Literary descriptions of cities (also known as urban descriptiones) form a literary genre that originated in Ancient Greek epideictic rhetoric.[1][2][3][4] They can be prose or poetry. Many take the form of an urban eulogy (variously referred to as an encomium urbis, laudes urbium, encomium civis, laus civis, laudes civitatum; or in English: urban or city encomium, panegyric, laudation or praise poem) which praise their subject.[2][3][4][5] Laments to a city's past glories are sometimes also included in the genre.[3][4] Descriptiones often mix topographical information with abstract material on the spiritual and legal aspects of the town or city, and with social observations on its inhabitants.[1][4] They generally give a more extended treatment of their urban subject than is found in an encyclopedia or general geographical work. Influential examples include Benedict's Mirabilia Urbis Romae of around 1143.[1]
The Greek rhetorician Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in the first century AD, was the first to prescribe the form of a eulogy to a city in detail. Features he touches on include the city's location, size and beauty; the qualities of its river; its temples and secular buildings; its origin and founder, and the acts of its citizens.[3] The Roman rhetorician Quintilian expounds on the form later in the first century, stressing praise of the city's founder and prominent citizens, as well as the city's site and location, fortifications and public works such as temples.[2][5] The third-century rhetorician Menander expands on the guidelines further, including advice on how to turn a city's bad points into advantages.[3] These works were probably not directly available to medieval writers,[1] but the form is outlined in many later grammar primers, including those by Donatus and Priscian.[2][3][5] Priscian's Praeexercitamina, a translation into Latin of a Greek work by Hermogenes, was a particular influence on medieval authors.[3]
Surviving late Roman examples of descriptiones include Ausonius's Ordo Nobilium Urbium, a fourth-century Latin poem that briefly describes thirteen cities including Milan and Bordeaux.[1][3] Rutilius Namatianus's De reditu suo is a longer poem dating from the early fifth century that includes a section praising Rome.[3]
Numerous medieval examples have survived, mainly but not exclusively in Latin, the earliest dating from the eighth century.[1][3] They adapt the classical form to Christian theology.[1][2][3][5] The form was popularised by widely circulated guidebooks intended for pilgrims.[1] Common topics include the city walls and gates, markets, churches and local saints; descriptiones were sometimes written as a preface to the biography of a saint.[1] The earliest examples are in verse. The first known prose example was written in around the tenth century, and later medieval examples were more often written in prose.[1] Milan and Rome are the most frequent subjects, and there are also examples describing many other Italian cities.[1] Outside Italy, pre-1400 examples are known for Chester, Durham, London, York and perhaps Bath in England,[1][2][3][6] Newborough in Wales,[2] and Angers, Paris and Senlis in France.[1][7] The form spread to Germany in the first half of the 15th century, with Nuremberg being the most commonly described city.[8]
J. K. Hyde, who surveyed the genre in 1966, considers the evolution of descriptiones written before 1400 to reflect "the growth of cities and the rising culture and self-confidence of the citizens", rather than any literary progression.[1] Later medieval examples tend to be more detailed and less generic than early ones, and to place an increasing emphasis on secular over religious aspects. For example, Bonvesin della Riva's 1288 description of Milan, De Magnalibus Urbis Mediolani, contains a wealth of detailed facts and statistics about such matters as local crops. These trends were continued in Renaissance descriptiones, which flourished from the early years of the 15th century,[1] especially after the popularisation of the printing press from the middle of that century.[8]
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Transcription
