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Act of Independence of Central America

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Act of Independence of Central America
A scan of the act of independence
Signers of the Act of Independence
Ratified15 September 1821
LocationLegislative Assembly of El Salvador
Author(s)José Cecilio del Valle
Signatories13 representatives of the provinces of the Captaincy General of Guatemala
PurposeTo announce separation from the Spanish Empire and provide for the establishment of a new Central American state

The Act of Independence of Central America (Spanish: Acta de Independencia Centroamericana), also known as the Act of Independence of Guatemala, is the legal document by which the Provincial Council of the Province of Guatemala proclaimed the independence of Central America from the Spanish Empire and invited the other provinces of the Captaincy General of Guatemala[a] to send envoys to a congress to decide the form of the region's independence. It was enacted on 15 September 1821.[1]

YouTube Encyclopedic

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  • Latin American Revolutions: Crash Course World History #31
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  • War and Nation Building in Latin America: Crash Course World History 225

Transcription

Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course World History and today things are going to get a little bit confusing, because we’re going to talk about revolution and independence in Latin America. It’s a bit confusing because 1. Latin America is big, 2. It’s very diverse, 3. Napoleon makes everything complicated and 4. As we’ve seen in the past, sometimes revolutions turn out not to be not that revolutionary. [why a solid marketing dept. is key] Witness, for instance, the New England Revolution, who instead of, like, trying to form new and better governments are always just kicking balls around like all the other soccer [futbol] teams. [Intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] Right, so before independence, Latin American society was characterized by three institutions that exercised control over the population. The first was the Spanish Crown, or if you are Brazilian, the Portuguese crown. So, as far as Spain was concerned, the job of the colonies was to produce revenue in the form of a 20% tax on everything that was called “the royal fifth.” So government administration was pervasive and relatively efficient— because it had to be in order to collect its royal fifth. I mean, the church even controlled time – the church bells tolled out the hours and they mandated a seven day work week so that people could go to church on Sunday. [so HobbyLobby store hours aren't super inconvenient, they're just old skool?] And finally, there was patriarchy. [yeuup, there's a shocker] In Latin America, like much of the world, husbands had complete control over their wives and any extra-or-pre-marital skoodilypooping was severely punished. I mean, when it was the women doing the illicit skoodilypooping. Men could basically get up to whatever. [RIP Helen Gurley Brown. much love] This was mainly about property rights because illegitimate children could inherit their father’s property, but it was constructed to be about, you know, purity. To get a sense of how patriarchy shaped Latin American lives, take a gander at Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz, whose name I’m actually abbreviating. A child prodigy who spoke five languages by the age of 16, de la Cruz wanted to disguise herself as a boy so she could attend University, [plot of 80's flick Just One of the Guys] but she was forbidden to do so. Still, she wrote plays and poetry, she studied math and natural science, [Girls do Get Curves, Danica McKellar!] and for being one of the leading minds of the 17th century, she was widely attacked, and eventually forced to abandon her work and sell all 4,000 of her books. That’s a shame because she had a great mind, once writing that “Aristotle would have written more if he had done any cooking.” [oooh, snap!] Couple other things: First, Latin America led the world in transculturation or Cultural Blending. A new and distinct Latin American culture emerged mixing 1. Whites from Spain called Peninsulares, 2. Whites born in the Americas called creoles, 3. Native Americans, and 4. African slaves. This blending of cultures may be most obvious when looking at Native American and African influences upon Christianity. The Virgin of Guadalupe, for instance, was still called Tonantzin, the indigenous earth goddess, by Indians, and the profusion of blood in Mexican iconography recalls the Aztec use of blood in ritual. But transculturation pervaded Latin American life, from food to secular music to fashion. Somewhat related: Latin America had a great deal of racial diversity and a rigid social hierarchy to match. There were four basic racial categories: white, black, mestizo –a mix of white and American Indian- and mulatto, a mix of white and black. We try not to use that word anymore because it’s offensive, but that’s the word they used. And from the 16th century on, Latin America had a huge diversity of mixed race people, and there were constant attempts to classify them and divide them into castes. You can see some of these in so called casta paintings, which attempted to establish in a very weird and Enlightenment-y way all the possible racial combinations. But of course that’s not how race works, as evidenced by the fact that successful people of lower racial castes could become “legally white” by being granted gracias al sacar. [pretty jacked up, white? right, I mean..] So by 1800, on the eve of Latin America’s independence movements, roughly a quarter of the population were mixed race. So Brazil… he said as thousands of Argentinians booed him— is obviously different because it was ruled, not by Spain, but by Portugal. But like a lot of revolutions in Latin America, it was fairly conservative. The creoles wanted to maintain their privilege while also achieving independence from the Peninsulares. And also like a lot of Latin American revolutions, it featured Napoleon. [forever makes me think of Bill &Ted] Freaking Napoleon. You’re everywhere. [except in line for certain roller coasters] He’s behind me, isn’t he? Gah. So when Napoleon took over Portugal in 1807, the entire Portuguese royal family and their royal court decamped to Brazil. And it turned out, they loved Brazil. King Joao loved Brazil so much. Off topic, but do you think that J-Woww named herself after