To install click the Add extension button. That's it.

The source code for the WIKI 2 extension is being checked by specialists of the Mozilla Foundation, Google, and Apple. You could also do it yourself at any point in time.

Kelly Slayton
Congratulations on this excellent venture… what a great idea!
Alexander Grigorievskiy
I use WIKI 2 every day and almost forgot how the original Wikipedia looks like.
Live Statistics
English Articles
Improved in 24 Hours
Added in 24 Hours
What we do. Every page goes through several hundred of perfecting techniques; in live mode. Quite the same Wikipedia. Just better.

John M. Palmer (politician)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

John Palmer
United States Senator
from Illinois
In office
March 4, 1891 – March 3, 1897
Preceded byCharles B. Farwell
Succeeded byWilliam E. Mason
15th Governor of Illinois
In office
January 11, 1869 – January 13, 1873
LieutenantJohn Dougherty
Preceded byRichard J. Oglesby
Succeeded byRichard J. Oglesby
Personal details
John McAuley Palmer

(1817-09-13)September 13, 1817
Eagle Creek, Kentucky, U.S.
DiedSeptember 25, 1900(1900-09-25) (aged 83)
Springfield, Illinois, U.S.
Political partyDemocratic (before 1848, 1852–1856, 1872–1896)
Free Soil (1848–1852)
Republican (1856–1870)
Liberal Republican (1870–1872)
National Democratic (1896–1900)
EducationShurtleff College
Military service
Branch/serviceUnited States Army
Union Army
Years of service1861–1866
Union Army major general rank insignia.svg
Major General
CommandsXIV Corps
Battles/warsAmerican Civil War

John McAuley Palmer (September 13, 1817 – September 25, 1900) was an Illinois resident, an American Civil War general who fought for the Union, the 15th governor of Illinois, and presidential candidate of the National Democratic Party in the 1896 election on a platform to defend the gold standard, free trade, and limited government.

Palmer switched political parties throughout his life, starting out a Democrat. He became in turn an anti-Nebraska Democrat (an anti-slavery opponent of the Kansas-Nebraska Act), a Republican, a Liberal Republican, returned to being a Democrat, then ended as a Bourbon Democrat. He said, "I had my own views. I was not a slave of any party," and added, "I thought for myself and [have] spoken my own words on all occasions."

YouTube Encyclopedic

  • 1/3
    1 934 320
    13 937
  • The Roaring 20's: Crash Course US History #32
  • The Counterinsurgent's Constitution: 2013 Palmer Prize Lecture
  • bell hooks and Hari Kondabolu dialogue at St. Norbert College


