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Military dictatorship in El Salvador

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Republic of El Salvador
República de El Salvador
1931–1979
Motto: "Dios, Unión, Libertad" (Spanish)
English: "God, Unity, Freedom"
Anthem: Himno Nacional de El Salvador
English: "National Anthem of El Salvador"
Location of El Salvador
CapitalSan Salvador
Common languagesSpanish
Demonym(s)Salvadoran
GovernmentUnitary presidential republic under a military dictatorship
President 
• 1931–1934,
1935–1944
Maximiliano Hernández Martínez
• 1934–1935,
1944
Andrés Ignacio Menéndez
• 1944–1945
Osmín Aguirre y Salinas
• 1945–1948
Salvador Castaneda Castro
• 1950–1956
Óscar Osorio
• 1956–1960
José María Lemus
• 1962
Eusebio Cordón Cea
• 1962–1967
Julio Aldaberto Rivera
• 1967–1972
Fidel Sánchez Hernández
• 1972–1977
Arturo Armando Molina
• 1977–1979
Carlos Humberto Romero
LegislatureConstitutional Assembly
Historical eraWorld War II, Cold War
2 December 1931
22–25 January 1932
7–11 May 1944
14–18 July 1969
15 October 1979
1979–1992
Population
• 1950
2,200,000
• 1970
3,736,000
CurrencySalvadoran colón
ISO 3166 codeSV
Preceded by		 Succeeded by
El Salvador
El Salvador
Today part ofEl Salvador
Part of a series on the
History of El Salvador
Coat of Arms of El Salvador
flag El Salvador portal

The Salvadoran military dictatorship was the period of time in Salvadoran history where the Salvadoran Armed Forces governed the country for almost 48 years from 2 December 1931 until 15 October 1979. The authoritarian military dictatorship limited political rights throughout the country and maintained its governance through rigged and fixed elections.

The military came to power in El Salvador when the first democratically elected president, Arturo Araujo, was overthrown in a military coup d'état on 2 December 1931. The military appointed Araujo's vice president, Brigadier General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez, as acting president on 4 December 1931. He remained in office until he was forced to resign on 9 May 1944 following strikes and protests by students[a] in the capital of San Salvador. He was followed by three short-lived presidents, who were then succeeded by Óscar Osorio in 1950. His successor, José María Lemus, was overthrown in a military coup d'état in 1960 and was replaced by Julio Adalberto Rivera Carballo in 1962. From 1962 to 1979, the National Conciliation Party (PCN) ruled the country in a de facto one party state; opposition parties existed, but in practice held no real power. The military regime ended on 15 October 1979, when young military officers overthrew President Carlos Humberto Romero and established the Revolutionary Government Junta, a joint civilian-military government which ruled the country from 1979 until the presidential elections of 1982. The fall of the military government marked the beginning of the twelve-year-long Salvadoran Civil War which lasted until 1992.[1]

Many atrocities and human rights violations were committed under the Salvadoran military government. Under Martínez, the Salvadoran Army massacred anywhere from 10,000 to 40,000 peasants and indigenous people in response to a communist uprising in 1932, in an event known in El Salvador as La Matanza.[b][2] The National Democratic Organization was established by Rivera in 1965. It was a collection of far-right paramilitaries and death squads that tortured political opponents, intimidated voters, rigged elections, and killed peasants.[3][4] President Fidel Sánchez Hernández initiated the Football War with Honduras in July 1969, claiming that the Honduran government had allowed violence targeting Salvadorans to go unchecked following El Salvador's victory over Honduras in the 1970 FIFA World Cup qualifiers.[5] In March 1979, President Romero ordered soldiers to fire on a crowd of protestors using live ammunition.[6] The military regime received support from the United States due to its anti-communist stance, which aligned with the United States' Cold War interests.[7]

