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John N. Hungerford

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


John Newton Hungerford
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from New York's 29th district
In office
March 4, 1877 – March 3, 1879
Preceded byCharles C. B. Walker
Succeeded byDavid P. Richardson
Personal details
Born
John Newton Hungerford

(1825-12-31)December 31, 1825
Vernon Centre, Oneida County, New York
DiedApril 2, 1883(1883-04-02) (aged 57)
Corning, New York
Political partyRepublican
SpousesMary Woods Gansevoort (1839–1871) and second Susan Medora Marsh (1836-1909)
OccupationMerchant, banker, politician

John Newton Hungerford (December 31, 1825 – April 2, 1883) was a banker, philanthropist, and a U.S. Representative from New York. Although he had no children, one of his focuses in life was the education of youth.

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Transcription

Professor Amy Hungerford: Let me ask you a question first about John Barth and the stories that I asked you to read. Which of them was your favorite? Some cackling I hear. None of them? Which of them was your favorite?Student: "Night-Sea Journey." Professor Amy Hungerford: "Night-Sea Journey." Why?Student: I thought it was the profoundest joke I'd ever read.Professor Amy Hungerford: Ah ha. Yes. Okay. Very good. Yes. 'The profoundest joke she has ever heard." Who else? Your favorite story. Yes.Student: "Lost in the Funhouse."Professor Amy Hungerford: Okay. Why is that?Student: I really liked the tricks that Barth played with vocabulary.Professor Amy Hungerford: Uh huh. Yes. Okay. What else? Other favorites? Did anyone have "Ambrose His Mark" as a favorite? Only one--two of you. That's extremely surprising. Why was "Ambrose His Mark" not your favorite? What did you not like about it? Anyone? Yes.Student: I actually thought it was hard to understand, just what was happening, the action part of the story. It might have been that I read it too quickly. Professor Amy Hungerford: Uh huh. Harder than "Menelaiad" to understand?Student: No.Professor Amy Hungerford: No. Oh. Okay. Anyone else on "Ambrose His Mark"? Comments? When I ask this question, typically, especially when I've had students read the whole thing, "Ambrose His Mark" is almost always the favorite story. And the reason for that, I think, is that it is a technically perfect short story. It has wit; it has developed characters; it has a coherent narrative. Even if it has some difficulties, that's probably more due to things like dialect. There's a German immigrant dialect that some of the characters speak. It's full of little tropes, little consistencies, little images, the bees, even the word play, "skep" and "skeptical." There are words that mirror some of the major themes of that story about naming. Barth, by offering us a perfect short story in that story, is demonstrating what traditional structures of narrative have always offered us. And the fact that it's not your favorite…maybe we're at a watershed moment, that even traditional narrative can just…you guys are so well beyond that seduction. Maybe it's Lolita that we read. Maybe it's that you got so seduced by Lolita, or you were so well trained to be skeptical of narrative seduction, that now nothing can faze you, nothing can seduce you. Maybe that's it. Give yourself that credit. John Barth is a teacher, through and through. He actually taught at my alma mater, Johns Hopkins, for over thirty years, in the writing program. And I once got from him a handout that he would give to his fiction classes, and it had on it all the traditional tricks and structures of the short story form. It was three or four pages single-spaced, typed: things like, "if there are five pistols hanging on the wall, by the end of the story, they all have to go off," these totally structural observations about how to write a piece of short fiction. It's so appropriate: in my various moves in my life, I lost this piece of paper, and I have never been able to find it. And I've tried to be in touch with him about it, and I couldn't get it from him either. So, this is one of the sad things about teaching Barth for me. He was such a teacher. I think this story collection is very much a teaching of us about narrative. I'm sorry that I can't now produce that, as your teacher, for you. I want to do something that might seem odd as I begin. Does this shock anyone? Do you have a visceral sense, "oh, don't do that"? If you do, you were probably taught, like me: "never, never damage a book." Getting in trouble: in our house if you damaged a book you were in big trouble. Okay. So, what I'm doing is, I'm taking the mobius strip from the beginning, and I am matching the letters here, capital A--let's see how does it go--capital A overlaps with small A, capital B overlaps with small B, tape it together. Okay. There we go. "Once upon a time there was a story that began once upon a time there was a story that began once upon a time." Okay. So, you get the point. Why does Barth put this in the front of his story? Well, I think there are several reasons, and I'm going to name about three of them. One is that language is material. I think we have a visceral response, sometimes, when you cut a book, because somehow we don't want to be reminded that a story is in a material container. But he invites us to do this to his story. So, that's the first point: It's material. The second point is that narrative has a form, and that it can be constructed, built. It's like a craft. I had my little tape and my little scissors, my little project, my craft project. So, stories are a craft. They get built of the material of language. Last point: form is both endless and closed. It is both repetitious and endlessly filled with possibility. Because, when you read this in its mobius strip form, you're repeating a beginning over and over and over again, it gives you that feeling of possibility, but it's also boring. This is not an interesting story. It doesn't tell us anything. John Barth runs a certain kind of risk in this story collection, and it's the risk of difficulty. If I had had you read the whole thing, you would see even more the kind of risk he's running. Some of the stories are self-consciously, boringly metafictional. They sound like all those stories we have about somebody writing a story about themselves, about themselves writing a story who is also writing a story about themselves writing a story. It's very boring. There's no kind of life in it. It's all about that endless regress. So, Barth is taking a risk that this little craft project emphasizes and that the stories in the book act out. Why is it worth it to him to take that risk? What's he trying to teach us about narrative and about language that makes it worth this risk? Now, let me just make the last point I want to make about this, and that's that because language is material, it has form, it has both closedness and possibility, it's susceptible to the workings of craft, it's also unpredictable. What's going to happen to that now? Who's going to find it? It's going to sit there. It's going to blow from place to place. Again, in other stories that I didn't have you read, the theme of the message in the bottle returns over and over again. The sense that language is material means that it can be separate from people and have a kind of life of its own. Now, one question for us is: is the life of its own that Barth dreams of for language similar to that life of its own that Nabokov dreamed of for his language? So, that's a question I want you to keep in your mind. Is this the same dream, or is it somehow different? So, I'm going to leave that there. And maybe some--I don't know--some chemistry class will show up in here, and someone will wonder what that is, and Barth will have done his work, or we will have done Barth's work for him. Now, let me ask you another question. Who is the narrator of "Night-Sea Journey"? Student: A sperm?Professor Amy Hungerford: Yes. A sperm. Did everyone get that? No. Okay. The narrator of "Night-Sea Journey" is a sperm. Now, why have a story with a sperm as a narrator? Well, I think there are a couple of points, a couple of reasons why Barth wants to do that, and actually related to your initial point about why you liked this, that it was-- how did you say that?--it was the most--Student: Profound joke--Professor Amy Hungerford: Profound joke. It is a parody of all the meanings of life that philosophy has offered up to us over the ages, so it kind of runs through them in the voice of our narrator sperm's pal, who is now gone and dead before him. So, we get a kind of wisdom in a parodic form. There are other points, however, and if you look on page 4 we can see just a little example of one of them. This sperm has gained quite a vocabulary, and it includes this line: "I have seen the best swimmers of my generation go under." Now, where is that from? Of course it's from Howl: "I have seen the best minds of my generation…." The point of making a sperm who quotes not only Allen Ginsberg, but also hosts of other prior literary texts, is the point that the tradition precedes the individual speaker. The individual speaker believes that he has an original voice. He believes he's speaking in his own voice, but, lo and behold, his words are not his own. So, just as this is a redaction and a compression of all the various meanings of life that Western philosophy has offered up, it is also a demonstration of how literary tropes, literary language, little packaged bits of literature, quotations, allusions, lard the language that is available to this creature. His final reflections on page 12 suggest his ambition as a speaker, and it looks a lot like a modernist ambition. The bottom of page 12: What has fetched me across this dreadful sea is a single hope, gift of my poor dead comrade: that You may be stronger-willed than I, and that by sheer force of concentration I may transmit to You, along with Your official Heritage, a private legacy of awful recollection and negative resolve. Mad as it may be, my dream is that some unimaginable embodiment of myself (or myself plus Her if that's how it must be) will come to find itself expressing, in however garbled or radical a translation, some reflection of these reflections. It's a dream of changing the tradition, of having that individual voice added to the tradition, to have it become part of the official heritage and yet at odds with it, casting a different light back. This is precisely that modernist dream specifically articulated by T.S. Eliot in "Tradition and the Individual Talent" that the contribution of the individual adds to and changes the tradition in one swoop. Is this going to be Barth's ambition, too? This is a question for us, again, that I want to, kind of, keep up on the shelf in your mind. In some way it's a parody of that modernist effort, when it comes in the voice of a sperm, because this whole story is a parody. So, you have to ask that question and be somewhat skeptical. For all that Barth looks like, he embodies that traditional modernist ambition of difficulty, of working with tradition and so on. He looks like a classic late modernist, but is he, really? This is the question. "Ambrose His Mark" purports to be the story of the birth of that being when the sperm from "Night-Sea Journey" is united with the egg. So, this is Ambrose's conception that we see the preamble to. And in "Ambrose His Mark," if you look on page 19, you will see that Ambrose has, in some sense, inherited some aspect of that sperm's remarkable linguistic facility. He says: "All that winter…." This is the middle of the page: All that winter, as I grew in mother's womb, grandfather fretted with his scheme [to get Willie Erdmann's bees]; when the spring's first bees appeared on our pussy willows, on our alder catkins, he