Episode 32: The Roaring 20s? Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course U.S. History and today we’re going to learn about one the best eras ever, the 1920s. The 20s gave us Jazz, movies, radio, making out in cars, illegal liquor. And the 20s also gave us prosperity, although not for everybody and gangsters and a consumer culture based on credit and lots of prejudice against immigrants and eventually the worst economic crisis the U.S. has seen. Mr. Green, Mr. Green, but what about Gatsby? Yeah, Me from the Past, it’s true that Gatsby turned alright in the end, but what preyed on Gatsby, what foul dust trailed in the wake of his dreams did temporarily close out my interest in the aborted sorrows and short-winded elations of men. intro So there’s a stereotypical view of the 1920s as the “Roaring 20s,” a decade of exciting change and new cultural touchstones, as well as increased personal freedom and dancing. And it really was a time of increased wealth. For some people. The quote of the decade has to go to our famously taciturn president from Massachusetts, Calvin Coolidge, who said, “the chief business of the American people is business.” Jay-Z would later update this for the 21st century noting, “I'm not a businessman, I'm a business, man.” But anyway during the 1920s the government helped business grow like gangbusters, largely by not regulating it much at all. This is known as “laissez-faire” capitalism. Or “laissez-faire” capitalism if you’re good at speaking French. The Republican Party dominated politics in the 1920s, with all the presidents elected in the decade being staunch conservative Republicans. The federal government hewed to the policies favored by business lobbyists, including lower taxes on personal income and business profits, and efforts to weaken the power of unions. Presidents Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover stocked the boards of the Federal Reserve and the Federal Trade Commission with men who shared their pro-business views, shifting the country away from the economic regulation that had been favored by Progressives. And that was very good for the American economy. At least in the short run. The 1920s were also marked by quite a bit of government corruption, most of which can be pinned to the administration of Warren G. Harding. Now, Harding himself wasn’t terribly corrupt, but he picked terrible friends. They included attorney general Harry Daughtery, who accepted money to not prosecute criminals, and Interior Secretary Albert Fall, who took half a million dollars from private business in exchange for leases to government oil reserves at Teapot Dome. Fall later became the first cabinet member ever to be convicted of a felony. But on the other hand: Business, man! Productivity rose dramatically, largely because older industries adopted Henry Ford’s assembly line techniques, and newer industries like aviation, chemicals, and electronics grew up to provide Americans with new products and new jobs. During the 1920s annual production of cars tripled to 4.8 million and automobile companies were gradually consolidated into the big three that we know today: Ford, Chrysler, and Harley Davidson. What? General Motors. By 1929 half of all American families owned a car. And thus began the American love affair with the automobile, which is also where love affairs were often consummated. Which is why, in the 1920, cars came to be known as “skoodilypooping chariots.” What’s that? They were called “Brothels on Wheels”? And the economy also grew because American corporations were extending their reach overseas and American foreign investment was greater than that of any other country. The dollar replaced the pound as the most important currency for trade and by the end of the decade America was producing 85% of the world’s cars and 40% of its overall manufactured goods. Stan, can I get a Libertage? Libertage And companies churned out all kinds of labor saving devices like vacuum cleaners, toasters, refrigerators. And not having to spend all day washing your clothes or turning over your own toast like some kind of commoner meant that Americans had more time for leisure. And this was provided by radios, and baseball games, boxing matches, vacations, dance crazes. I mean before Gangnam Style, there was the the Lindy and the Charleston. But probably the most significant leisure product was movies. And I’m not just saying that because I’m staring into a camera. The American film industry moved out to Hollywood before World War I because land was cheap and plentiful, all that sunshine meant that you could shoot outside all year round. And it was close to everything: desert, mountains, ocean, plastic surgeons. And by 1925 the American film industry had eclipsed all of its competitors and become the greatest in the world, especially if you count by volume and not quality. And more and more people had money to go see those movies thanks to consumer debt. The widespread use of credit and layaway buying plans meant that it was acceptable to go into debt to maintain what came to be seen as the American “standard of living” and this was a huge change in attitude. These days we don’t even think of credit cards as debt really, but they are. And that was a relatively new idea. As was another feature of American life in the 20s that is still with us: celebrity. Opera singer Enrico Caruso has often been called the first modern celebrity but now he’s a lot less famous than Charlie Chaplin, or Rudolph Valentino, or Babe Ruth. But probably the biggest celebrity of the decade was Charles Lindbergh, whose claim to fame was flying across the Atlantic Ocean by himself without stopping. Although he did use an airplane, which makes it slightly less impressive. Now Lindbergh wasn’t a truly contemporary celebrity in the sense of being famous for being famous, but he was a business more than a businessman. High culture also flourished. This was the age of the “Lost Generation” of American writers, many of whom lived and worked in Europe, but America had its own version of Paris in New York. The decade of the 1920s saw continued migration of African American people from the south to cities in the North, and Harlem became the capital of Black America. And speaking of migration, let us now migrate to the chair for the Mystery Document. The rules here are simple. I guess the author of the Mystery Document. I’m either right or I get shocked with the shock pen. Alright let’s see what we’ve got here. If we must die, let it not be like hogs Hunted and penned in an inglorious spot, While round us bark the mad and hungry dogs, Making their mock at our accursed lot … Like men we’ll face the murderous, cowardly pack, Pressed to the wall, dying but fight back. Stan, thank you for the poetry. I appreciate that it’s not some obscure document from 18th century blah blah blah. It’s Claude McKay, Harlem Renaissance poet, the poem is called “If We Must Die.” It’s the only thing in the world I’m actually good at. Now I know this from the imagery alone, especially the line about mad and hungry dogs that would figuratively and literally make up the mobs at the lynchings, but the giveaway here is the ultimate sentiment that “we” will fight back. This was part of the spirit of the Harlem Renaissance, which rejected stereotypes and prejudice and sought to celebrate African American experience. Meanwhile, things were changing for women as well as they found ways to express autonomy. Flappers kept their hair and skirts short, smoked and drank illegally in public and availed themselves of birth control. And marketers encouraged them to buy products like cigarettes, christened “torches of freedom” by Edward Bernays. “Liberation” had its limits, though. Most women were still expected to marry, have children, and find their freedom at home through the use of washing machines. But the picture of prosperity is, as usual, more complicated than it at first appears. The fact that so many Americans were going into debt in order to pursue the American dream meant that if the economy faltered, and it did, there was going to be lots of trouble. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. Prosperity in the 1920s wasn’t equally distributed through the population. Real industrial wages rose by a quarter between 1922 and 1929, but corporate profits rose at twice that rate. By 1929, 1% of the nation’s banks controlled 50% of the nation’s financial resources and the wealthiest 5% of Americans’ share of national income exceeded that of the bottom 60%. An estimated 40% of Americans lived in poverty. Now, many Americans celebrated big business and Wall Street was often seen as heroic, possibly because by 1920 about 1.5 million Americans owned some kind of stock. But big business also meant that smaller businesses disappeared. During the 1920s the number of manufacturing workers declined by 5%, the first time this class of workers had seen its numbers drop, but not the last. Now, some of these jobs were made up for by new jobs in retail, finance, and education, but as early as the 1920s New England was beginning to see unemployment and deindustrialization as textile companies moved their operations to the South, where labor was cheaper. And working class people still made up the majority of Americans and they often couldn’t afford these newfangled devices. Like in 1930, 75% of American homes didn’t have a washing machine, and only 40% of them had a radio. Farmers were even worse off. Many had prospered during World War I when the government subsidized farm prices in order to keep farms producing for the war effort. But, when the subsidies ended, production didn’t subside, largely due to mechanization and increased use of fertilizer. Farmers’ incomes dropped steadily and many saw banks foreclose upon their property. For the first time in American history, the number of farms declined during the 1920s. For farmers, the Great Depression began early. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So, organized labor also took a big hit. Although some companies engaged in welfare capitalism, providing pensions, medical insurance, and greater guarantees of workplace safety, many more continued to oppose unions and their efforts to improve working conditions. They employed stri kebreakers and continued to blacklist union organizers. And coupled with the market logic that led companies to move their businesses to the low-wage south, organized labor lost more than 2 million members in the 1920s. So, in general the federal government did little to nothing to help farmers or workers. The Supreme Court was the only segment of the government that kept any progressive ideas alive, as they began to craft a system of ideas that we call the jurisprudence of civil liberties. For instance, the courts stepped back from decisions like Schenk v. U.S. That was partly down to the newly created ACLU, which through lawsuits brought new meaning to freedom of speech and eventually the right to privacy. Now, the court still voted to uphold convictions of left wing critics of the government, but gradually began to embrace the idea that people had the right to express dissonant views in what Oliver Wendell Holmes called the “marketplace of ideas.” In Near v. Minnesota the Supreme Court struck down censorship of newspapers, and by 1927, Justice Brandeis was writing “that freedom to think as you will and to speak as you think are indispensable to the discovery and spread of political truth.” But despite increased free speech and torches of liberty and flappers and the Harlem Renaissance, the 1920s was in many ways a reactionary period in American history. For instance, the decade saw the resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan in a new and improved form and by improved I mean much more terrible. Spurred on by the hyper-patriotism that was fostered during World War I, the Klan denounced immigrants, and Jews, and Catholics as less than 100% American. And by the mid 20s the Klan claimed more than 3 million members and was the largest private organization right here in my home state of Indiana. And with more immigrants coming from Southern and Eastern Europe – who were often Catholic and Jewish – White Protestants became more and more concerned about losing their dominant position in the social order. Spoiler alert – it turns out okay for you, white Protestants. The first immigration restriction bill was passed in 1921 limiting the number of immigrants from Europe to 357,000. In 1924 a new immigration law dropped that number to 150,000 and established quotas based on national origin. The numbers of immigrants allowed from southern and eastern Europe were drastically reduced and Asians (except for Filipinos) were totally forbidden. The quota for Filipinos was set at 50 per year although they were still allowed to emigrate to Hawaii because their labor was needed there. There were no restrictions however on immigration from the Western Hemisphere because California’s large-scale farms were dependent upon seasonal laborers from Mexico. These immigration restrictions were also influenced by fear of radical anarchists and pseudo-scientific ideas about race. Whites were seen as scientifically superior to people of color and as president Coolidge himself declared when he signed the 1924 immigration law, “America must be kept American.” Tell me, Calvin Coolidge, about how American you are. Are you Cherokee? Or Cree? Or Lakota? The 1920s also saw increased tension between science education in the United States and religious beliefs. The best known example is, of course, the trial of John Scopes in Tennessee in 1925. Scopes was tried for breaking the law against teaching evolution, which he had been encouraged to do by the ACLU as a test case for the freedom of speech. Scopes was prosecuted by William Jennings Bryan, whom you will remember as having recently resigned as Secretary of State and who had become a leader of the fundamentalist movement. And Scopes was defended by Clarence Darrow, that famous defense attorney who contemporary defense attorneys always point to to argue that defense attorneys aren’t all scum. Scopes and Darrow actually lost the trial but the case drew national attention and ultimately led to evolution being taught in more American schools. The Scopes trial is often seen as a victory for free thinking, and science, and modernism, and I suppose it was, but for me it’s more a symbol of the contradictions of the 1920s. This is the decade that gave us mass consumer culture and celebrity worship, which are important and very complicated legacies. And it also saw the birth of modern conceptions of civil liberties. It was a period when tolerance became an important value, but at the same time it saw a rise in lynchings. Immigrants were necessary for the economic boom of the 1920s, but at the same time their numbers were restricted as they were seen as a threat to “traditional American values.” And that raises a question that we’re still struggling with today: what are those values? I don’t mean that rhetorically. Let me know in comments. Thanks for watching. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Meredith Danko. The associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, Rosianna Rojas, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Café. I nailed that. Every week, there’s a new caption for the libertage. You can suggest your own in comments or ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thank you for watching Crash Course. If you enjoyed today’s video, make sure you’ve subscribed. And as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be awesome. Roaring 20s -