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Transcription

Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course World History and today things are going to get a little bit confusing, because we’re going to talk about revolution and independence in Latin America. It’s a bit confusing because 1. Latin America is big, 2. It’s very diverse, 3. Napoleon makes everything complicated and 4. As we’ve seen in the past, sometimes revolutions turn out not to be not that revolutionary. [why a solid marketing dept. is key] Witness, for instance, the New England Revolution, who instead of, like, trying to form new and better governments are always just kicking balls around like all the other soccer [futbol] teams. [Intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] Right, so before independence, Latin American society was characterized by three institutions that exercised control over the population. The first was the Spanish Crown, or if you are Brazilian, the Portuguese crown. So, as far as Spain was concerned, the job of the colonies was to produce revenue in the form of a 20% tax on everything that was called “the royal fifth.” So government administration was pervasive and relatively efficient— because it had to be in order to collect its royal fifth. I mean, the church even controlled time – the church bells tolled out the hours and they mandated a seven day work week so that people could go to church on Sunday. [so HobbyLobby store hours aren't super inconvenient, they're just old skool?] And finally, there was patriarchy. [yeuup, there's a shocker] In Latin America, like much of the world, husbands had complete control over their wives and any extra-or-pre-marital skoodilypooping was severely punished. I mean, when it was the women doing the illicit skoodilypooping. Men could basically get up to whatever. [RIP Helen Gurley Brown. much love] This was mainly about property rights because illegitimate children could inherit their father’s property, but it was constructed to be about, you know, purity. To get a sense of how patriarchy shaped Latin American lives, take a gander at Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz, whose name I’m actually abbreviating. A child prodigy who spoke five languages by the age of 16, de la Cruz wanted to disguise herself as a boy so she could attend University, [plot of 80's flick Just One of the Guys] but she was forbidden to do so. Still, she wrote plays and poetry, she studied math and natural science, [Girls do Get Curves, Danica McKellar!] and for being one of the leading minds of the 17th century, she was widely attacked, and eventually forced to abandon her work and sell all 4,000 of her books. That’s a shame because she had a great mind, once writing that “Aristotle would have written more if he had done any cooking.” [oooh, snap!] Couple other things: First, Latin America led the world in transculturation or Cultural Blending. A new and distinct Latin American culture emerged mixing 1. Whites from Spain called Peninsulares, 2. Whites born in the Americas called creoles, 3. Native Americans, and 4. African slaves. This blending of cultures may be most obvious when looking at Native American and African influences upon Christianity. The Virgin of Guadalupe, for instance, was still called Tonantzin, the indigenous earth goddess, by Indians, and the profusion of blood in Mexican iconography recalls the Aztec use of blood in ritual. But transculturation pervaded Latin American life, from food to secular music to fashion. Somewhat related: Latin America had a great deal of racial diversity and a rigid social hierarchy to match. There were four basic racial categories: white, black, mestizo –a mix of white and American Indian- and mulatto, a mix of white and black. We try not to use that word anymore because it’s offensive, but that’s the word they used. And from the 16th century on, Latin America had a huge diversity of mixed race people, and there were constant attempts to classify them and divide them into castes. You can see some of these in so called casta paintings, which attempted to establish in a very weird and Enlightenment-y way all the possible racial combinations. But of course that’s not how race works, as evidenced by the fact that successful people of lower racial castes could become “legally white” by being granted gracias al sacar. [pretty jacked up, white? right, I mean..] So by 1800, on the eve of Latin America’s independence movements, roughly a quarter of the population were mixed race. So Brazil… he said as thousands of Argentinians booed him— is obviously different because it was ruled, not by Spain, but by Portugal. But like a lot of revolutions in Latin America, it was fairly conservative. The creoles wanted to maintain their privilege while also achieving independence from the Peninsulares. And also like a lot of Latin American revolutions, it featured Napoleon. [forever makes me think of Bill &Ted] Freaking Napoleon. You’re everywhere. [except in line for certain roller coasters] He’s behind me, isn’t he? Gah. So when Napoleon took over Portugal in 1807, the entire Portuguese royal family and their royal court decamped to Brazil. And it turned out, they loved Brazil. King Joao loved Brazil so much. Off topic, but do you think that J-Woww named herself after King Joao? I mean, does she have that kind of historical sensibility? I think she does. [that whole bit really just happened, btw] So King Joao’s life in Rio was so good that even after Napoleon was defeated at the Battle of Waterloo, he just kind of stayed in Brazil. And then, by 1820, the Portuguese in Portugal were like, “Hey, maybe you should come back and, like, you know, govern us, King of Portugal.” So in 1821, he reluctantly returned to Lisbon, leaving his son Prince Pedro behind. Meanwhile, Brazilian creoles were organizing themselves around the idea that they were culturally different from Portugal, and they eventually f ormed a Brazilian Party— no, Stan not that kind of party, come on— yes. That kind. A Brazilian party to lobby for independence. Then in 1822, they convinced Prince Pedro of boring, old Portugal that he should just become King Pedro of sexy, big Brazil. So Pedro declared Brazil an independent constitutional monarchy with himself as king. [as one does, naturally] As a result, Brazil achieved independence without much bloodshed and managed to hold on to that social hierarchy with the plantation owners on top. And that explains why Brazil was the last new world country to abolish slavery, not fully abandoning it until 1888. Right, so even when Napoleon wasn’t forcing Portuguese royals into an awesome exile, he was still messing with Latin America. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. So Latin America’s independence movements began not with Brazil, but in Mexico when Napoleon put his brother on the Spanish throne in 1808. [nepotism; always a classy move] Napoleon wanted to institute the liberal principles of the French Revolution, which angered the ruling elite of the Peninsulares in what was then called New Spain. They were aristocrats and they just wanted to go back to some good old-fashioned divine right monarchy with a strong church. So the Mexican Creoles, seeking to expand their own power at the expense of the Peninsular elite saw an opportunity here. They affirmed their loyalty to the new king, who was French even though he was the king of Spain. I told you this was complicated. Then, a massive peasant uprising began, led by a renegade priest Padre Hidalgo, and supported by the Creoles because it was aimed at the Peninsulares, even though they weren’t actually the ones who supported Spain. This was further complicated by the fact that to the mestizo peasants led by Hidalgo, Creoles and Peninsulares looked and acted basically identical— they were both white and imperious— [preferable to avada kedavrious?] so the peasants often attacked the Creoles, who were, technically on their side in trying to overthrow the ruling peninsulares. Even though it had tens of thousands of supporters, this first peasant uprising petered out. But, a second peasant revolt, led by another priest, Father Morelos, was much more revolutionary. In 1813, he declared independence and the revolt lasted until his death in 1815. But since he was a mestizo, he didn’t gain much Creole support, so revolutionary fervor in Mexico began to fade until … 1820, when Spain, which was now under the rule of a Spanish, rather than a French king, had a REAL liberal revolution with a new constitution that limited the power of the church. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So, in the wake of Spain’s liberalizing movements, the Mexican elites, who had previously supported Spain, switched sides and made common cause with the creoles in the hopes that they could somehow hold onto their privileges. And pushing for independence together, things went very well. [stay together to stay alive, just like L4D!] The Creole general Iturbide and the rebel mestizo commander Guerrero joined forces and won independence with most of the Peninsulares returning to Spain. Iturbide –the whiter of the two generals – became king of Mexico in 1822 (remember, this was a revolution essentially AGAINST representative government). But that didn’t work out and within a year he was overthrown by the military and a republic was declared. Popular sovereignty was sort of victorious, but without much benefit to the peasants who actually made independence possible. This alliance between conservative landowning elites and the army - especially in the face of calls for land reform or economic justice— would happen over and over again in Latin America for the next century and a half. But before we come to any conclusions, let’s discuss one last revolution. But, the interior of Venezuela was home to mixed-race cowboys called llaneros who supported the king. They kept the Caracas revolutionaries from extending their power inland. And that, is where Simon Bolivar, “el Libertador,” [young portrait w foppish 'stache is fave] enters the picture. Bolivar realized that the only way to overcome the various class divisions (like the one between the Caracas creoles and llaneros) was to appeal to a common sense of South American-ness. I mean, after all, the one thing that almost all South Americans had in common: they were born in South America, NOT SPAIN. So then, partly through shows of toughness that included, like, crossing flooded plains and going without sleep, Bolivar convinced the llaneros to give up fighting for Spain and start fighting against them. He quickly captured the viceregal capital at Bogota and by 1822 his forces had taken Caracas and Quito. Hold on, hold on. Lest I be attacked by Argentinians [to get back the plutonium you stole?] who are already upset about what I said about their really good soccer team, I want to make one thing clear. Argentina’s general Jose de San Martin was also vital to the defeat of the Spanish. He led an expeditions against the Spanish in Chile and also a really important one in Lima. [helping McKinley advance to Nationals over dreaded rivals, Vocal Adrenaline] And then, in December of 1824, at the battle of Ayacucho, the last Spanish viceroy was finally captured and all of Latin America was free from Spain. Oh, it’s time for the open letter? That’s A chair, Stan, but it’s not THE chair. [damp spirit kicks internal pebble] [rolls with broken heart to unimpressive leather-not-puce-velvet club chair sub] An Open Letter to Simon Bolivar. [part-time purple pieman impersonator] But first, let’s see what’s in the secret compartment today. Oh, llanero. I wonder if his hips swivel when I wind him up. [sorry, Meatwad, night-vision goggles & action bills not included.] Context is everything. They do! Hey there, cowboy. Dear Simon Bolivar, First, you had fantastic [legit] muttonchops. It’s as if you’re some kind of handsome Martin Van Buren. [surely an original sentence there] You were a man of immense accomplishments, but those accomplishments have been richly rewarded. I mean, you have a country named after you. Not to mention, two different currencies. [Canadian loonie pwns, regardless] But for my purposes, the most important thing you ever did was die. You may not know this, Simon Bolivar, but when I'm not a world history teacher sitting next to a fake fireplace, I am a novelist. [young adult + Dawson's Creek FanFic] [tell you his pen names for a price] And your last words, “Damn it, how will I ever get out of this labyrinth,” feature prominently in my first novel, Looking for Alaska. [ sup, Nerdfighteria? xoxo, dj ] Except it turns out, those weren’t your last words. [d'oh?] Your last words were probably, “Jose, bring the luggage.” [alt: "Hey, watch this!"] But I decided to use your fancy, romantic, inaccurate last words. It’s called artistic license. Put that in your luggage. [my, Johnny Bookwriter is saucy today] Anyway, fantastic life. I just wish you’d nailed it a little bit better with your last words. Best wishes, John Green So by 1825, almost the entire western hemisphere – with a few exceptions in the Caribbean —was free from European rule. Oh, right. And Canada. [Oh, Canada!] I’m just kidding, Canadians. It’s so easy to make fun of you because you’re so nice. So I tease you and then you’re like, “Aw, thanks for noticing that we exist.” My pleasure. Anyway, this is pretty remarkable, especially when you consider that most of this territory had been under Spanish or Portuguese control for almost 300 years. The most revolutionary thing about these independence movements were that they enshrined the idea of so called popular sovereignty in the New World. Never again would Latin America be under the permanent control of a European power, and the relatively quick division of Latin America into individual states, despite Bolivar’s pan South American dream, showed how quickly the people in these regions developed a sense of themselves as nations distinct from Europe, and from each other. This division into nation states prefigures what would happen to Europe in the mid-19th century, and in that sense, Latin America is the leader of 19th century world history. And Latin American history presages another key theme in modern life— multiculturalism. And all of that makes Latin America sound very modern, but in a number of ways, Latin American independence wasn’t terribly revolutionary. First, while the Peninsulares were gone, the rigid social hierarchy, with the wealthy creoles at the top, remained. Second, whereas revolutions in both France and America weakened the power of the established church, in Latin America, the Catholic Church remained very powerful in people’s everyday lives. And then, there is the patriarchy. Although there were many women who took up arms in the struggle for independence, including Juana Azurduy who led a cavalry charge against Spanish forces in Bolivia, patriarchy remained strong in Latin America. Feminist ideas like those of Mary Wollstonecraft would have to wait. Women weren’t allowed to vote in national elections in Mexico until 1953. And Peru didn’t extend voting rights to women until 1955. Also, Latin America’s revolutionary wars were long and bloody: 425,000 people died in Mexico’s war for independence. And they didn’t always lead to stability: Venezuela, for instance, experienced war for much of the 19th century, leading to as many as a million deaths. And it’s important to note that fighting for freedom doesn’t always lead to freedom, the past two centuries in Latin America have seen many military dictatorships that protect private property at the expense of egalitarian governance. “Freedom,” “independence,” and “autonomy” are complicated terms that mean different things to different people at different times. So too with the word “revolutionary.” Thanks for watching. I’ll see you next week. Location change because I forgot to record the credits, and my shirt matches the wall. Probably should have thought about that one a little bit harder. [DFT record the credits, next time then?] Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Danica Johnson, [!] the show is ably interned by Agent Meredith Danko, TVCS and it’s written by my high school history teacher Raoul Meyer and myself. Our graphics team is Thought Bubble. Last week’s phrase of the week was "giant squid of anger." If you want to suggest a future phrase of the week or guess at this week’s, you can do so in comments, where you can also ask questions that will be answered by our team of historians. Look at the beautiful Crash Course poster! [nice job, ThoughtBubblers!] Available now at DFTBA.com link in the video description. Thanks for watching, and as we say in my home town, Don’t Forget they can’t get your goat if they don’t know where you keep it.