was off with Hector and Konrad, saucepan and cheesecloth. Their researches led them through fresh-marsh, through pine-woods, over stile and under trestle--but never a bee-tree they discovered, only swampy impasses or the hives of some part-time apiarist. He's narrating in great detail what happened while he was in the womb. Where does this knowledge come from? It's as if his knowledge of his own conception, his own birth, his own babyhood, is a natural knowledge. But we must know that it had to come from someone, from someone telling stories. The stories then become part of Ambrose's own account of his own naming, an account of the origin of his identity. That name, "Ambrose His Mark," is a reference to Moby-Dick. In Moby-Dick, when Queequeg signs on to the Pequod, he makes a mark, because he is illiterate, in place of writing his name, signing his name, and in the novel it says "Queequeg, his mark." That's what's written underneath it on the contract. With that mark Queequeg signs on to the whole trajectory of Ahab's mad pursuit of the whale. We can think of that in another way, as well, though. With that mark, Queequeg signs on to the whole trajectory of the nineteenth-century novel, that whole narrative excess that Melville offers, and that whole sense of destiny that is bound up with Ahab's story. What does Ambrose sign up for with his mark? Well, the first thing to notice is that, unlike Queequeg, he does not sign that mark. The mark, here, is what he's marked by, not what he marks with. And so, it's as if the whole tradition comes out and grabs him and names him. And so, Uncle Karl's efforts to interpret the incident of the bee and its relation to the mark on his face suggests the way that certain kinds of tradition--that Uncle Karl has been reading, probably in the Book of Knowledge encyclopedia that he sells door to door (he's a sort of scholarly guy)--that that tradition has named him. He has no agency in this trajectory he's entering upon. The effort to take the story of his birth and tell it as if it were natural knowledge is the effort to fight against that lack of agency. He takes those stories and he makes them his own. That's an effort at gaining control over what he cannot know about his own origin and what he cannot choose in his own origin. I think that's also why Barth chose to write this story in the perfect short story form. And that form is also given to us in Lost in the Funhouse, on page 95, when we get the diagram of Freitag's Triangle. So, if you look at it here on 95, we're told in the course of the story about Ambrose and Magda and the family: The action of conventional dramatic narrative may be represented by a diagram called Freitag's Triangle: A, B, C--[And remember those are the letters from the mobius strip as well]--or more accurately by a variant of that diagram, A, B, C, D, with A, B representing the exposition… [and so on and so forth.] If you read on down in that paragraph, you will see that Ambrose in his frustration--in his effort to control the story that is always, in this story, spinning out of control--he wants to be able to use Freitag's Triangle to prop up what has become an uncontrollable narrative and give it a shape. He retells…even from one sentence to the next, he changes his mind. He says, "This can't go on much longer. It can go on forever." He died telling stories to himself in the dark." He's dreaming about what will happen to him in the funhouse. . . . years later when that vast suspected area of the funhouse came to light, the first expedition found his skeleton in one of its labyrinthine corridors and mistook it for a part of the entertainment. He died of starvation telling himself stories in the dark; but unbeknownst, unbeknownst to him, an assistant operator of the funhouse, happening to overhear him, crouched just behind the plyboard partition and wrote down every word. The operator's daughter, an exquisite young woman with a figure unusually well developed for her age, crouched just behind the partition and transcribed his every word. He changes the story from one sentence to the next. Freitag's Triangle won't help him at all. So, just knowing the form that the story is supposed to take, and then knowing that language has grabbed you, all these formulaic little phrases, "a figure unusually well developed for her age," these little stock phrases. They are what he has to work with, even though they are what defeat him in his effort to make sense of this experience with Magda. And it is the experience with Magda that produces the problem in the first place. And so, if we look at page 84, you can see the, sort of, primal scene of this problem. This is when he and Magda were having a sort of erotic game one summer in the shed. They were playing slaves and masters, and he was the master, and she was the slave. So, he's imagining their future and talking about it with Magda when they're older. I'm going to start sort of in the middle of the page. He would be quite famous in his line of work. Whether Magda was his wife or not, one evening when he was wise-lined and gray at the temples he'd smile gravely, at a fashionable dinner party, and remind her of his youthful passion. The time they went with his family to Ocean City; the erotic fantasies he used to have about her. How long ago it seemed and childish! Yet tender too, n'est-ce pas? [That's a Humbert moment. That's Humbert.] Would she have imagined that the world famous whatever remembered how many strings were on the lyre on the bench beside the girl on the label of the cigar box he'd stated at in the tool shed at age ten while she, age eleven. Even then, he had felt wise beyond his years; [Another stock phrase.] he'd stroked her hair and said in his deepest voice and correctest English, as to a dear child, "I shall never forget this moment." But though he had breathed heavily, groaned as if ecstatic, what he'd really felt throughout was an odd detachment as though someone else were Master. Strive as he might to be transported, he had heard his mind take notes upon the scene: This is what they call passion. I am experiencing it. Many of the digger machines were out of order in the penny arcades and could not be repaired or replaced for the duration. Moreover, the prizes, made now in U.S.A…. It goes off in this strange digression. It seems like his mind has simply wandered, as it does, from one version of the story to another. But the mention of the machines is not incidental. Narrative becomes a kind of machine. You put your penny in the slot and it works to produce the narrative. And that's that first part that I read, where he's looking back fondly with Magda from his eminence, later in life, and it seems safely past and something that can be talked about. But the problem is that, even if he could produce that kind of comforting narrative, the problem it produced at the level of identity will never be repaired. Self-alienation, in Barth's work, is the product of desire. Desire, love: that's the moment when you're supposed to be perfectly present. And what happens to Ambrose? That's the moment when he is perfectly, distressingly alienated from himself. And, it's the moment when language comes in and is the product of that alienation, or perhaps when language comes in and causes that alienation. So, he can't experience an erotic moment without also experiencing it through the screen of language, and what he ends up doing is experiencing language instead of sex. So, this is the problem that's never solved in Lost in the Funhouse, and it has all kinds of ramifications. This is on 83, just the page before. Remember, this whole story takes place under the aegis of his alienation from himself. He's thinking about what he'd like to do in the funhouse. If you knew your way around in the funhouse like your own bedroom, you could wait until a girl came along and then slip away without ever getting caught, even if her boyfriend was right with her. She'd think he did it! It would be better to be the boyfriend, and act outraged, and tear the funhouse apart. Not act; be. "He's a master diver," Ambrose said. In feigned admiration. "You really have to slave away at it to get that good." He's playing with Freudian slips. Of course, what he's thinking about all the time is the master-slave game, and so here it comes out, when he's talking about his brother's diving: "He's a master diver. You really have to slave away at it." He can't control the emergence of his desire, his memory of the desire, back into his daily speech. So, he can't control that Freudian slip, and he also has to correct himself, remind himself, that what he wants to do in the funhouse is actually not act like the outraged boyfriend but be the outraged boyfriend. This is always the problem for Ambrose. He can't just be something; he is always conscious of inhabiting a performance. And it's usually a verbal performance. These are the problems that plague Menelaus so terribly in that final story that I asked you to read. So, one of the problems with narrative, I said earlier when we talked about the mobius strip, is that it's repetition. This suggests a kind of exhaustion of language and Ambrose's use of these packaged phrases in Lost in the Funhouse suggests the impossibility of using all that tradition, all that stock of language, to adequately encounter what daily life will bring you, and especially to adequately inhabit something like desire. Barth wrote a famous essay just the year before these stories came out all in one volume. They had been written over a series of years, about five years, in the '60s. And he wrote a very famous essay--got a lot of exposure--called "The Literature of Exhaustion." And there, he criticized a lot of the work that was being done, and these are the terms he uses. He said there were two kinds of artists: ones who are "technically up to date," and ones that are not. Those who are not write turn of the century-type novels, only in more or less mid twentieth-century language and about contemporary people and topics. This makes them less interesting to me than excellent writers who are also technically contemporary, Joyce and Kafka, for instance, in their time, and in ours Samuel Beckett and Jorge Luis Borges. What exhausts language is the failure to keep technically up to date, and that means in innovation in form. "Menelaiad" is where Barth really stakes his claim for innovation: those nested layers of narrative that are so off-putting on the page that I have to send you a handout to help you over the weekend. (Otherwise I worry that people will be really lost.) It's very off-putting, but it's precisely those nested stories that allow him to do some of the really pleasurable things that he can do in that story and, I would say, get at some of the very deep questions raised by the earlier stories that he finally, kind of, gets hold of (to use his own words) in this last story. So, I want to begin by thinking about Menelaus's predicament with Helen, and this is on 146. So, he spares Helen's life in Troy and brings her home, and this is the story that he has been telling. So, he says, "I decided that I would spare her life and accept her groveling for forgiveness instead." So, this is the story he's telling himself:. . . I forbore, resolved to accept in lieu of her death a modest portion of heartfelt grovel. Further, once she'd flung herself at my knees and kissed my hem I would order her supine and mount more as one who loves than one who conquers; not impossibly, should she acquit herself well and often, I would even entertain a plea for her eventual forgiveness and restoration to the Atrean house. Accordingly I drew myself up to discharge her objection--whereupon she gave over cleaning her nails and set to drumming them on one knee. """"""Let your repentance salt my shoe leather," I said presently, "and then, as