of my childhood, until in Spain in the 1960s was exactly the one that we can see on these photographs. So it has been, for me, a very, very moving experience. It is interesting, at this point, to make a difference when what is our immigration today to the United States and what was the traditional immigration. Today, we have, nowadays, we have a Spanish brand new immigration to United States which started more or less after the first years of the crisis, the big, the big crisis in Spain. And it has nothing to do with this kind of, with was our traditional immigration or which was the immigration that help Spain to develop in the '60s. This was a manpower immigration, labor. And the immigration we have today is what is called, has been called talent immigration. And it is fascinating to establish the difference between these kinds that translates the progress and [inaudible] by my country. I am very, very proud of it and, because Spain has been contributing to the United States in the past and now according to its possibilities. And when I talk about the actual, the present immigration to the United States, I see that it is the fruit of 2 generations at least of families that have done everything for their children, to provide their children for a higher degree of education. And, I must say, to the United States come the best of our brains nowaday. And I don't think that's [inaudible] that is to deprive [inaudible] country of its own talent. On the contrary, now these people are going to return, most of them eventually, to Spain and they're going to return with the -- we're going to return with the experiences with our networks, with our contacts, and our new knowledge and that will enormously enriching for my country and from Europe. And I always say that Spain has a role to play in this country in the Latin or Hispanic collective because, myself, I consider myself here in the United States like a Latino or Hispanic from Spain, like someone would be Latino, Hispanic from Venezuela or Cuba. And I think that we have definitely a role still to play here in this country. And I'm very, very optimistic about what's going on nowadays. Thank you very much for having come today and thank you to you, James, for your admirable work. [ Applause ] >> This has been a presentation of the Library of Congress. Visit us at loc.gov.

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