Background

Quiñónez–Meléndez dynasty

Dr. Manuel Enrique Araujo became president of El Salvador on 1 March 1911.[8] He was president until his assassination on 9 February 1913 by farmers.[9] He was succeeded by Carlos Meléndez who served as acting president until 29 August 1914 when he was succeeded by Alfonso Quiñónez Molina.[10][11]

Carlos Meléndez and Quiñónez established a political dynasty under the National Democratic Party (PDN) which lasted from 1913 until 1931.[12] Carlos Meléndez was president from 1 March 1915 until his resignation on 21 December 1918.[10] He later died on 8 October 1919 in New York City.[13] Meléndez was succeeded by Quiñónez until his younger brother, Jorge Meléndez, was elected President.[11] Jorge Meléndez was president from 1 March 1919 until 1 March 1923 when he was succeeded by Quiñónez who remained in power until 1 March 1927.[11][14] Quiñónez's vice president, Pío Romero Bosque, succeeded him on 1 March 1927.[15]

Unlike his predecessors, Romero Bosque did not appoint a successor and held El Salvador's first free election.[16][17] In the election, Labor Party (PL) candidate Arturo Araujo, a relative of Araujo, won 46.65 percent of the vote and became president on 1 March 1931, ending the Quiñónez–Meléndez dynasty and the PDN's grip on power.[17][18] Araujo's vice president was Brigadier General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez of the National Republican Party.[17]

Economic crisis

Araujo became president during a severe economic crisis due to the effects of the Great Depression.[16] From 1871 to 1927, El Salvador was called a "coffee republic" due to its heavy reliance on coffee exports to sustain its economy.[19] However, because of the Great Depression, coffee prices fell 54 percent and the Salvadoran economy was unable to sustain itself.[16] Because of the economic crisis, wages fell, food supplies became limited, and living conditions worsened.[16] The crisis caused peasant unrest across western El Salvador, and as a result, Araujo appointed Martínez to be the country's Minister of National Defense.[20][21] Araujo attempted to implement a tax reform to combat the economic crisis, however, resistance from wealthy landowners caused the reforms to fail.[17]

Araujo cut expenditures to the military and refused to pay its soldiers which caused anger within the military.[17][21] The military moved to overthrow Araujo and on 2 December 1931, the Army overthrew his government at 10 pm local time.[17][21][22] The coup was a watershed moment in Salvadoran history since it began the nearly 48 year long military dictatorship of the country.[23]

Maximiliano Hernández Martínez

Further information: Civic Directory, Maximiliano Hernández Martínez, and La Matanza
The Civic Directory of El Salvador in December 1931.