Hi I’m John Green, this is Crash Course US History and today we're going to tell the story of how a group of plucky English people struck a blow for religious freedom and founded the greatest, freest and fattest nation the world has ever seen. These Brits entered a barren land containing no people and quickly invented the automobile, baseball and Star Trek and we all lived happily ever after. Mr. Green, Mr. Green, if it is really that simple, I am so getting an A in this class. Oh, me from the past, you're just a delight. [INTRO] So most Americans grew up hearing that the United States was founded by pasty English people who came here to escape religious persecution, and that's true of the small proportion of people who settled in the Massachusetts Bay and created what we now know is New England. But these Pilgrims and Puritans, there's a difference, weren’t the first people or even the first Europeans to come to the only part of the globe we didn't paint over. In fact they weren’t the first English people. The first English people came to Virginia. Off topic but how weird is it that the first permanent English colony in the Americas was named not for Queen Elizabeth’s epicness but for her supposedly chastity. Right anyway, those first English settlers weren't looking for religious freedom, they wanted to get rich. The first successful English colony in America was founded in Jamestown, Virginia in 1607. I say "successful" because there were two previous attempts to colonize the region. They were both epic failures. The more famous of which was the colony of Roanoke Island set up by Sir Walter Raleigh which is famous because all the colonists disappeared leaving only the word Croatoan on carved into a tree. Jamestown was a project of the Virginia Company which existed to make money for its investors, something it never did. The hope was that they would find gold in the Chesapeake region like the Spanish had in South America, so there were a disproportionate number of goldsmiths and jewelers there to fancy up that gold which of course did not exist. Anyway, it turns out that jewelers dislike farming so much so that Captain John Smith who soon took over control of the island once said that they would rather starve than farm. So in the first year, half of the colonists died. Four hundred replacements came, but, by 1610, after a gruesome winter called the starving time, the number of colonists had dwindled to sixty-five. And eventually word got out that the new world’s one-year survival rate was like twenty percent and it became harder to find new colonists. But 1618, a Virginia company hit upon a recruiting strategy called the head right system which offered fifty acres of land for each person that a settler paid to bring over, and this enabled the creation of a number of large estates which were mostly worked on and populated by indentured servants. Indentured servants weren't quite slaves, but they were kind of temporary slaves, like they could be bought and sold and they had to do what their masters commanded. But after seven to ten years of that, if they weren't dead, they were paid their freedom dues which they hoped would allow them to buy farms of their own. Sometimes that worked out, but often either the money wasn't enough to buy a farm or else they were too dead to collect it. Even more ominously in 1619, just twelve years after the founding of Jamestown the first shipment of African slaves arrived in Virginia. So the colony probably would have continued to struggle along if they hadn't found something that people really loved: tobacco. Tobacco had been grown in Mexico since at least 1000 BCE, but the Europeans had never seen it and it proved to be kind of a "thank you for the small pox; here's some lung cancer” gift from the natives. Interestingly King James hated smoking. He called it “a custom loathsome to the eye and hateful to the nose" but he loved him some tax revenue, and nothing sells like drugs. By 1624 Virginia was producing more than 200,000 pounds of tobacco per year. By the 1680s, more than 30 million pounds per year. Tobacco was so profitable the colonists created huge plantations with very little in the way of towns or infrastructure to hold the social order together, a strategy that always works out brilliantly. The industry also structured Virginian society. First off, most of the people who came in the 17th century, three-quarters of them were servants .So Virginia to give a microcosm of England: a small class of wealthy landowners sitting atop a mass of servants. That sounds kind of dirty but it was mostly just sad. The society was also overwhelmingly male; because male servants were more useful in the tobacco fields, they were the greatest proportion of immigrants. In fact they outnumbered women five to one. The women who did come over were mostly indentured servants, and if they were to marry, which they often did because they were in great demand, they had to wait until their term of service was up. This meant delayed marriage which meant fewer children which further reduced the number of females. Life was pretty tough for these women, but on the upside Virginia was kind of a swamp of pestilence, so their husbands often died, and this created a small class of widows or even unmarried women who, because of their special status, could make contracts and own property, so that was good, sort of. Ok. So a quick word about