Early life and career

Born at Eagle Creek in Scott County, Kentucky, Palmer's family in 1831 moved to Alton, Illinois. They were very poor, but he later worked his way through college. In 1839, he was admitted to the bar in that state. Palmer married Malinda Ann Neely in 1842 and had ten children with her. His early careers included being a lawyer, school teacher, coopering, and selling clocks.

Palmer was a member of the state constitutional convention of 1848. Between 1852 and 1855, he was a Democratic member of the Illinois Senate, but joined the Republican party upon its organization and became one of its leaders in Illinois.

He presided over the 1856 Illinois Republican Convention in Bloomington that founded the party in his home state. In 1859 he was the Republican candidate in a special election to a vacancy in the 36th Congress caused by the death of Thomas L. Harris, but he was defeated by John A. McClernand. He later became a Republican presidential elector in 1860, and was one of the leading people who got his friend Abraham Lincoln nominated for the presidency at the national convention in Chicago.

In 1861, he was appointed by Lincoln to be a delegate to the peace convention in Washington. It failed when no compromise could be reached.

Civil War

During the American Civil War, Palmer served in the Union army, rising from the rank of colonel to that of major general in the volunteer service. He enlisted in 1861 and was commissioned Colonel of the 14th Illinois Infantry, serving under his friend John C. Fremont in an expedition to Springfield, Missouri, to put down the rebellion in that state. On December 20, 1861, he was promoted to brigadier general and assigned command of a brigade under John Pope.

Palmer took part in the capture of New Madrid and Island No. 10, commanding a division in the latter campaign. Taken ill in the field, he returned home to recuperate and raised a new regiment, the 122nd Illinois Infantry. Taking the field again in September, he was assigned by William S. Rosecrans to command the first division of the Army of the Mississippi in Alabama and Tennessee. On November 29, 1862, he was promoted to major general of volunteers, and was conspicuous in the Battle of Stones River, where his division held an important position within the Union lines.