The military established the Civic Directory, a junta composed of military officers, to govern the country on 2 December 1931.[24] The directory was co-chaired by Colonels Osmín Aguirre y Salinas and Joaquín Valdés.[17][24] The directory was dissolved on 4 December and power was transferred to Martínez who assumed dictatorial powers as acting president.[17][24][25] Martínez promised to hold a legislative election in January 1932, but when the Communist Party won many municipalities, he canceled the election results.[7][26] Further elections were also canceled.[27] The elections did, however, give the government a list of communist party members.[2] The list allowed the government to arrest prominent communist leaders on 18 January 1932.[28]

Brigadier General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez was president from 1931 until his resignation in 1944.

The communist party believed that democracy had failed them,[29] and communists and peasants across the country, led by Farabundo Martí, Feliciano Ama, Mario Zapata, and Alfonso Luna.[30] Peasants rose up on 22 January 1932 in Ahuachapán, Santa Tecla, and Sonsonate, killing at most 100 people in the uprising.[31] Martínez responded by sending the military to crush the revolt.[32] In Martínez's crackdown, around 10,000 to 40,000 peasants were killed.[2][7][28] The event is known as La Matanza, "the Massacre," in El Salvador.[28] The Constitutional Assembly issued Legislative Decree No. 121 on 11 July 1932, which granted unconditional amnesty to anyone who committed crimes of any nature during La Matanza in order to "restore order, repress, persecute, punish and capture those accused of the crime of rebellion of this year."[33]

Because of the 1923 Central American Treaty of Peace and Amity, the United States refused to recognize Martínez's government's legitimacy.[34] The US only recognized his government after the events of La Matanza.[35] Martínez eventually denounced El Salvador's membership of the treaty on 26 December 1932.[35][36][37]

Martínez helped El Salvador's financial situation improve during his presidency. On 23 February 1932, Martínez suspended payment on foreign debt, and again on 1 January 1938, but the debt was eventually paid off in 1938.[38] The Central Reserve Bank of El Salvador was established during his administration on 19 June 1934 to help stabilize the colón, the national currency.[39] He appointed Luis Alfaro Durán as president of the Central Bank.[39] Martínez established Social Improvement, a welfare program to support poor peasants in July 1932.[40]

The Martínez regime sought to maintain the image of democratic legitimacy in the nation. Martínez won the 1935, 1939, and 1944 presidential elections under the banner of the National Pro Patria Party (PNPP).[18][40] His party also won legislative elections in 1936, 1939, and 1944, however, for both the legislative and presidential elections, he was the only candidate, the PNPP was the only legal political party, and election results were sometimes not publicized.[18][41]

World War II

See also: Latin America during World War II

Martínez was personally sympathetic to Nazi Germany and Italy.[40] He appointed Wehrmacht General Eberhardt Bohnstedt as the director of the Military School.[42][43] The Salvadoran Air Force purchased aircraft from Italy in 1938 for US$39,000 with some of the payment being made with coffee.[44] Minister of National Defense Andrés Ignacio Menéndez attempted to purchase planes from the United States but North American Aviation refused to accept coffee as a percentage of the payment.[44] El Salvador was one of the first nations to recognize the Nationalists under Francisco Franco as the legitimate government of Spain in 1936.[45][46] El Salvador was also the first country after Japan to recognize the independence of Manchukuo.[47][48]

Some Salvadorans supported the Axis as on 10 June 1940, the day Italy joined the Second World War, 300 men dressed like the Italian Blackshirts marched in the streets of San Salvador in support of Italy; however, the government suppressed the march.[49] Under pressure from the United States, the government fully supported the Allies on 8 December 1941 after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.[40][50][51] El Salvador declared war on Japan on 8 December and then later Germany and Italy on 12 December.[50] The government arrested German, Italian, and Japanese nationals and seized their land.[52] El Salvador never provided soldiers to directly fight in the war but it did send workers to maintain the Panama Canal.[53] During the war, George Mantello and Colonel José Castellanos Contreras saved 40,000 Jews from Central Europe, mostly from Hungary, by providing them false Salvadoran passports and political asylum.[54]

The Palm Sunday Coup attempt.