Maryland. Maryland was the second Chesapeake Colony, founded in 1632, and by now there was no messing around with joint stock companies. Maryland was a proprietorship: a massive land grant to a single individual named Cecilius Calvert. Calvert wanted to turn Maryland into like a medieval feudal kingdom to benefit himself and his family, and he was no fan of the representational institutions that were developing in Virginia. Also Calvert was Catholic, and Catholics were welcome in Maryland which wasn't always the case elsewhere. Speaking of which, let's talk about Massachusetts. So Jamestown might have been the first English colony, but Massachusetts Bay is probably better known. This is a largely because the colonists who came there were so recognizable for their beliefs and also for their hats. That’s right. I’m talking about the Pilgrims and the Puritans. And no, I will not be talking about Thanksgiving... is a lie. I can’t help myself, but only to clear up the difference between Pilgrims and Puritans and also to talk about Squanto. God I love me some Squanto. Let's go to the Thought Bubble. Most of the English men and women who settled in New England were uber-Protestant Puritans will believed the Protestant Church of England was still too Catholic-y with its kneeling and incense and extravagantly-hatted archbishops. The particular Puritans who, by the way did not call themselves that; other people did, who settled in new England were called Congregationalists because they thought congregations should determine leadership and worship structures, not bishops. The Pilgrims were even more extreme. They wanted to separate more or less completely from the Church of England. So first they fled to the Netherlands, but the Dutch were apparently too corrupt for them, so they rounded up investors and financed a new colony in 1620. They were supposed to live in Virginia, but in what perhaps should have been taken as an omen, they were blown wildly off course and ended up in what's now Massachusetts, founding a colony called Plymouth. While still on board their ship the Mayflower 41 of the 150 or so colonists wrote and signed an agreement called the Mayflower Compact in which they all bound themselves to follow "just and equal laws" that their chosen representatives would write-up. Since this was the first written framework for government in the US, it's kind of a big deal. But anyway the Pilgrims had the excellent fortune of landing in Massachusetts with six weeks before winter, and they have a good sense not to bring very much food with them or any farm animals. Half of them died before winter was out. The only reason they didn't all die was that local Indians led by Squanto gave them food and saved them. A year later, grateful that they had survived mainly due to the help of an alliance with the local chief Massasoit, and because the Indians had taught them how to plant corn and how to catch fish, the Pilgrims held the big feast: the first Thanksgiving. Thanks Thought Bubble! And by the way, that feast was on the fourth Thursday in November, not mid-October as is celebrated in some of these green areas we call not America. Anyway Squanto was a pretty amazing character and not only because he helped save the Pilgrims. He found that almost all of his tribe, the Patuxet had been wiped out by disease and eventually settled with the Pilgrims on the site of his former village and then died of disease because it is always ruining everything. So the Pilgrims struggled on until 1691 when their colony was subsumed by the larger and much more successful Massachusetts Bay Colony. The Massachusetts Bay colony was chartered in 1629 by London merchants who, like the founders of the Virginia Company, hoped to make money. But unlike Virginia, the board of directors relocated from England to America which meant that in Massachusetts they had a greater degree of autonomy and self-government than they did in Virginia. Social unity was also much more important in Massachusetts than it was in Virginia. The Puritans' religious mission meant that the common good was, at least at first, put above the needs or the rights of the individual. Those different ideas in the North and South about the role of government would continue... until now. Oh God. It's time for the mystery document? The rules are simple. I read the mystery document which I have not seen before. If I get it right, then I do not get shocked with the shock pen, and if I get it wrong I do. All right. "Wee must be knitt together in this worke as one man, wee must entertaine each other in brotherly Affeccion, wee must be willing to abridge our selves of our superfluities (su-per-fluities? I don't know), for the supply of others necessities, wee must uphold a familiar Commerce together in all meekenes, gentlenes, patience