I lately sheathed my blade of anger, so sheath you my blade of love." """""I only just came aboard," she replied. "I haven't unpacked yet." """"With a roar I went up the companionway, dashed stern to stem, close-hauled the main, flogged a smile from my navigator, and clove us through the pastures of the squid. Leagues thereafter, when the moon changed phase I overtook myself, determined shrewdly that her Troy chests were secured, and vowing this time to grant the trull no quarter, at the second watch of night burst into her cubby and forgave her straight out. "Of the unspeakable we'll speak no further," I declared. "I here extend to you what no other in my position would: my outright pardon." To which, some moments after, I briskly appended: "Disrobe and receive, it for the sake of pity! This offer won't stand forever." [And of course there are lots of phallic jokes here, so I hope you're getting those.] There I had her; she yawned and responded: "It's late. I'm tired." """"Up the mast half a dozen times I stormed and shinnied, took oar to my navigator, lost sight of Nestor, thundered and lightninged through Poseidon's finny fief. When next I came to season, I stood a night slyly by while she dusk-to-dawned it, then saluted with this challenge her opening eyes: "Man born of woman is imperfect. On the three thousand two hundred eighty-seventh night of your Parisian affair, as I lay in Simois-mud picking vermin off the wound I got that day from cunning Pandarus, exhaustion closed my eyes. I dreamed myself was pretty Paris, plucked by Aphrodite from the field and dropped into Helen's naked lap. There we committed sweet adultery; I woke wet, wept. . ." """"Here I paused in my fiction to shield my eyes and stanch the arrow-straight tracks clawed down my cheek. Then, as one who'd waited precisely for her maledict voice to hoarsen, I outshouted her in these terms: "Therefore come to bed, my equal, uncursing, uncursed!" """"The victory was mine, I still believe, but when I made to take trophy, winded Helen shook her head, declaring, "I have the curse." [She has her period.] """"My taffrail oaths took Triton's stamp-ground; I fed to the fish my navigator, knocked my head against the mast and others; hollered up a gale that blew us from Laconic Melea to Egypt. My crew grew restive; when the storm was spent and I had done flogging me with halyard, I chose a moment somewhere off snakèd Libya, slipped my cloak, rapped at Helen's cabin, and in measured tones declared: "Forgive me." Adding firmly: "Are you there?" He's pathetic! He runs through all these stories about himself, and as each one fails to win him back into Helen's cabin, he comes up with another one. This is a certain kind of exhausted narrative. It's the failure of any of these stock narratives to have the effect of restoring love and desire, but it's more than that. It's playful. It's funny. Barth's effort at showing us the exhaustion of narrative produces a kind of new pleasure in narrative. So it's by pointing it out, and then parodying it, that he begins to renew the resources of fiction. There are deeper and more difficult issues at stake, though, and this is in 155. We get a more serious version of the scene with Magda and the problem of self-alienation. And this is what is really at the heart of Menelaus's story. So, remember that the story is that he is obsessed with this question of why Helen chose him among all her suitors: why did she choose him? And, when he asks on their wedding night, she gives him an answer that only makes him more obsessed with the question. So, at the top of 155, he's asked his question. "'Speak,' he commanded. She whispered, 'Love.'" Now, the problem with that is that answer; it's a verb and a noun. And Menelaus doesn't know how to take it, so here it becomes a verb: He held her fast; she took him willy-nilly to her; I feel her yet, one endless instant, Menelaus was no more, never has been since. This is like that moment of erotic play with Magda for Ambrose. It eradicates identity, eradicates sense of self. It's gone forever, and you can see the change in pronouns. "She took him willy-nilly to her." He's telling a story about himself, seemingly, but who is the "I," then, that's left over? "I feel her yet." There is some residual identity left over that can still have a sense of embodiment. . . . In his red ear then she whispered, "Why'd I wed you?" Less what than who, et cetera?""""" """My very question." """""""Speak," Menelaus cried to Helen on the bridal bed," I reminded Helen in her Trojan bedroom," I confessed to Eidothea on the beach," I declared to Proteus in the cave-mouth," I vouchsafed to Helen on the ship," I told Peisistratus at least in my Spartan hall," I say to whoever and where- I am and Helen answered: """""""Love.""""""" ! """"""He complied. He complied as to an order. She took his corse once more to Elysium, to fade forever among the fadeless asphodel; his curious fancy alone remained unlaid; when he came to himself it still asked softly: "why?""""""". And don't I cry out to me every hour since. . . . So, that self-alienation causes him to lose his love. We're told later that he stops sleeping with her because he just can't get it out of his mind. He'd rather sit and wonder. His curious fancy is more active than his desire. Or, you might say, his desire to know is more active than his desire to love. But there is yet a complication to this problem. It's not just about Menelaus and what he chooses to do with his desire. It's also about Helen and her action and her answer. On 156 he reflects. Seven years of this, more or less, not much conversation, something wrong with the marriage. Helen he could hold; how hold Menelaus? To love is easy; to be loved as if one were real, on the order of others: fearsome mystery! Unbearable responsibility! To her Menelaus signified something recognizable, as Helen to him. Whatever was it? There is that sense that the other person looking at you, loving you, assures you somehow of your reality, that you're real, that you're not an imaginary being. So, it's a way of reminding you that you're not really alienated, but this is what Menelaus cannot get his head around. He cannot understand that he could be loved for no reason and Proteus sort of gives us a sense of how we could understand this. This is on 161. Helen chose you without reason because she loves you without cause; embrace her without question and watch your weather change. Let go. It's a failure of faith in Aphrodite. So, to accept love is to accept your being and to have faith that love affirms it, affirms that being. Remember that self-admonition: not act like the boyfriend but be. This is what Menelaus has to ask forgiveness for. He didn't have enough faith in love just to be and to accept the affirmation of his being that Helen's reasonless, causeless love embodies. Barth is asking a really serious question about the compatibility between life and voice. Remember that in "Ambrose His Mark" Ambrose is saved from the bees lighting on his mouth because his mouth is on his mother's breast. He's asleep there having nursed. It's as if the bees which signify eloquence if they land on your mouth, they land on his eyes and on his ears instead. He can't have both that connection with his mother and that kind of eloquence. It's one or the other. You can't have love and language somehow, and this is a very Freudian understanding of how language works. He tells a story about a child playing what's called the "Fort-Da" game: here, away. He has a little ball. A little two- or three-year-old kid has a ball. He throws it away and then retrieves it, he throws it away and retrieves it, and Freud theorizes that he does that and he says, "Fort, da, fort, da." He does that because the language is a way of controlling his mother's absence and the ball stands in for the mother. It disappears and then it comes back. It disappears and comes back, and at that time his mother, who is actually Freud's daughter, was going out to work for the first time on some days, and the boy was getting used to letting her go. So, language arises from that loss. And Ambrose is only named once he's separated from his mother and no longer nurses as a result of the bee incident, and he also only gains a male name at that time. And so, I think it's important that the masculinity of language asserted with a talking sperm at the very beginning of this collection is consistent with this sense that you become male when you enter into language. Somehow when you're unnamed you're not part of language; you're still connected to the mother. And he actually had a female name. Remember he's called Christine for a while. So he becomes a boy after he's separated from his mother. Menelaus's problem with Helen suggests that incompatibility of being connected to the other, and here across the line of gender, connected with the other and somehow being able to be assimilated into language, and the silence of the oracle on the question, "Who am I?" This is on 158, and you just get that blank, silence, and you can see it enclosed in all those quotation marks. This is Barth's effort to enclose the silence into something readable, to contain that impossibility in the structure of the story. So all the quotation marks suggest human voice. I want to suggest to you finally that Barth is interested in the oral tradition above all other traditions in this book. He's using Greek epic as the source of his literary canon, here, and his canon of stories, of narratives, because it's oral tradition that brings the human voice and the human being, the fact of a person, together most closely. That's what fascinates him about the spoken word, as opposed to the word you read. And in other stories in this collection Barth experimented with recording them with tape. So, these are stories, some of them for voice and tape, and he'd do readings where he'd go and he'd put a tape recorder on the podium and he'd stand next to the tape recorder as his voice read the story from the tape recorder. And it was all to dramatize the problematic relationship between voice, story and person. But I think the dream of Menelaus is that somehow that voice can be residual, that somehow it can survive. And, in that sense, I think it has something in common with Nabokov's fantasy of the living artwork. But, unlike Nabokov's fantasy, it requires this concept of love, because love is what makes being into narrative. It takes two, and it takes desire. Desire moves narrative. And so at the end, the comic ending of "Menelaiad," which echoes the comic ending of Odysseus' trip back home, of The Odyssey, he says: Menelaus's story itself in ten or ten thousand years expires, yet I'll survive it [Who is this "I"?], I, in Proteus's terrifying last disguise, Beauty" spouse"s, odd Elysium: the absurd, unending possibility of love. If you think that Barth in all his heady, intellectual, canonical difficulty is uninterested in the world outside of his fiction, I think you could argue that it's on this notion of desire that he stakes his work's connection to the world. And the echo of that desire is, I would say, pleasure: something like, in this case, Nabokov's aesthetic bliss, but here it's more funny than that. It's not even so much the transportation and the nostalgic quality of Nabokov's description, sometimes. It's that wit, that pleasurable wit, the pleasure we get reading, being absorbed by something that we have to work hard to read, and yet repays us with that pleasure. When you read Crying of Lot 49 I'd like you to think about what that novel represents in the relation between language and the world. Is it similar? Barth and Pynchon are often talked about as part of the same metafictional movement in this couple of decades, '60s and '70s. Are they assimilable to one another in these terms? Think about that as you read.