In 1944, he held an election and elected himself to a third term as president.[18][40] The move angered many politicians, military officers, bankers, and businessmen since it overtly violated the constitution.[55] On 2 April 1944, Palm Sunday, pro-Axis military officers attempted a coup against Martínez.[55] The 1st Infantry Regiment and the 2nd Artillery Regiment rose up in San Salvador and Santa Ana and seized the national radio station, took control of the Air Force, and captured the Santa Ana police station.[56] Martínez was able to take control of the situation and ordered military units still loyal to put down the uprising which was accomplished by 3 April.[56] Reprisals lasted for two weeks, martial law was declared, and a national curfew was established.[56]

Civilians wanted to remove Martínez from power and so on 2 May 1944, students took to the streets of San Salvador in the Strike of Fallen Arms to force his resignation.[56][57] The students engaged in non-violence to oppose the government.[57] On 7 May, the police shot and killed José Wright Alcaine, a 17-year-old who was a US citizen, which put pressure on Martínez to resign.[57][58] Martínez resigned on 9 May and left for exile in Guatemala.[55][56][57] Menéndez replaced Martínez as acting president and accepted the protestors' demands for amnesty for political prisoners, freedom of the press, and new general elections.[55][57][59] His term in office was short-lived as he was overthrown in a military coup d'état on 20 October 1944 and replaced by Aguirre.[55][60] Aguirre held the promised elections in January 1945.[18][55] He was accused of rigging the election in favor of a candidate he supported and the election resulted in Brigadier General Salvador Castaneda Castro becoming president with 99.70% of the vote.[18][55][61][62] Castaneda was deposed in a coup d'état on 14 December 1948 by young military officers.[55][63][64] The coup, known as the Major's Coup, forced all Salvadoran military officers above the rank of lieutenant colonel to resign.[64][65] The young officers established the Revolutionary Council of Government which governed the country until Major Óscar Osorio Hernández, the chairman of the Revolutionary Council of Government, was elected President in 1950.[18][65][66]

Revolutionary Party rule

Further information: Revolutionary Party of Democratic Unification
Lieutenant Colonel Óscar Osorio Hernández was president from 1950 to 1956.

Osorio Hernández ran under the banner of the Revolutionary Party of Democratic Unification (PRUD).[18] He became President of El Salvador on 14 September 1950 under a new constitution.[64][65][67] Osorio Hernández's policies supported economic development, agricultural reform, and social security programs, although policies like agrarian reform were not implemented as to not alienate wealthy landlords and oligarchs.[68]

Osorio Hernández was succeeded by Lieutenant Colonel José María Lemus on 14 September 1956 following the 1956 presidential election.[69] In the election, Roberto Edmundo Cannessa of the National Action Party, his primary and most popular opponent, was disqualified by the Central Electoral Council a month before the election which led to his landslide victory.[68] In office, he granted amnesty to many political prisoners and exiled politicians.[68] He also repealed several repressive laws instituted by his predecessors.[68] Following the Cuban Revolution in 1959, students in El Salvador were influenced by the nationalistic and revolutionary movement of Fidel Castro which led to protests for a truly democratic system to be implemented in the country.[68] In response, Lemus abandoned his reforms and cracked down on freedom of expression and arrested political opponents.[68] Lemus' turn to authoritarianism caused the military to turn against him and he was overthrown on 26 October 1960.[69][70][71]

The military established the Junta of Government and was led by Lieutenant Colonel Miguel Ángel Castillo.[70][71] Fabio Castillo Figueroa, one of the three civilian members of the junta, had pro-Castro views who was seen as a potential threat by the military.[71] The military overthrew the junta and replaced it with another junta, the Civic-Military Directory.[70] Lieutenant Colonel Julio Adalberto Rivera Carballo served as the chairman of the new junta and promised new elections for 1962.[70][71]

Conciliation Party rule

Further information: National Coalition Party (El Salvador) and Christian Democratic Party (El Salvador)

The junta was dissolved on 25 January 1962 and an independent politician, Eusebio Rodolfo Cordón Cea, was appointed as Provisional President.[72] During the 1962 presidential election, the newly formed National Conciliation Party (PCN) ran unopposed and its candidate, Rivera, won 100% of the vote.[18] He became president on 1 July 1962 under a new constitution.[73]

Although only the PCN had a candidate in the 1962 presidential election, other parties had formed and ran in the 1961 legislative election but gained no seats.[18] The most prominent opposition party was the Christian Democratic Party (PDC).[70][74] The party formed in 1960 and had broad support from the middle class.[70] The party came under attack from both the political left and right, with the left believing the party would uphold the capitalist economic system and increase wealth gaps while the right saw the party as a socialist reactionary movement that threatened their wealth and power.[70] The party, under Abraham Rodríguez Portillo and Roberto Lara Velado, believed Christian democracy was the best path forward for El Salvador's modernization.[70] The party's ideology was inspired by Pope Leo XIII's Rerum novarum and from the works of Pope John XXIII and French philosopher Jacques Maritain.[70] The party was also inspired from other Christian democratic movements in Chile and Venezuela.[70]

Rivera got El Salvador involved in US President John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress, an initiative to improve relations between Latin America and the United States through economic cooperation.[75][76] He supported the implementation of agrarian reform but it was never actually implemented.[77] He established the National Security Agency of El Salvador (ANSESAL) in 1965.[78] It served as the national intelligence agency of the country and it oversaw the operations of the National Democratic Organization (ORDEN), a group of paramilitaries that killed peasants, rigged elections, and intimidated voters.[3][4][79]