and liberallity, ... for wee must Consider that wee shall be as a Citty upon a Hill, the eies of all people are uppon us; soe that if wee shall deale falsely with our god in this worke wee have undertaken and soe cause him to withdrawe his present help from us, wee shall be made a story and a byword through the world." All right, first thing I noticed: the author of this document is a terrible speller or possibly wrote this before English was standardized. Also, a pretty religious individual and the community in question seems to embrace something near socialism of bridging the superfluous for others' necessities. Also it says that the community should be like a city upon a hill, like a model for everybody, and because of that metaphor, I know exactly where it comes from: the sermon A Model of Christian Charity by John Winthrop. Yes! Yes! No punishment! This is one of the most important sermons in American history. It shows us just how religious the Puritans were, but it also shows us that their religious mission wasn't really one of individualism but of collective effort. In other words, the needs of the many outweigh the needs of the few or the one. But this city on a hill metaphor is the basis for one kind of American exceptionalism: the idea that we are so special and so godly that we will be a model to other nations, at least as long, according to Winthrop, as we act together. Lest you think Winthrop’s words were forgotten, they did become the centerpiece of Ronald Reagan’s 1989 farewell address. Okay so New England towns were governed democratically, but that doesn't mean that the Puritans were big on equality or that everybody was able to participate in government because no. The only people who could vote or hold office were church members, and to be a full church member you had to be a “visible saint", so really, power stayed in the hands of the church elite. The same went for equality. While it was better than in the Chesapeake Colonies or England, as equality went...eh, pretty unequal. As John Winthrop declared, "Some must be rich and some poor, some high and eminent in power and dignity, others mean and in subjection." Or as historian Eric Foner put it "Inequality was considered an expression of God's will and while some liberties applied to all inhabitants, there were separate lists of rights for freemen, women, children and servants." There was also slavery in Massachusetts. The first slaves were recorded in the colony in 1640. However, Puritans really did foster equality in one sense. They wanted everyone to be able to read the Bible. In fact, parents could be punished by the town councils for not properly instructing their children in making them literate. So when Roger Williams called for citizens to be able to practice any religion they chose, he was banished from the colonies. So was Ann Hutchinson who argued the church membership should be based on inner grace and not on outward manifestations like church attendance. Williams went on to found Rhode Island, so that worked out fine for him, but Hutchinson, who was doubly threatening to Massachusetts because she was a woman preaching unorthodox ideas, was too radical and was further banished to Westchester, New York where she and her family were killed by Indians. Finally somebody doesn't die of disease or starvation. So Americans like to think of their country as being founded by pioneers of religious freedom who were seeking liberty from the oppressive English. We've already seen that's only partly true. For one thing, Puritan ideas of equality and representation weren't particularly equitable or representational. In truth, America was also founded by indigenous people and by Spanish settlers, and the earliest English colonies weren't about religion; they were about money. We'll see this tension between American mythology and American history again next week and also every week. Thanks for watching; I’ll see you next time. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller, our script supervisor is Meredith Danko, the associate producer is Danica Johnson, the show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer and myself, and our graphics team is Thought Bubble. If you have questions about today's video or really about anything about American history, ask them in comments; the entire Crash Course team and many history professionals are there to help you. Thanks for watching Crash Course. Please make sure you are subscribed and, as we say in my home town, don't forget to be awesome.
Selected examples
The following chronological list presents urban descriptions and eulogies written before the end of the 14th century, based mainly on the reviews of Hyde[1] and Margaret Schlauch,[3] with a selection from the many examples written from 1400 to 1550.