Early years

John Newton Hungerford was born in Vernon Centre, New York to Lot and Celinda (Smith) Hungerford on December 31, 1825.[1] His father was born at Bristol, Connecticut, December 8, 1777, and moved with his grandfather Jacob to New York about 1800. On December 25, 1804, his father married his mother Celinda at Vernon Centre, New York.[2] Lot was a farmer.[3] His family claims descent from Thomas Hungerford of Hartford, who arrived in the New World some time prior to 1640.[4]

John was the youngest child of ten children—five boys and five girls. His siblings were: Sextus Heman (Jan. 14, 1806-May 15, 1867); Caroline Hannah (Feb. 7, 1808-Jan. 23, 1895); Adaline Mary (Oct. 27, 1809-Jan. 3, 1878); Rollin Newell (Mar. 2, 1813-Feb. 5, 1890); Ruth (May 24, 1815- ?); Asahel Smith (Feb. 10, 1817-May 3, 1900); Paulina Rolinda (Feb. 28, 1819- ?); Celinda (Sep. 21, 1821-Jan. 18, 1895); Elias B. (Sep. 1, 1822- ?) Hungerford.

On January 9, 1827, John's father Lot died, leaving his one-year-old son to the care of his mother and siblings.[5] Although John did not remember his father growing up, Lot did imprint upon the family an appreciation for thrift and industriousness, leaving them with his "good and honored name."[6] John grew up on the family farm until age twelve when he moved in with his older brother Sextus Hungerford.

John Newton Hungerford's brother Sextus Hungerford immortalized in a print found in the History of Chautauqua County

Family

John married his first wife, Mary Woods Gansevoort, in Steuben County, New York on June 22, 1859.[7] Mary was the daughter of Dr. and Mrs. Ten Eyck Gansevoort of Bath, Steuben County, New York, and died October 24, 1871, in Corning.[8] John married again on October 18, 1881, in Corning to Mrs. Susan Medora Forrester at the home of his friend and ill-fated attorney Absalom Hadden.[9] Susan was born September 13, 1836, in Bath, New York to Daniel and Susan (______) Aber.[10] No children were born to either marriage.

Education

Hungerford attended common schools until he was twelve years old at which time he moved to Westfield, Chautauqua County, New York to live with his eldest brother Sextus Heman Hungerford.[11] John's philanthropy in later life, as well as other admirable traits, surely were learned by the example his much older brother Sextus exhibited while John was under his care.[12] Sextus involved his younger brother in mercantile pursuits while he was there until 1838 at which time he went to Westfield Academy to prepare for college.[13] Extremely bright, Hungerford excelled in English, Latin and Greek grammar, which gave him a solid foundation for a liberal arts education.

After completing his preparatory studies, John entered Hamilton College in the fall of 1843 as a sophomore.[14] Established as the Hamilton-Oneida Academy in 1793, the trustees of this institution, located in Clinton, New York, successfully petitioned the New York State Board of Regents to approve a charter transforming the school into a college on May 26, 1812.[15] John joined the Fraternity Chi Psi - the Hamilton chapter was known as Alpha Phi.[16] He graduated in 1846.[17]

In the late eighteenth century a portion of the Hungerford family moved from Connecticut to western New York in search of greater economic opportunity; these pioneers and their offspring had some of their brightest sons matriculate at the college on the Hill, an affectionate name for Hamilton College. For example, John Newton Hungerford encouraged his sister, Pauline Hungerford Miner, to enroll her son, Payson Hungerford Miner, at his alma mater; Payson graduated on July 21, 1864.[18] Another nephew, Sextus Hungerford Knight, died in 1865 one year prior to graduating with the Hamilton Class of 1866.[19] Both Payson and Sextus were members of the fraternity, Alpha Delta Phi, founded by Hamilton Class of 1832 alumnus Samuel Eells.[20]

Bank president and future U.S. Congressman, Orville Hungerford of Watertown, New York, sent his son, Richard Esselstyne to join the Hamilton College Class of 1844.[21] Much as John Newton worked in his brother's store prior to taking up his collegiate studies, Richard Esselstyne worked in his father's store before going to Hamilton at age sixteen.[22] In 1988, Orville Hungerford Mann III, known as Terry, the great (x4) grandson of Orville Hungerford, graduated from Hamilton College; his brother Garrett Mann also graduated from New York's third oldest college.

Religion

John Newton Hungerford was baptized at the Vernon, New York Presbyterian church on August 31, 1827.[23] He was raised a Presbyterian and remained throughout his life a faithful church member. The example set by Christ was never far from his mind and permeated his deeds.