Palmer effectively led his troops during the Battle of Chickamauga in September 1863. He commanded the XIV Corps of the Army of the Cumberland during the Chattanooga Campaign (November 23–November 25, 1863), and served under George Henry Thomas in the Atlanta Campaign. Palmer's corps was a part of William T. Sherman's movement at the Railroads at East Point, in early August 1864. His corps was placed under the command of Major General John M. Schofield and ordered to cross North Utoy Creek. He questioned his orders, as he outranked Schofield as a Major General. A delay ensued while Sherman researched the question of rank and he ruled in favor of the 33-year-old, Schofield, commander of the Army of Ohio. After the main assault by the XIV and XXIII Corps in which one of his Soldiers, PVT Samual Grimshaw received the Medal of Honor, Palmer resigned in protest on the evening of August 6, 1864 and Brigadier General Johnson assumed command of the XIV Corps. Later Major General Jefferson C. Davis assumed command of the Corps. This is the only example of a resignation in the middle of an operation during the history of the United States.[citation needed] He returned home and awaited orders from the War Department. In early 1865, he was reassigned to command all Federal forces in Kentucky, helping to assert Federal control over the state for the next three years.

As Kentucky's military governor, Palmer established such control by two methods: waging a hard war against guerrillas and achieving the end of slavery in a state not bound by the Emancipation Proclamation. As late as May 1865, Palmer made clear his position on hard war after Kentucky irregulars still in the field had threatened him about summary punishment for captured partisans—"if you treat them as prisoners of war we will respect the same towards your soldiers if not we never can."[citation needed] Palmer ordered that guerrillas would not be allowed to surrender. "[N]o commission, real or forged, shall save [them]," he ordered, "all will be driven out or punished accordingly ... such men [will] be exterminated."[citation needed] Palmer, one of the organizers of the Republican Party in Illinois, was an avowed abolitionist who had received his assignment from his friend the president specifically to implement military policies to end slavery in the state. (When Lincoln offered the assignment in Kentucky to Palmer, then without a command, the general claimed the president directed him firmly: "Go to Kentucky, keep your temper, do as you please, and I will sustain you.")[citation needed] Palmer in fact needed little convincing, believing "that all that was left of slavery [in Kentucky] was its mischiefs" and, as he related, he was "determined to 'drive the last nail in the coffin' of the 'institution' even if it cost me the command of the department."[citation needed] (Indeed, to his wife he opined in 1865 that "if [I] had been asked five or ten years ago what honor I would ask as the highest which could be confer[r]ed upon me I would have said let me destroy slavery in Kentucky.")[citation needed] On March 20, at one of Louisville's Methodist churches, he announced as much.

In the next few months, with an assiduousness that belied the initial impression he gave the legislature that he intended to placate the state's loyal white populace, Palmer carried out Lincoln's directive. Not only did he actively enlist all able-bodied black men at an unprecedented rate — often with the assistance of all-black recruiting squads, and despite the legislature's strident objection to the continued presence of black troops in the state — he sustained martial law in the state in order to override the state's civil courts and governments because of their obvious unwillingness to assume "their clear and positive duty to protect the people from forcible wrongs, whether inflicted under the forms of law or otherwise."[citation needed] He legitimated slave marriages to protect the wives and children of enlisted men (in part a response to the Camp Nelson embarrassment), established refugee camps, fended off efforts by various municipal governments to expel fugitive slaves and free blacks alike and deny them the opportunity to find employment, released slaves from jails and workhouses, ordered that no bondman should be forced into service as substitutes, and issued tens of thousands of travel passes enabling African Americans to move freely within and without the state in search of employment. Called by African Americans "free passes" (and by white Kentuckians "Palmer passes") they were both agent and symbol of the delayed yet inevitable death of slavery in the state. At an African American Fourth of July celebration at Louisville's camp—one that followed a parade through the city streets, including some fifteen hundred armed black and white soldiers and band—Palmer, arriving in a gilded circus chariot, told an estimated twenty thousand attendees, most of whom he had already been assured believed the general was there to declare them free (and who he claimed later he set out to inform otherwise), "My countrymen, you are free, and while I command in this department the military forces of the United States will defend your right to freedom."[citation needed] That one of its circuit courts was soon to strike down Congress's act of March 3, 1865, liberating black soldiers' dependents — some 72,045 individuals, or by one USCT officer's estimate, "[t]wo and one half persons freed, for each Colored Soldier enlisted in the State of Kentucky" and two-thirds of the state's slaves—only fueled the general's intent to cure the state's white residents of "Negrophobia in its worst form."[citation needed] "Slavery is dead in Kentucky," he said to his wife in October 1865, "and my Mission is accomplished."[citation needed] He was soon met with an indictment by Louisville's grand jury for aiding fugitive slaves and a wave of lawsuits from dispossessed Kentucky slaveholders.