| Title | Date | Author | City | Country | Format | Language | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Antiochicus | c. 360
|
Libanius | Antioch | Syria | Prose | Latin | Also called Oration in Praise of Antioch, this is Libanius' Oration XI.[9]: 23 |
| Ordo Nobilium Urbium | 4th century
|
Ausonius | Various | Poetry | Latin | [1][3] | |
| De reditu suo | Early 5th century
|
Rutilius Namatianus | Rome | Italy | Poetry | Latin | [3] |
| Laudes Mediolanensis civitatis | ~738
|
Milan | Italy | Poetry | Latin | Or Versum de Mediolano civitate[1][3][10] | |
| De laude Pampilone epistola | 7th century
|
Pamplona | Spain | Prose | Latin | The laudatio is known from a composite with an unrelated text dating from c. 410[11] | |
| Versiculi familiae Benchuir | 8th century
|
Bangor | Ireland | Poetry | Latin | The Versiculi form a "religios laus civitatis in praise of a monastic community.[12] | |
| Poema de Pontificibus et Sanctis Eboracensis Ecclesiae | Early or mid-780s
|
Alcuin | York | England | Poetry | Latin | [3][13] |
| Versus de Destructione Aquileiae | Late 8th century
|
Paulinus of Aquileia or Paul the Deacon | Aquileia | Italy | Poetry | Latin | Attribution disputed[3][10] |
| Laudes Veronensis Civitatis | 796–806
|
Verona | Italy | Poetry | Latin | Or Veronae rhythmica, Versus de Verona[1][3][10] | |
| The Ruin | 8th – late 9th century
|
An unnamed Roman spa, probably Bath | England | Poetry | Old English | Date uncertain; subject has also been suggested to be Chester or a town near Hadrian's Wall[6][14] | |
| Versus de Aquilegia | 844–855
|
Aquileia | Italy | Poetry | Latin | [3] | |
| De Situ Civitatis Mediolani | ~780–1000
|
Milan | Italy | Prose | Latin | Or De situ urbis Mediolanensis[1] | |
| Durham | Mid-11th century to ~1107
|
Durham | England | Poetry | Old English | Or De situ Dunelmi; date disputed[3][6][15] | |
| Liber Pergaminus | 1112–33
|
Moses de Brolo | Bergamo | Italy | Poetry | Latin | [1] |
| Mirabilia Urbis Romae | ~1140–43
|
Benedict | Rome | Italy | Prose | Latin | [1][4] |
| Descriptio Nobilissimae Civitatis Londoniae | 1173–74
|
William Fitzstephen | London | England | Prose | Latin | Or Descriptio Nobilissimi Civitatis Londoniae[1][2][4][7] |
| De mirabilibus urbis Romae | 1150–1200
|
Master Gregory | Rome | Italy | Latin | [1][4] | |
| De laude Cestrie | ~1195
|
Lucian of Chester | Chester | England | Prose | Latin | Or Liber Luciani de laude Cestrie[1][5][7] |
| In Ymagines historiarum | ~1180–1200
|
Ralph de Diceto | Angers | Angevin Empire | Prose | Latin | [7] |
| Graphia Aureae Urbis Romae | ~1154–1280
|
Rome | Italy | Latin | [1] | ||
| De Laude Civitatis Laude | ~1253–59
|
An unnamed Franciscan | Lodi | Italy | Poetry | Latin | [1] |
| Liber de preconiis ciuitatis Numantine | 1282
|
Juan Gil de Zamora | Zamora | Spain | Prose | Latin | [16] |
| De Magnalibus Urbis Mediolani | 1288
|
Bonvesin della Riva | Milan | Italy | Prose | Latin | [1] |
| De Mediolano Florentissima Civitate | ~1316
|
Benzo d'Alessandria | Milan | Italy | Prose | Latin | [1] |
| Visio Egidii Regis Patavii | ~1318
|
Giovanni da Nono | Padua | Italy | Prose | Latin | [1] |
| Byzantios | post 1312 | Theodore Metochites | Constantinople | Byzantium | Prose | Greek | |
| Recommentatio Civitatis Parisiensis | 1323
|
Paris | France | Prose | Latin | [1] | |
| Tractatus de Laudibus Parisius | 1323
|
Jean de Jandun | Paris, Senlis | France | Prose | Latin | Written in response to Recommentatio Civitatis Parisiensis[1] |