While John lived with his older brother in Westfield, New York, the Hungerfords became close with the family of local Presbyterian minister, Reuben Tinker, previously a missionary in Honolulu, the capital of the future state of Hawaii. Reverend Tinker's son, Robert Hall Tinker, discussed numerous boyhood visits to the Hungerford household in his journals, which also detailed his father's ministerial duties, including preaching and calling on his congregants.[24] For example, on Friday, July 16, 1852, Robert entered into his journal: "John Hungerford got his hair cut so that I couldn't pull it."[25] In a journal entry on Friday, August 20, 1852, Tinker recorded: "Mother made John Hungerford the present of an apple for which he seemed very thankful."[26] The journals show that the Tinkers were friends not only with the Hungerfords, but also the politically powerful Patterson family.[27] After John moved to Corning, New York, on November 24, 1854, Tinker, whose father died almost a month earlier, stated in his journal: "Wrote to John Hungerford, telling him that I could not comply with his request to make him a visit."[28] Tinker ended up touring Europe and then moving to Rockford, Illinois where he married a wealthy widow, became mayor, and built his home the Tinker Swiss Cottage, now a museum.[29]

Hungerford was first elected to a leadership position as an Elder in the church at Corning, New York in 1868.[30] On November 20, 1870, the Reverend B.I. Ives solicited his congregation for donations to eliminate debt burdening the First Presbyterian Church of Corning. The building and fixtures cost $43,000.00. Reverend Ives raised $17,000.00 during his Sunday morning service. Not surprisingly, Hungerford pledged by far the largest sum, $2,000.00.[31]

In 1872, Hungerford was elected president of the South Steuben County, New York auxiliary chapter of the American Bible Society.[32]

Hungerford would continue to be honored with re-election to the position of Elder in Corning until he died—the last election being October 19, 1881[33] in which he was unopposed.[34]

Because his passion was education, Hungerford strongly supported the Auburn Theological Seminary, at the time located in Auburn, New York and later in 1939 relocated to New York City. Hungerford was appointed to the Board of Commissioners (Presbytery of Steuben), which hired and helped set salaries for the professors at the Seminary.[35] Hamilton College, Hungerford's alma mater, was by far the largest feeder school for the Seminary, supplying 11 students, with Williams College, the next largest, sending 4 students.[36]

Merchant

In 1838, when taken in by his brother, John worked at Hungerford & Miner, the business his brother Sextus was running at the time. The business was purchased in 1837 from Joshua R. Babcock and with his brother-in-law Hiram Jones Miner, run successfully for six years.[37] John replicated this arrangement by working with his brother-in-law George W. Couch in Oriskany Falls, Oneida County, New York from 1846 to 1848.[38] John then turned his focus to banking.

Banker

After ending his working relationship with Mr. Couch, Hungerford went to work briefly at the Bank of Whitestown in Oneida County.[39] In May, 1848, he became cashier of the state-chartered Bank of Westfield, owned by his brother Sextus, who served as its president.[40] John learned the banking business during this period. As it is still true today, bankers had to not only be good with numbers but also had to pay attention to detail: Hungerford excelled at both. According to one contemporary account, on Friday, July 9, 1852, Hungerford noticed that someone had passed counterfeit currency, changing a dollar bill into a ten dollar bill.[41] In July 1864, Sextus Hungerford sold the Bank of Westfield to the newly formed First National Bank of Westfield, capitalized at $100,000.00, where he became a director.[42]

A number of other people in John N. Hungerford's extended family were involved in the banking industry. For example, his cousin and Hamilton College contemporary, Richard Esseltyne Hungerford, established the Security Bank, where he served as president, also serving as a director of the Jefferson County National Bank.[43]

In July, 1854, John N. Hungerford settled in Corning, New York. In August of the same year—at twenty-eight years of age—he set up the George Washington Bank with George Washington Patterson Jr.[44] The two had known each other since their student days at Westfield Academy with Hungerford going on to Hamilton College and Patterson going on to Dartmouth College.[45] These two young bucks, ready to compete for Corning's banking business with the lone bank in town, can be found in the 1855 New York State census living side by side in Almeron Field's Hotel.[46]

John Newton Hungerford's friend and banking partner George W. Patterson Jr.

Patterson graduated from Dartmouth College in 1848. Like Hungerford, he was involved in a fraternity, Psi Upsilon (Zeta Chapter).[47] After graduation, he read law for two years with a Buffalo attorney and then formed a partnership, Waters & Patterson, that made tools such as shovels and hoes.[48] Manufacturing was a tough and grimy business in comparison to banking, where you spent most of the day at a desk counting currency and calculating figures.

The business of banking consists of lending money as well as attracting deposits. Reputation in the community was the paramount characteristic of a successful nineteenth-century banker. Although he had no experience in the banking field, Patterson brought a key asset to the Geo. Washington Bank: powerful connections. His family was woven into the New York political establishment: his father, George W. Patterson, was speaker of the house in the New York State Assembly, lieutenant-governor of New York and eventually a U.S. Congressman; and an uncle, William Patterson, was a U.S. Congressman, as was a cousin Augustus Frank. Such relations, especially Patterson Sr., helped open doors and bring in business to the George Washington Bank. Hungerford had his own connections. An advertisement in the Corning Journal from August 16, 1854, lists his brother's bank, the Bank of Westfield, and his uncle's bank, H.J. Miners Bank of Utica, as references.[49]

Young but mature for his age, Hungerford became bank president and Patterson bank cashier.[50] Their bank had capital of $50,000.00 and started transacting business in the Concert Hall block before moving into its own building.[51]

An example of a Geo. Washington Bank check written on February 20, 1869

The two learned that not everyone was worthy of credit. Henry H. Birdsall and his wife took out a mortgage from the Geo. Washington Bank on a property that ended up in foreclosure proceedings in 1857; the matter was unsuccessfully appealed to the New York Court of Appeals in 1876.[52]

Hungerford began to sense that Patterson was a bad businessman. As a result, he sold his ownership interest in the bank to Patterson on December 16, 1858.[53] However, it was not until January 21, 1859, when the New York Legislature passed an Act, actually authorizing Hungerford to transfer his interest in the bank to Patterson; both would be jointly and severally liable for all bank debts incurred prior to the date of passage.[54]

In early 1859 Hungerford established J.N. Hungerford's Bank.[55] He directly competed for the business of his former banking partner. In April 1859, Hungerford wanted to show the community that he was successful on his own so he bought a beautiful home lacking ostentation on 54 West First Street in Corning, New York.

John N. Hungerford's house on 54 West First Street in Corning, New York

In November 1868, Hungerford began purchasing three-month promissory notes pledged against receivables from the Corning Flint Glass Works; this liquidity helped the struggling glass producer meet payroll, purchase raw materials, and refinance other notes that became due.[56] Collecting money for unpaid loans was part of his job. In April 1871, he received an $832.61 judgment from a court against Charles Cullen.[57] One of his larger clients was the Canal Board of the State of New York, which deposited some of its toll money in his bank.[58]

A J. N. Hungerford's Bank check written on April 26, 1864

The bank succeeded because people trusted the name John N. Hungerford.

Hungerford and Patterson continued to collaborate on community matters such as education. While Patterson served as president, Board of Trustees, of the Corning Free Academy, Hungerford served as its treasurer, overseeing the money.[59] Despite differences in financial outlook, these best friends from high school managed to keep their friendship intact throughout the years.

Nevertheless, Hungerford made the right choice in breaking professional ties with George W. Patterson Jr., who took over as the president of the Geo. Washington Bank. On November 2, 1868, Patterson left work, placing his eighteen-year-old teller, George Eaton, in charge of the bank. Some time after three o'clock, a man came in and announced that he was a government detective there to arrest Eaton and Patterson for counterfeiting money. Eaton managed to lock the vault before being handcuffed. The so-called detective placed a revolver to Eaton's head and said to him: "Young man, you may as well know my business at once. I want the money of this bank or I will blow your brains out."[60] Eaton told him to go ahead and a struggle ensued. The two compromised and Eaton, who was still in handcuffs, allowed the man to escape in exchange for his life. Eaton ran around Corning until he eventually found Patterson. By then, of course, the would-be robber escaped. Patterson offered a $100 reward for the assailant's arrest. Patterson was fortunate that he did not find his bank vault empty upon his return.

In 1877, Patterson was criminally prosecuted for defrauding depositors, including encouraging people to deposit money when he knew that they would not be repaid.[61] Foolishly, Patterson did not prepare for trial, hiring a lawyer at the last minute. Hungerford was the first witness to testify about the bank's beginnings. Later testimony showed that Patterson knew his bank was going to fail for the past five years. According to an auditor's report, on January 23, 1875, Patterson's bank had liabilities of $96,669.89, but only $5,931.30 of available resources and $36,498.47 of contingent resources, i.e., money in Patterson's individual account, leaving an overall shortage of $54,240.12. Patterson claimed that he was actually solvent at all times because bank investments in real estate covered any alleged shortages. The presiding judge did not buy his story and found him guilty of fraud.

By now Patterson realized he was going to jail and appealed his conviction, which was overturned and then the remaining charges were dropped in light of the fact that he would be able to pay back 60 cents on the dollar to his creditors.[62] Patterson's house in Corning was auctioned off to pay creditors - an early bid came in at $10,000.00.[63] His father also had to surrender his priority claims against the bank.