Rivera instituted electoral reforms by allowed opposition political parties to run in presidential elections and compete in legislative elections.[77] Previously, whichever party won the most votes in a certain department, that party won all seats and all representation for that department, but under his reforms, seats and representatives were elected proportional to how many votes a party got.[77] The reform allowed the PDC to gain 14 seats and the Renovating Action Party (PAR) won 6 seats in the Constitutional Assembly in the 1964 legislative elections.[18][77] In the election, José Napoleón Duarte, a prominent PDC politician, was elected as Mayor of San Salvador.[77]

The PCN maintained its control on power with United States support and through the country's continued economic growth.[77] In the 1967 presidential election, the PCN won with 54.37% of the vote with the PDC's nominee, Rodríguez Portillo, coming in second place with 21.62%.[18][80] Fidel Sánchez Hernández of the PCN became president on 1 July 1967.[81]

Football War

Main article: Football War

In the late 1960s, around 300,000 Salvadorans migrated to Honduras, many of whom entered the country illegally.[5][82] On 3 October 1963, Oswaldo López Arellano overthrew President Ramón Villeda Morales of Honduras and established a military dictatorship.[82] During López Arellano's regime, the Honduran economy staggered and he blamed the country's economic issues on the Salvadoran immigrants who were stealing Honduran jobs.[82]

During the 1970 FIFA World Cup qualifiers, Honduras and El Salvador competed in separate groups for the Confederation of North, Central American and Caribbean Association Football (CONCACAF) qualifications, Honduras was in Group 3 and El Salvador was in Group 4, both winning their respective groups.[83][5] The met each other in the semifinals.[83][5] Honduras won the first match in Tegucigalpa 1–0 on 8 June 1969.[5] Salvador won the second match in San Salvador 3–0 on 15 June.[5] Both matches witnessed violence from fans on both sides.[5][82] During the second match, the Salvadorans raised a dirty rag instead of the Honduran flag.[5] One of the players of the Honduran team, Enrique Cardona, reportedly stated, "We're awfully lucky that we lost. Otherwise we wouldn't be alive today."[5] The loss caused Honduran civilians to attack Salvadoran immigrants.[84] Salvadorans were murdered, assaulted, and had their homes burned, forcing 17,000 to flee back to El Salvador.[5][84] The Salvadorans called the attacks on the Salvadorans a massacre.[84]

A third match was held in Mexico City on 26 June to decide who would go on to the final round against Haiti.[5][84] The Salvadorans defeated the Honduras 3–2 in extra time and the Salvadoran team advanced to the finals.[5] The defeat caused further attacks against the Salvadoran immigrants and led to a migrant crisis in El Salvador since the government was unable to provide housing for all the refugees coming from Honduras.[84]

Due to the ongoing crisis, El Salvador severed diplomatic ties with Honduras on 26 June and declared war on 14 July 1969.[5][82][84][85] The Salvadoran Air Force attacked the Toncontín International Airport to disable the Honduran Air Force and the Salvadoran Army launched a two prong invasion following two major roads connecting the two countries.[5] After two days, the Honduran Air Force began attacking Salvadoran air bases in Chalatenango and La Unión, halting the Salvadoran advance.[5] After four days of fighting, the Organization of American States (OAS) negotiated a cease fire on 18 July.[5] El Salvador withdrew its troops on 2 August and the OAS promised to guarantee the safety of the Salvadorans in Honduras.[5] Around 2,000 people, most of whom were civilians, were killed during the war.[86]

Initially, Salvadoran politics were united against Honduras, but the Communist Party and the left eventually turned against the war and continued to oppose the government.[86][87] The war also caused the Salvadoran economy to stagnate and many refugees overcrowded the country.[7][86]

Political and social tensions

Further information: Right-wing paramilitarism in El Salvador and 1972 Salvadoran presidential election
José Napoleón Duarte was the UNO presidential candidate in 1972 and was exiled to Venezuela after a coup attempt in 1972.

The refugees coming from Honduras to El Salvador received little to no aid or support from the Salvadoran government.[5] To the refugees, now living in poverty, left-wing groups such as the United Front for Revolutionary Action (FUAR), Unified Popular Action Front (FAPU), and Christian Federation of Salvadoran Peasants (FECCAS) seemed as the only opportunity to raise themselves out of poverty.[7] As a result, left-wing militant organizations grew in size and numbers and continued to gain more support among the poor population.[7] The increased support led to an increase in left-wing terrorist actions against the government.[88]

The PDC gained more support from the refugees as well.[7] The PDC advocated for land and agrarian reform to gain the support of the voter base.[86] The refugees coming from Honduras had no land to farm like they had in Honduras so they overwhelmingly supported the PDC.[86] In January 1970, the government established the National Agrarian Reform Congress to begin implementing agrarian reforms that were demanded for by the people.[86] The congress consisted of members that were from the government, the opposition, labor groups, and businesses.[89]