Postbellum career

John McAuley Palmer
John McAuley Palmer

In 1866, he resigned from the army and two years later was elected Governor of Illinois as a candidate of the Republican Party. He succeeded fellow Republican, General Richard James Oglesby. He was succeeded in turn by Oglesby in 1873. In the presidential election of 1872, Governor Palmer received three electoral votes for vice president by electors who had voted for the Liberal Republican Party's vice presidential candidate B. Gratz Brown for president after the death of Horace Greeley. In the 1891 United States Senate election, he was elected to the U.S. Senate as a Democrat and served one term.

Mrs. Palmer Weber, the daughter of Senator Palmer, spent considerable time in Washington City during her father's senatorial term, where her beauty, grace and geniality made her very popular.[1]

1892 presidential possibility

Palmer made a deal to make Russell his running mate in the event he received the Democratic presidential nomination.
Palmer made a deal to make Russell his running mate in the event he received the Democratic presidential nomination.

In 1892, Palmer was seriously considered as a candidate for the presidency.[2] At first, Palmer was taken up as a "refuge" candidate. Some Chicago Democrats, who were not prepared to accept Cleveland, Hill, or Gorman, were to support Palmer until they could go to the winner. This in itself was a point gained by Palmer and he proceeded to utilize it at once.

In early February 1892, Palmer had a conference with Patrick A. Collins, a former Democratic Massachusetts Congressman. At this conference, the two Democrats concluded a treaty. The purpose of the treaty was to make Palmer the Democratic presidential candidate and Massachusetts Governor William Russell, Collins' political ally and personal friend, the vice presidential candidate. It was argued by Collins that Palmer, being a Western senator of Kentucky stock, would be acceptable to the Southern Democrats. The objection as to Palmer's age would be met by pointing out that Russell, the youngest of governors, would become president in the event of his death. Russell's nomination would command the support of New England Democrats.[3]

Before the 1892 Democratic National Convention, Cook County Democrats held a convention and endorsed Senator Palmer for president.[4] In the end, Palmer stood faithful to former president Grover Cleveland and worked to have him nominated. Even though he supported Cleveland, many Illinois Democrats still supported him for president. Palmer was such a serious candidate that he had to go to the Democratic Convention in Chicago to discourage his own nomination.[5] [6]

But, under exceptional circumstances, he did run for president in 1896, rather than seeking reelection to the Senate.

Defending the gold standard

The National "Gold" Democratic Convention
The National "Gold" Democratic Convention

Palmer was the presidential candidate for the National Democratic Party in the 1896 election. The National Democratic Party was a conservative splinter group opposed to the free-silver platform of the regular Democratic Party and its nominee, William Jennings Bryan. His running mate on this "Gold Democratic" ticket was Simon Bolivar Buckner, Sr., a former Confederate general and governor of Kentucky. The National Democratic Party ticket received the coveted endorsement of the New York Times.[7]

The party arose out of a split in the Democratic Party due to the economic depression that occurred under Democratic president Grover Cleveland. At the 1896 presidential convention, one of Palmer's main Illinois rivals was Governor John Peter Altgeld, who succeeded in getting his own candidate, former Illinoisan William Jennings Bryan, nominated for the presidency. The currency issue dominated the campaign, blurring party lines. Eastern Democrats, unable to accept the party's free-silver platform and unwilling to support McKinley for his tariff views, created their own political party and nominated Palmer as their own candidate.[8]

Palmer opposed free silver, which was a plan to place the value of silver to gold at a 16-to-1 ratio, and then to tie the U.S. dollar to that value. Palmer noted that this plan ran contrary to the world market value of silver and gold, which was about 32 to 1. But, with Altgeld and Bryan in control of the Democratic convention, free silver won the day. Palmer believed it would have ruined the American economy, and he ran for president for a third party that was a breakaway group of Democrats. An article in the libertarian The Independent Review argues that in waging this quixotic campaign, he was a key figure in the "last stand" of classical liberalism as a political movement in the 19th century.[9]