Although free, Patterson was financially ruined so he skipped town and returned to Westfield, New York. That said, Patterson did try to redeem himself by helping his sister, Hannah Whiting Patterson, establish the Patterson Library in Westfield, New York, as a memorial to their deceased parents.[64]

Fortunately, Hungerford was not a risk taker, which kept him out of the trouble consuming his former business partner. His approach to making money was described by Professor Edward North at Hamilton College as follows: "In business ventures Mr. Hungerford was so cautious and conservative that his friends sometimes thought him not fully awake to the largest opportunities. His successes were gained honestly, and with no envy of the prosperity of others."[65]

Hungerford's banking activities opened up business opportunities for him. For example, on January 8, 1872, he was elected as a director to the Cowanesque Valley Railroad stretching 12 miles from Lawrenceville, Pennsylvania. to Elkland, Pennsylvania.[66]

Although politics interrupted Hungerford's banking career, he returned to banking once his time in Washington D.C. ended. He would run his bank up until his untimely death.[67]

John Newton Hungerford's signature found on a letter dated February 4, 1861 to the Canal Board regarding funds collected by his bank

Militia

Hungerford was involved with the militia in 1859 as a paymaster.[68] He was commissioned as an officer on June 8, 1859, in the 60th Infantry Regiment, 20th Brigade, of the 7th Division.[69] His length of duty and the extent of his involvement with the militia aren't known. He was also appointed to a committee in Corning to raise funds to help support families whose sons enlisted in the Union forces during the Civil War.[70]

Politician

John Newton Hungerford was an avid member of the late President Lincoln's political party, serving four years as the Chairman of the Steuben County Republican Committee.[71] He went on to serve as delegate to the Republican National Convention in 1872.[72] Hungerford was then elected as a Republican to the Forty-fifth Congress (March 4, 1877 – March 3, 1879). He garnered 21,087 votes while his Democratic rival, E.D. Loveridge, received 17,973.

A banker by profession, Hungerford was well aware of the importance of maintaining the value of money as a medium of exchange. To him, the laborer and the capitalist were dependent on each other and needed to be confident in the monetary system, which rewarded each for his services and contributions. On February 21, 1878, he addressed the U.S. House of Representatives regarding a bill seeking to restore silver dollars as legal tender. In his speech, he called for a stable currency in which bank notes should only be redeemed for a set amount of gold or silver as determined at the international level. Overall, he favored a gold standard. That said, he informed the chamber as follows: "What this country needs to-day is men in public as well as private station, who will not yield to every popular clamor but stand firmly and fearlessly for an honest currency be it silver, gold or paper, so that individual rights and national obligations may be preserved and maintained."[73]

A learned man, Hungerford placed much emphasis on education. Hence, it was not surprising that his main focus in Congress was serving on the Committee of Education and Labor.[74] After his short stint on Capital Hill, he returned to Corning, New York to resume his banking business.

Philanthropist

In order to donate money one must have a wealth base. In Hungerford's case that wealth primarily derived from banking as noted above. This self-made man was not one to waste funds. According to the 1865 New York Census, he had a boarder, William Haggerty stay in his house, which offset the cost of the household servant, Ellen McCarty.[75] Furthermore, the census showed that he owned a 450-acre farm, valued at $7,000.00, yielding, meat, apples, wheat, butter, milk, and other foodstuffs that ended up in the Hungerford kitchen or at market. Another way he saved money was not having children to support. As a result, he was able to accumulate a lot of wealth to be used for philanthropic purposes.

Hungerford cherished his years at Hamilton College so much that he donated between $10,000 and $40,000 in 1872, according to contemporary sources, which was used to renovate and improve the South Hall building on campus.[76] The grateful recipients of his generosity went on to rename the hall "Hungerford Hall."[77] This dormitory was torn down in 1906 and replaced by another building, New South College, now known as South Residence Hall.[78]

19th-century photo of Hungerford Hall at Hamilton College

On July 13, 2013, the Hungerford family and guests as well as members of the Hamilton College administration unveiled a plaque in the entryway of South Residence Hall commemorating John N. Hungerford's contributions to the college, including Hungerford Hall.

From 1871 to 1883, Hungerford served as a trustee at Hamilton College.[79] In 1878, he sat on the committee that decided which students at Hamilton would be awarded the McKinney Prizes in Extemporaneous Debate based on the question: "Is Education preferable to Property as a Qualification for the Right of Suffrage in the United States?" [80] In addition to his contributions to his alma mater, he served as a trustee of Elmira Female College, now known as Elmira College.[81] He also financially supported the Auburn Theological Seminary.[82] John's final contributions to Hamilton College ($25,000) and the Elmira Female College ($5,000) were donations made posthumously via his will.[83]

The more entrepreneurial members of the Hungerford family at that time strongly believed in giving back to the community by donating money to worthy causes. Although he did not attend Hamilton College, General Solon Dexter Hungerford, a second cousin to John, established a scholarship fund there that was valued at $1,000.00 in 1881.[84] General Hungerford also founded a high school known as the Hungerford Collegiate Institute in Adams, New York. As was common with many members of the Hungerford family in Western New York, the General made his money to support his philanthropy in the banking industry—starting three banks in and around Jefferson County, New York.[85] (Hamilton College's president at the time, Samuel Ware Fisher, D.D., LL.D., 1858–66, attended the September 7, 1864 inauguration ceremonies of Hungerford Collegiate Institute.)[86]

In 1866 a branch of the Young Men's Christian Association was organized in Corning with J. N. Hungerford as the president.[87] In 1873, John served as the treasurer of the Corning Board of Education and the treasurer of the Corning Library Board. In addition, he served for many years as treasurer of the Corning Free Academy.[88] He also served on the Finance Committee for the Centennial Celebration of the Revolutionary War Battle of Newtown (Elmira, New York) on August 29, 1879.[89]

Death

Hungerford died at his house in Corning, New York, on the evening of April 2, 1883.[90] A case of dysentery led to blood poisoning, which killed him.[91] As her husband's health declined in his final days, Susan Aber Hungeford, John's second wife, became ill while pondering widowhood again.[92] John was interred in the Glenwood Cemetery, in Watkins Glen, New York next to his first wife, Mary W. Gansevoort, and some of her family members.[93] J.N. Hungerford's Bank was closed after its founder died.[94] The settlement of the estate of John Newton Hungerford was a messy affair which caused one of his executors—Absalom Hadden, Esq.—to eventually commit suicide on October 7, 1889.[95]

Grave of John N. Hungerford in Glenwood Cemetery, Watkins Glen, New York

For over six years Hadden tried to collect money owed to Hungerford's estate, an immensely stressful task. The estate was depleted in part because it paid a $25,000 bequest to Hamilton College as well as $5,000 to Elmira College. One business debtor in Elmira owed Hungerford's bank $100,000 with security of only $7,500; Hadden was able to levee enough N.Y. and Pennsylvania timberland owned by the bankrupt debtor to reduce its outstanding to $60,000. Creditors kept clamoring for repayment though. At his summer camp on Lake Keuka, Hadden hung himself, thereby ending his role as Hungerford's executor. If Hungerford, the skillful banker, had lived, the tragedy would have been averted.

John N. Hungerford's character was summed up as that of a man "of deep and earnest conviction, firm in upholding what he believed to be right, a man of integrity and uprightness in his relations and dealings, charitable in his judgment of the views and deeds of others. He was of a solid nature, which attached to him many warm and lasting friends and his passing left behind a fragrant memory."[96]

Sources

  • United States Congress. "John N. Hungerford (id: H000966)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.

Public Domain This article incorporates public domain material from the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress

References

  1. ^ "A Summary Of The Families Hungerford, Descendants of Thomas of Connecticut, 2nd edition, 1980, (second printing - 1982), Including A Brief History of the Hungerford Family In England from the 12th Century, And Descendants of: Thomas of Ireland, William of Maryland, and Thomas of Maryland," by Stanley W. Hungerford, (Microfiche FHL #6088572), page 87.
  2. ^ Reference page 111 of a Hungerford genealogy put together by Orville Hungerford, son of Congressman Orville Hungerford, sometime in 1894--with an index added by H. Hungerford Drake July 1901.
  3. ^ Reference page 111 of a Hungerford genealogy put together by Orville Hungerford, son of Congressman Orville Hungerford, sometime in 1894--with an index added by H. Hungerford Drake July 1901.
  4. ^ The two main genealogical sources for the Hungerford family in North America are 1. "For Thomas Hungerford of Hartford and New London, Conn. and his Descendants in America," by F. Phelps Leach, published by F. Phelps Leach, East Highgate, Vermont, 1932 and, 2. "A Summary Of The Families Hungerford, Descendants of Thomas of Connecticut, 2nd edition, 1980, (second printing - 1982), Including A Brief History of the Hungerford Family In England from the 12th Century, And Descendants of: Thomas of Ireland, William of Maryland, and Thomas of Maryland," by Stanley W. Hungerford. (Microfiche FHL #6088572).
  5. ^ FHL #1435190, Bronsom Cemetery records.
  6. ^ Reference page 272 of the "History of Steuben County, New York, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Some of its Prominent Men and Pioneers," by Prof. W. W. Clayton, Philadelphia, Lewis, Peck & Co., 1879.
  7. ^ Reference page 367 of "Marriage Notices From Steuben County, New York, Newspapers, 1797-1884," compiled by Mary S. Jackson and Edward F. Jackson, published by Heritage Books, Inc., Bowie, MD 20716, 1998. It is an extraction from the Corning Journal.
  8. ^ Page 52 of "1630-1897 A Brief History of the Ancestors and Descendants of John Roseboom (1739-1805) and of Jesse Johnson (1743-1832), compiled by Catharine Roseboom, Dr. J. Livingston Roseboom, Rev. Henry U. Swinnerton and Joseph H. White, Cherry Valley, New York, 1897.
  9. ^ Reference page 168 of "Hamilton Literary Monthly," November, 1881.
  10. ^ Page 52 of "1630-1897 A Brief History of the Ancestors and Descendants of John Roseboom (1739-1805) and of Jesse Johnson (1743-1832), compiled by Catharine Roseboom, Dr. J. Livingston Roseboom, Rev. Henry U. Swinnerton and Joseph H. White, Cherry Valley, New York, 1897.
  11. ^ Reference pages 272-273 of the "History of Steuben County, New York, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Some of its Prominent Men and Pioneers," by Prof. W. W. Clayton, Philadelphia, Lewis, Peck & Co., 1879.
  12. ^ See pages 620-623 of "Biographical And Portrait Cyclopedia of Chautauqua County, New York. With A Historical Sketch Of The County," by Hon. Obed Edson, published by John M. Gresham & Co., edited by Butler F. Dilley, Philadelphia, July, 1891.
  13. ^ See pages 114-115 of a Hungerford genealogy put together by Orville Hungerford, son of Congressman Orville Hungerford, sometime in 1894--with an index added by H. Hungerford Drake July 1901.
  14. ^ Reference pages 272-273 of the "History of Steuben County, New York, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Some of its Prominent Men and Pioneers," by Prof. W. W. Clayton, Philadelphia, Lewis, Peck & Co., 1879.
  15. ^ "Hamilton Timeline: 1810s-1830s".
  16. ^ "Baird's Manual of American College Fraternities, A Descriptive Analysis of the Fraternity System in the Colleges of the United States, With a Detailed Account of Each Fraternity," by Raimond Baird, Seventh Edition, The College Fraternity Publishing Co., New York, 1912, page 115.
  17. ^ Hamilton College (1904). Hamilton Literary Magazine, Volume 39. Hamilton College. p. 48.
  18. ^ "Seventy-Eighth Annual Report of the Regents of the University of the State of New York," C. Wendell, Printer, Albany, 1865, page 59
  19. ^ "Directory of Living Graduates, General Roll of Hamilton College 1812-1908," The Courier Press, Clinton, New York, June 1908, page 78
  20. ^ "Catalogue of the Alpha Delta Phi Society 1832-1922," Executive Council of the Delta Phi Fraternity, New York City 1922, pages 6-7.
  21. ^ "The Hamilton Literary Monthly (Vol. XXX, No. 1)," Louis K. R. Laird, Hamilton College, Clinton, New York, page 220.
  22. ^ "Through Eleven Decades of History: Watertown (A History from 1800 to 1912 with Illustrations and Many Incidents)," by Joel H. Monroe, Hungerford-Holbrook Co., Watertown, N.Y., 1912, page 230.
  23. ^ Reference "Baptisms in the Vernon Presbyterian Church 1812-1828," found at the Oneida County website--http://www.rootsweb.com/~nyoneida/vernonbapt.htm last reviewed on September 21, 1999.
  24. ^ "Life at Tinker Swiss Cottage The Journals of Robert Hall Tinker, 1851-1869" Black Oak Media, Inc. in conjunction with Robert Hall Tinker Press, Rockford, Illinois, 2012.
  25. ^ "Life at Tinker Swiss Cottage The Journals of Robert Hall Tinker, 1851-1869" Black Oak Media, Inc. in conjunction with Robert Hall Tinker Press, Rockford, Illinois, 2012, page 61.
  26. ^ "Life at Tinker Swiss Cottage The Journals of Robert Hall Tinker, 1851-1869" Black Oak Media, Inc. in conjunction with Robert Hall Tinker Press, Rockford, Illinois, 2012, page 68.
  27. ^ "Life at Tinker Swiss Cottage The Journals of Robert Hall Tinker, 1851-1869" Black Oak Media, Inc. In conjunction with Robert Hall Tinker Press, Rockford, Illinois, 2012, page 79.
  28. ^ "Life at Tinker Swiss Cottage The Journals of Robert Hall Tinker, 1851-1869" Black Oak Media, Inc. in conjunction with Robert Hall Tinker Press, Rockford, Illinois, 2012, page 95.
  29. ^ http://www.tinkercottage.org (last visited March 8, 2016).
  30. ^ See the April 6, 1883 issue of page 2, column 2 of Bath, New York's "Steuben Courier."
  31. ^ "Pioneer Days and Later Times in Corning and Vicinity 1789-1920" by Uri Mulford, Printed and published by Uri Mulford, Corning, N.Y., 1922, page 256
  32. ^ "Fifty-Sixth Annual Report of the American Bible Society" American Bible Society, New York City, 1872, page 20
  33. ^ Reference the October 20, 1881 issue of the "Watkins (NY) Express."
  34. ^ Reference the 27 Oct 1881 issue of "The Canisteo (NY) Times."
  35. ^ "Sixty-Third Annual Catalogue of the Officers and Students of the Auburn Theological Seminary, Auburn, N.Y. 1882-'83" Auburn Theological Seminary, Knapp, Peck & Thomson, Book and Job Printers, Auburn, N.Y. 1883, page 4
  36. ^ "Sixty-Third Annual Catalogue of the Officers and Students of the Auburn Theological Seminary, Auburn, N.Y. 1882-'83" Auburn Theological Seminary, Knapp, Peck & Thomson, Book and Job Printers, Auburn, N.Y. 1883, page 11
  37. ^ Reference FHL #1000235, "History of Chautauqua County, New York," by Andrew W. Young, pages 602-603.
  38. ^ Reference pages 272-273 of the "History of Steuben County, New York, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Some of its Prominent Men and Pioneers," by Prof. W. W. Clayton, Philadelphia, Lewis, Peck & Co., 1879.
  39. ^ See pages 114-115 of a Hungerford genealogy put together by Orville Hungerford, son of Congressman Orville Hungerford, sometime in 1894--with an index added by H. Hungerford Drake July 1901.
  40. ^ Reference pages 272-273 of the "History of Steuben County, New York, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Some of its Prominent Men and Pioneers," by Prof. W. W. Clayton, Philadelphia, Lewis, Peck & Co., 1879.
  41. ^ "The Journals of Robert Hall Tinker, 1851-1869 Volume 1," by Robert Tinker, Black Oak Media, Inc. in conjunction with Robert Hall Tinker Press, Rockford, Illinois, 2012, page 59.
  42. ^ "History of Chautauqua County, New York, From its First Settlement to the Present Time," by Andrew W. Young, Printing House of Matthews & Warren, Buffalo, N.Y., 1875, page 651.
  43. ^ "Through Eleven Decades of History: Watertown (A History from 1800 to 1912 with Illustrations and Many Incidents)," by Joel H. Monroe, Hungerford-Holbrook Co., Watertown, N.Y., 1912, page 230.
  44. ^ Reference pages 272-273 of the "A History of Steuben County, New York, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Some of its Prominent Men and Pioneers," by Prof. W. W. Clayton, Philadelphia, Lewis, Peck & Co., 1879.
  45. ^ "Genealogical and Family History of Western New York (Volume I)," edited by William Richard Cutter, Lewis Historical Publishing Co., New York, 1912 page 42.
  46. ^ "New York, State Census, 1855," index and images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/K6S1-BC6 : accessed 24 Nov 2013), J N Hungerford in entry for Almeron Field, 1855.