The PDC lost 3 seats in the Constitutional Assembly in the 1970 legislative elections while the PCN gained 7 seats.[18][89] The election was claimed to have been rigged by the PCN to ensure they would gain seats and retain a majority.[18][89] In 1972, the PDC joined forced with two other political parties, the National Revolutionary Movement (MRN) and the Nationalist Democratic Union (UDN), to run in the 1972 presidential and legislative elections under the banner of the National Opposing Union (UNO).[18][90][91] Colonel Arturo Armando Molina was the candidate of the PCN while Duarte was the PDC candidate.[90] The Central Election Board stated that Duarte had won by 9,000 votes with 327,000 votes compared to Molina's 318,000, but the PCN called for a recount.[90][92] A recount was conducted and the statement was changed and it declared that Molina won by 10,000 votes.[93] The final result was that Molina won 43.42% of the vote while Duarte won 42.14%.[18] Duarte and Guillermo Ungo, his running mate, petitioned for a second recount but the petition was denied.[90] UNO also lost 9 seats in the 1972 legislative election while the PCN gained 5 more seats.[18]

On 25 March 1972, a group of young left-leaning military officers called the Military Youth attempted a coup d'état against Sánchez Hernández to prevent Molina from becoming president.[90] The officers were led by Colonel Benjamin Mejía and their goal was to establish a revolutionary junta and establish Duarte as president.[90] The coup plotters captured Sánchez Hernández and the National Palace.[90] Duarte announced his support for the coup and the coup plotters called for garrisons to support the coup, however, the Air Force attacked the National Palace and garrisons engaged the revolutionaries.[94][95] By 26 March, the coup was over and 200 were killed.[95] Sánchez Hernández retook power and Duarte was arrested.[94] He was initially sentenced to death but it was commuted to torture and he was exiled to Venezuela.[94][95]

Molina took office on 1 July 1972.[96] On 19 July, he had tanks attack the University of El Salvador.[97] Around 800 were arrested and another 15 were exiled to Nicaragua.[97] He closed the university for two years to "eliminate the opposition."[97] Molina attempted to institute land reform in 1976 but it only increased political unrest since the reforms redistributed little to no land to the peasants.[98][99]

UNO selected Ernesto Antonio Claramount Roseville as its candidate for the 1977 presidential election while the PCN selected brigadier general and incumbent Minister of National Defense Carlos Humberto Romero as its nominee.[100] Romero was declared to have the election with 67.30% of the vote while according to witnesses, Claramount actually won with 75% of the vote.[93] Romero assumed office on 1 July 1977.[101]

Collapse of the regime

Further information: 1979 Salvadoran coup d'état, Revolutionary Government Junta of El Salvador, and Salvadoran Civil War

When the Nicaraguan Revolution began in 1978, Romero grew concerned that the revolution would spread to El Salvador.[6] He attempted to begin negotiation with the opposition to ensure that did not happen, but his attempt emboldened opposition forces who took to the streets of San Salvador to strike in March 1979.[6] Romero cracked down on the strikes and ordered his soldiers to fire live ammunition into the crowds to end the strike.[6] The event was broadcast in the United States and Europe which resulted in Costa Rica, Japan, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and West Germany closing their respective embassies in El Salvador.[6]

President Anastasio Somoza Debayle of Nicaragua was finally deposed by the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) in September 1979 which caused alarm among young military officers in the Salvadoran Army.[102] The Military Youth, led by Colonels Adolfo Arnoldo Majano and Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez staged a coup d'état against Romero on 15 October 1979 with the support of the United States.[103][104][105] Romero fled for exile in Guatemala, as did Federico Castillo Yanes, the Minister of National Defense.[20][106][107][108]

On 18 October 1979, the military established the Revolutionary Government Junta.[6][109] The junta was composed of five men: Colonels Majano and Gutiérrez, Ungo, Mario Antonio Andino, the former president of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of El Salvador (CCIES), and Román Mayorga Quirós, a member of the Central American University.[7][110][111][112]

The coup of October 1979 marked the end of the military regime of El Salvador and many mark is as the start of the Salvadoran Civil War.[1] The civil war lasted until 1992 with the signing of the Chapultepec Peace Accords.[1][113]

Heads of state

Presidents

Juntas

See also

Notes

  1. ^ known as the Strike of Fallen Arms.
  2. ^ "La Matanza" is Spanish for "the Massacre."

References

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Bibliography

  • Armstrong, Robert; Shenk, Janet (1982). El Salvador: The Face of Revolution. Boston: South End Press. ISBN 0896081389.
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  • Federal Research Division Library of Congress (1990). Haggerty, Richard A. (ed.). El Salvador: A Country Study (PDF). Washington, D.C.: The Library of Congress. Retrieved 17 September 2020.
  • Williams, Philip J.; Walter, Knut (1997). Militarization and Demilitarization in El Salvador's Transition to Democracy. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press.
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