Palmer and the other founders were disenchanted Democrats who viewed the party as a means to preserve the small-government ideals of Thomas Jefferson and Grover Cleveland, which they believed had been betrayed by Bryan. In its first official statement, the executive committee of the party declared, the Democrats had believed "in the ability of every individual, unassisted, if unfettered by law, to achieve his own happiness" and had upheld his "right and opportunity peaceably to pursue whatever course of conduct he would, provided such conduct deprived no other individual of the equal enjoyment of the same right and opportunity. [They] stood for freedom of speech, freedom of conscience, freedom of trade, and freedom of contract, all of which are implied by the century-old battle-cry of the Democratic party, 'Individual Liberty'" The party criticized both the inflationist policies of the Democrats and the protectionism of the Republicans.[10]

Palmer's campaign platform was popular and he could have been a major factor in the election had he been younger, but few voters were willing to support a 79-year-old candidate. Although he could have made up for this with a youthful running mate, he instead chose 73-year-old Simon Bolivar Buckner, in part because it was thought that the idea of two former generals, one Union and one Confederate, teamed up would emphasize national unity and ease the still-lingering resentment in the South from the Civil War. The two displayed a good amount of energy for their age and embarked on a busy campaign schedule, but most supporters of the ideals of the National Democratic Party probably voted for McKinley because of his support of the gold standard. Palmer and Buckner received just over 1% of the vote.[citation needed]

Palmer died of a heart attack in Springfield, Illinois on September 25, 1900 and was interred in the City Cemetery in Carlinville, Illinois.

John M. Palmer Elementary School, located at 5051 North Kenneth Avenue on the northwest side of Chicago was named in his honor.[11]

See also


  1. ^ Hinman, Ida (1895). The Washington Sketch Book.
  2. ^ "GEN. JOHN M. PALMER DEAD.; Candidate for Presidency on National Democratic Ticket in 1896 Succumbs to Heart Disease" (PDF). New York Times. September 26, 1900. p. 1. Retrieved June 25, 2009.
  3. ^ "SENATOR PALMER'S SCHEME.; HOW F.A. COLLINS WAS TO AID IN SECURING A NOMINATION" (PDF). New York Times. February 22, 1892. p. 1. Retrieved June 25, 2009.
  4. ^ "COOK COUNTY INDORSED PALMER.; BUT THE RESOLUTION DID NOT SOUND A VERY SHRILL NOTE" (PDF). New York Times. March 5, 1892. p. 1. Retrieved June 25, 2009.
  5. ^ "SENATOR PALMER GOES TO CHICAGO.; HE IS TO WORK FOR CLEVELAND AND DISCOURAGE "FAVORITE-SON" IDEAS" (PDF). New York Times. June 20, 1892. p. 1. Retrieved June 23, 2009.
  6. ^ "GUIDED BY PRINCIPLE; GEN. JOHN M. PALMER HAS BEEN A TRUE INDEPENDENT" (PDF). New York Times. September 4, 1896. p. 1. Retrieved June 25, 2009.
  7. ^ "The Choice". New York Times. September 30, 1896. p. 4. Retrieved October 24, 2008.
  8. ^ William DeGregorio, The Complete Book of U.S. Presidents, Gramercy 1997
  9. ^ David T. Beito and Linda Royster Beito, "Gold Democrats and the Decline of Classical Liberalism, 1896–1900," Independent Review 4 (Spring 2000), 555–75
  10. ^ David T. Beito and Linda Royster Beito, "Gold Democrats and the Decline of Classical Liberalism, 1896–1900," Independent Review 4 (Spring 2000), 555–75
  11. ^ John M. Palmer Elementary School

Further reading

Party political offices
Preceded by Republican nominee for Governor of Illinois
Succeeded by
Preceded by Democratic nominee for Governor of Illinois
Succeeded by
New political party National Democratic nominee for President of the United States
Party dissolved
Political offices
Preceded by Governor of Illinois
Succeeded by
U.S. Senate
Preceded by U.S. Senator (Class 3) from Illinois
Served alongside: Shelby Cullom
Succeeded by
This page was last edited on 20 January 2023, at 00:15
Basis of this page is in Wikipedia. Text is available under the CC BY-SA 3.0 Unported License. Non-text media are available under their specified licenses. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc. WIKI 2 is an independent company and has no affiliation with Wikimedia Foundation.