  47. ^ "Catalogue of the Psi Upsilon Fraternity", John F. Trow Printer and Stereotyper, New York City, June 1852, page 47.
  48. ^ "The Men of New York: A Collection of Biographies and Portraits of Citizens of the Empire State Prominent in Business, Professional, Social and Political Life During the Last Decade of the Nineteenth Century (Vol. 1)", Geo. E. Matthews & Co., Buffalo, N.Y., 1898, page 132.
  49. ^ Advertisement in the Corning Journal for the Geo. Washington Bank on August 16, 1854.
  50. ^ Newspaper advertisement for the Geo. Washington Bank published in the Corning Journal on August 16, 1854.
  51. ^ A History of Steuben County, New York and its People (Volume I), by Irvin W. Near, Chicago, Lewis Publishing Co., 1911, page 270.
  52. ^ Patterson v. Birdsall, 19 Sickels 294, 64 N.Y. 294 (1876).
  53. ^ Reference page 205 of Pioneer Days and Later Times in Corning and Vicinity 1789-1920, in the section entitled 'Grist-Mill at Erie Avenue and Pine Street Burns,; by Uri Mulford, (SE Steuben County Library), printed and published by Uri Mulford, Corning, New York.
  54. ^ "Laws of the State of New York Passed at the Eighty-Second Session of the Legislature," Chapter 3, W.C. Little & Co., Albany, New York, 1859 page 9.
  55. ^ Reference page 205 of "Pioneer Days and Later Times in Corning and Vicinity 1789-1920," in the section entitled 'Grist-Mill at Erie Avenue and Pine Street Burns,' by Uri Mulford, (SE Steuben County Library), printed and published by Uri Mulford, Corning, New York.
  56. ^ "The Generations of Corning: The Life and Times of a Global Corporation," by Davis Dyer and Daniel Gross, Oxford University Press, Inc., New York 2001, page 41.
  57. ^ Real Estate Record and Builder's Guide, Vol. VII, No. 160, Saturday, April 8, 1871, New York, page 165.
  58. ^ "Proceedings of the Canal Board of the State of New York," Weed, Parsons and Company, Printers, Albany, New York 1877, page 148.
  59. ^ Eighty-Seventh Annual Report of the Regents of the University of the State of New York," Weed, Parsons and Company, Printers, Albany, N.Y., 1874, page 431.
  60. ^ "The Daring Attempt at Bank Robbery in Corning", (from the Corning Democrat, Nov. 5, 1868) New York Times (N.Y.), 8 November 1868
  61. ^ "George W. Patterson on trial", Corning Journal (N.Y.), 1 March 1877
  62. ^ "The Case of George W. Patterson. The Indictment Quashed", Elmira Advertiser (N.Y.), 22 May 1878
  63. ^ "Notice of Sale", Corning Journal (N.Y.), 11 July 1878
  64. ^ http://www.pattersonlibrary.info/about.html (last visited July 5, 2013)
  65. ^ "Proceedings of the Twenty-First Convocation of the University of the State of New York (held July 10, 11 and 12, 1883)" Weed, Parsons & Company, Printers, Albany, N.Y., 1884, page 246.
  66. ^ "Manual of the Railroads of the United States: Showing their Mileage, Stocks, Bonds, Cost, Traffic, Earnings, Expenses, and Organizations : with a Sketch of Their Rise, Progress, Influence, Etc. : Together with an Appendix, Containing a Full Analysis of the Debts of the Several States" by Henry Varnum Poor, published by H.V. & H.W. Poor, 1872, page 363.
  67. ^ See page 2 of the April 10, 1883 issue of "Utica Weekly Herald."
  68. ^ Reference page 24 of "Patronized By His Excellency Governor Edwin D. Morgan, Major General and Commander-in-Chief of the New York state Forces; New York State Army List; February, 1862; Staff of the Various State Departments; Staff and field Officers of the Militia; Volunteers," published by Congreve, Darwent & Whiteford, New York.
  69. ^ Page 86 of the "Annual Report of the Adjutant General of the State of New York," printed by C. Van Benthuysen, Albany, NY, 1860.
  70. ^ Reference page 10 of "The Civil War Papers of Lt. Colonel Newton T. Colby, New York Infantry" edited by William E. Hughes, McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, Jefferson, North Carolina, 2003.
  71. ^ April 5, 1883 Corning Journal
  72. ^ Reference pages 272-273 of the "History of Steuben County, New York, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Some of its Prominent Men and Pioneers," by Prof. W. W. Clayton, Philadelphia, Lewis, Peck & Co., 1879.
  73. ^ "Congressional Record: containing the Proceedings and Debates of the Forty-Fifth Congress, Second Session" Volume VII, Washington D.C., Government Printing Office, 1878, Appendix pages 37-38.
  74. ^ "History of Steuben County, New York, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Some of its Prominent Men and Pioneers," by Prof. W. W. Clayton, Philadelphia, Lewis, Peck & Co., 1879, page 273.
  75. ^ "New York, State Census, 1865," images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.3.1/TH-266-12872-107044-59: accessed 24 Nov 2013), entry for John N. Hungerford, 1865.
  76. ^ See the August 28, 1872 issue of Lowville, NY's "Journal and Republican" as well as the August 29, 1872 issue of the "Watertown Re-Union."
  77. ^ Reference page 2 of the April 10, 1883 issue of "Utica Weekly Herald."
  78. ^ See the Hamilton College online archives at http://www.hamilton.edu/library/library_collections/archives/buildings.cfm?id=bldgDate (a link that was valid as of November 23, 2012)
  79. ^ "The Hamilton Record (Volume V, No. 1)," Hamilton College, Clinton, January 1906, page 22.
  80. ^ "Ninety-Third Annual Report of the Regents of the University of the State of New York (No. 41)," Erastus C. Benedict, Weed, Parsons and Company, Printers, Albany, March 30, 1880, page 65.
  81. ^ "Ninety-Third Annual Report of the Regents of the University of the State of New York (No. 41)," Erastus C. Benedict, Weed, Parsons and Company, Printers, Albany, March 30, 1880, page 142.
  82. ^ Proceedings of the Twenty-First Convocation of the University of the State of New York (held July 10, 11 and 12, 1883)" Weed, Parsons & Company, Printers, Albany, N.Y., 1884, page 246.
  83. ^ See Steuben County Surrogate Wills & Administrations, Case# 5307, book 017, page 191, year 1883, Town of Corning.
  84. ^ "Historical and Statistical Record of the University of the State of New York During the Century From 1784 to 1884," Franklin B. Hough, Weed, Parson & Company, Printers, Albany, 1885, page 189
  85. ^ "1797-History of Jefferson County, NY with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Some of Its Prominent Men and Pioneers--1878," published by L. H. Everts & Co., 714-16 Filbert St., Philadelphia--this is a personal version--additional comments were added over and above the County History's version. Portions of it are the same. It appears this special addition was made for General Hungerford. It is 22 pages long. Also see an early January 1883 issue of Canton, New York's "Commercial Advertiser."
  86. ^ See the September 29, 1864 issue of "The Sabbath Recorder."
  87. ^ Reference page 227 of "Pioneer Days and Later Times in Corning and Vicinity 1789-1920," in the section entitled 'Bishop Timon Lays Corner-Stone of St. Mary's Church', by Uri Mulford, (SE Steuben County Library), printed and published by Uri Mulford, Corning, New York.
  88. ^ Eighty-First Annual Report of the Regents of the University of the State of New York," Printing House of C. Van Benthuysen & Sons, Albany, N.Y., 1868, page 285.
  89. ^ "Journals of the military expeditions of major general John Sullivan against:the six nations of Indians in 1779, with records of centennial celebrations", by Frederick Cook (secretary of State), Knapp, Peck & Thomson Printers, Auburn, N.Y., 1887, page 392
  90. ^ The "Corning (NY) Journal," April 5, 1883. See also "The Milwaukee Sentinel," (Milwaukee, WI) April 3, 1883, page 2, column E and Column B of the April 3, 1883 issue of "The North American (Philadelphia, PA)."
  91. ^ "Steuben Courier," (Bath, NY) April 6, 1883, page 2, column 2.
  92. ^ April 5, 1883 Corning Journal
  93. ^ Where They're Buried: A Directory Containing More Than Twenty Thousand Names of Notable Persons Buried in American Cemeteries, with Listings of Many Prominent People who Were Cremated, page 242 - By Thomas E. Spencer -Printed by Clearfield Co., 1998, by Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., Baltimore, MD, 1998.
  94. ^ "The Banker's Magazine and Statistical Register (Volume 38)," Homans Publishing Company, New York City, from July 1883 to June 1884, page 74.
  95. ^ See the October 10, 1889 issue of the "Corning (NY) Journal."
  96. ^ "A History of Steuben County, New York and its People (Volume I)," by Irvin W. Near, Chicago, Lewis Publishing Co., 1911, page 270.
U.S. House of Representatives
Preceded by Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from New York's 29th congressional district

1877–1879
Succeeded by
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