| Libellus de Descriptione Papie | 1330
|
Opicino de Canistris | Pavia | Italy | Prose | Latin | Or Liber de laudibus civitatis Ticinensis[1] |
| Polistoria de virtutibus et dotibus Romanorum | 1320–46
|
Giovanni Caballini | Rome | Italy | Prose | Latin | [17][18] |
| Cronaca Extravagans | 1329–39
|
Galvano Fiamma | Milan | Italy | Prose | Latin | Contains material from Bonvesin della Riva's text[1] |
| Cronica Book XI | 1338
|
Giovanni Villani | Florence | Italy | Prose | Italian | [1] |
| Florentie Urbis et Reipublice Descriptio | 1339
|
Florence | Italy | Prose | Latin | Manuscript is untitled[1] | |
| Cywydd Rhosyr | Mid 14th century
|
Dafydd ap Gwilym | Newborough | Wales | Poetry | Welsh | Date and attribution uncertain[2][19] |
| Laudatio florentinae urbis | ~1400
|
Leonardo Bruni | Florence | Italy | Prose | Latin | [1] |
| Laudatio Urbis Romae et Constantinopolis | ~1411
|
Manuel Chrysoloras | Rome | Italy | Prose | Greek | [20] |
| "O wunnikliches Paradis" | 1414–18 or after 1430
|
Oswald von Wolkenstein | Konstanz | Holy Roman Empire | Poetry | German | Von Wolkenstein also wrote poems on other cities, including Nuremberg and Augsberg[21] |
| Descriptio urbis Romae eiusque excellentiae | ~1430
|
Niccolò Signorili | Rome | Italy | Prose | Latin | [20][22] |
| Roma instaurata | 1446
|
Flavio Biondo | Rome | Italy | Prose | Latin | [22][23][24] |
| Lobspruch auf Nürnberg | 1447
|
Hans Rosenplüt | Nuremberg | Germany | Poetry | German | [8][17][25] |
| Ye Solace of Pilgrimes | ~1450
|
John Capgrave | Rome | Italy | Prose | Middle English | [4] |
| Canmol Croesoswallt | Mid 15th century
|
Guto'r Glyn | Oswestry | England | Poetry | Welsh | [2][19][26] |
| I Varedydd ab Hywel ab Morus, ac i Drev Croes Oswallt | Mid 15th century
|
Lewys Glyn Cothi | Oswestry | England | Poetry | Welsh | [2][19] |
| "Y ddewistref ddiestron" | Mid 15th century
|
Ieuan ap Gruffudd Leiaf | Conwy | Wales | Poetry | Welsh | [2][19] |
| Die Bamberger Traktate | 1452
|
Albrecht von Eyb | Bamberg | Germany | Latin | [8] | |
| "[What a splendid appearance this city presents!]" | Late 1450s
|
Enea Silvio Piccolomini | Nuremberg | Germany | Prose | Latin | [17][25] |
| Lobspruch auf Bamberg | ~1459
|
Hans Rosenplüt | Bamberg | Germany | Poetry | German | [8] |
| Brodyr aeth i Baradwys | Late 15th century
|
Ieuan ap Huw Cae Llwyd | Brecon | Wales | Poetry | Welsh | [2][19] |
| "Cistiau da, 'n costio dierth" | End of the 15th century
|
Tudur Aled | Oswestry | England | Poetry | Welsh | [2][19] |
| Lobspruch auf Nürnberg | ~1490–92
|
Kunz Hass | Nuremberg | Germany | Poetry | German | [8][17][25] |
| De Venetae urbis situ / Del sito di Vinegia | 1492
|
Marcantonio Sabellico | Venice | Italy | Prose | Latin, Italian | [27][28][29][30] |
| De origine, situ, moribus et institutis Norimbergae | ~1492–96
|
Conrad Celtis | Nuremberg | Germany | Prose | Latin | [8][17][25] |
| To the City of London | ~1501
|
Sometimes attributed to William Dunbar | London | England | Poetry | English | Or In Honour of the City of London[2] It is the basis for the cantata In Honour of the City of London (1937).[31] |
| Tractatus de civitate Ulmensi | By 1502
|
Felix Fabri | Ulm | Germany | Latin | [8] | |
| Blyth Aberdeane | ~1511
|
William Dunbar | Aberdeen | Scotland | Poetry | Middle Scots | [2] |
| Ein Lobspruch der statt Nürnberg | ~1530
|
Hans Sachs | Nuremberg | Germany | Poetry | German | Sachs also wrote praise poems to Salzburg (1549), Munich (1565), Frankfurt (1568) and Hamburg (1569)[8][17][21][25] |
| Ein Lobspruch der Hochloeblichen weitberuembten Khuenigklichen Stat Wienn in Osterreich | 1547
|
Wolfgang Schmeltzl | Vienna | Austria | Poetry | German | [8] |
See also
References
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak JK Hyde (1966), "Medieval descriptions of cities" (PDF), Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 48 (2): 308–40, doi:10.7227/BJRL.48.2.5
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Helen Fulton (2006–2007), "The Encomium Urbis in Medieval Welsh Poetry", Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium, 26/27: 54–72, JSTOR 40732051
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u Margaret Schlauch (1941), "An Old English "Encomium Urbis"", Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 40 (1): 14–28, JSTOR 27704714
- ^ a b c d e f g h C. David Benson (2009), "The Dead and the Living: Some Medieval Descriptions of the Ruins and Relics of Rome Known to the English", in Albrecht Classen (ed.), Urban Space in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age, Walter de Gruyter, pp. 147–182, ISBN 978-3110223897
- ^ a b c d e Mark Faulkner (2011), "The Spatial Hermeneutics of Lucian's De Laude Cestrie", in Catherine AM Clarke (ed.), Mapping the Medieval City: Space, Place and Identity in Chester, c. 1200–1600, University of Wales Press, ISBN 978-1783164615
- ^ a b c Christopher Abram (2000), "In Search of Lost Time: Aldhelm and The Ruin" (PDF), Quaestio (Selected Proceedings of the Cambridge Colloquium in Anglo-Saxon, Norse, and Celtic), 1: 23–44
- ^ a b c d Antonia Gransden (1972), "Realistic Observation in Twelfth-Century England", Speculum, 47 (1): 29–51, doi:10.2307/2851214, JSTOR 2851214, S2CID 163505360
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j David Blamires (1990), "The portrayal of towns in sixteenth-century German Volksbŭcher" (PDF), Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 72 (3): 49–61, doi:10.7227/BJRL.72.3.4
- ^ Paul Oldfield (2019), Urban Panegyric and the Transformation of the Medieval City, 1100–1300, Oxford University Press.
- ^ a b c Neil Christie (2006), From Constantine to Charlemagne: An Archaeology of Italy, AD 300–800, Ashgate Publishing, pp. 183–85, ISBN 1859284213
- ^ Roger Collins (1986), The Basques, Blackwell, pp. 67–69
- ^ Paolo Zanna (1991), "Descriptiones urbium and Elegy in Latin and Vernaculars in the Early Middle Ages: At the Crossroads Between Civic Engagement, Artistic Enthusiasm and Religious Meditation", Studi medievali, Ser. 3, 32: 523–596.
- ^ D. A. Bullough (2010). "Alcuin (c.740–804)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/298. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
- ^ Anne L. Klinck (2001), The Old English Elegies: A Critical Edition and Genre Study, McGill-Queen's Press, pp. 15–16, 61–63, ISBN 0773522417
- ^ H. S. Offler (1962), "The Date of Durham (Carmen de Situ Dunelmi)", Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 61 (3): 591–94, JSTOR 27714086
- ^ Paul Oldfield (2019), Urban Panegyric and the Transformation of the Medieval City, 1100–1300, Oxford University Press, p. 32n, also citing Jeffrey S. Ruth (2011), Urban Honor in Spain: The Laus Urbis from Antiquity Through Humanism, Lewiston
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- ^ full Latin text at https://archive.org/details/ita-bnc-in2-00000924-001
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This page was last edited on 14 October 2023, at 01:53