King Joao? I mean, does she have that kind of historical sensibility? I think she does. [that whole bit really just happened, btw] So King Joao’s life in Rio was so good that even after Napoleon was defeated at the Battle of Waterloo, he just kind of stayed in Brazil. And then, by 1820, the Portuguese in Portugal were like, “Hey, maybe you should come back and, like, you know, govern us, King of Portugal.” So in 1821, he reluctantly returned to Lisbon, leaving his son Prince Pedro behind. Meanwhile, Brazilian creoles were organizing themselves around the idea that they were culturally different from Portugal, and they eventually f ormed a Brazilian Party— no, Stan not that kind of party, come on— yes. That kind. A Brazilian party to lobby for independence. Then in 1822, they convinced Prince Pedro of boring, old Portugal that he should just become King Pedro of sexy, big Brazil. So Pedro declared Brazil an independent constitutional monarchy with himself as king. [as one does, naturally] As a result, Brazil achieved independence without much bloodshed and managed to hold on to that social hierarchy with the plantation owners on top. And that explains why Brazil was the last new world country to abolish slavery, not fully abandoning it until 1888. Right, so even when Napoleon wasn’t forcing Portuguese royals into an awesome exile, he was still messing with Latin America. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. So Latin America’s independence movements began not with Brazil, but in Mexico when Napoleon put his brother on the Spanish throne in 1808. [nepotism; always a classy move] Napoleon wanted to institute the liberal principles of the French Revolution, which angered the ruling elite of the Peninsulares in what was then called New Spain. They were aristocrats and they just wanted to go back to some good old-fashioned divine right monarchy with a strong church. So the Mexican Creoles, seeking to expand their own power at the expense of the Peninsular elite saw an opportunity here. They affirmed their loyalty to the new king, who was French even though he was the king of Spain. I told you this was complicated. Then, a massive peasant uprising began, led by a renegade priest Padre Hidalgo, and supported by the Creoles because it was aimed at the Peninsulares, even though they weren’t actually the ones who supported Spain. This was further complicated by the fact that to the mestizo peasants led by Hidalgo, Creoles and Peninsulares looked and acted basically identical— they were both white and imperious— [preferable to avada kedavrious?] so the peasants often attacked the Creoles, who were, technically on their side in trying to overthrow the ruling peninsulares. Even though it had tens of thousands of supporters, this first peasant uprising petered out. But, a second peasant revolt, led by another priest, Father Morelos, was much more revolutionary. In 1813, he declared independence and the revolt lasted until his death in 1815. But since he was a mestizo, he didn’t gain much Creole support, so revolutionary fervor in Mexico began to fade until … 1820, when Spain, which was now under the rule of a Spanish, rather than a French king, had a REAL liberal revolution with a new constitution that limited the power of the church. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So, in the wake of Spain’s liberalizing movements, the Mexican elites, who had previously supported Spain, switched sides and made common cause with the creoles in the hopes that they could somehow hold onto their privileges. And pushing for independence together, things went very well. [stay together to stay alive, just like L4D!] The Creole general Iturbide and the rebel mestizo commander Guerrero joined forces and won independence with most of the Peninsulares returning to Spain. Iturbide –the whiter of the two generals – became king of Mexico in 1822 (remember, this was a revolution essentially AGAINST representative government). But that didn’t work out and within a year he was overthrown by the military and a republic was declared. Popular sovereignty was sort of victorious, but without much benefit to the peasants who actually made independence possible. This alliance between conservative landowning elites and the army - especially in the face of calls for land reform or economic justice— would happen over and over again in Latin America for the next century and a half. But before we come to any conclusions, let’s discuss one last revolution. But, the interior of Venezuela was home to mixed-race cowboys called llaneros who supported the king. They kept the Caracas revolutionaries from extending their power inland. And that, is where Simon Bolivar, “el Libertador,” [young portrait w foppish 'stache is fave] enters the picture. Bolivar realized that the only way to overcome the various class divisions (like the one between the Caracas creoles and llaneros) was to appeal to a common sense of South American-ness. I mean, after all, the one thing that almost all South Americans had in common: they were born in South America, NOT SPAIN. So then, partly through shows of toughness that included, like, crossing flooded plains and going without sleep, Bolivar convinced the llaneros to give up fighting for Spain and start fighting against them. He quickly captured the viceregal capital at Bogota and by 1822 his forces had taken Caracas and Quito. Hold on, hold on. Lest I be attacked by Argentinians [to get back the plutonium you stole?] who are already upset about what I said about their really good soccer team, I want to make one thing clear. Argentina’s general Jose de San Martin was also vital to the defeat of the Spanish. He led an expeditions against the Spanish in Chile and also a really important one in Lima. [helping McKinley advance to Nationals over dreaded rivals, Vocal Adrenaline] And then, in December of 1824, at the battle of Ayacucho, the last Spanish viceroy was finally captured and all of Latin America was free from Spain. Oh, it’s time for the open letter? That’s A chair, Stan, but it’s not THE chair. [damp spirit kicks internal pebble] [rolls with broken heart to unimpressive leather-not-puce-velvet club chair sub] An Open Letter to Simon Bolivar. [part-time purple pieman impersonator] But first, let’s see what’s in the secret compartment today. Oh, llanero. I wonder if his hips swivel when I wind him up. [sorry, Meatwad, night-vision goggles & action bills not included.] Context is everything. They do! Hey there, cowboy. Dear Simon Bolivar, First, you had fantastic [legit] muttonchops. It’s as if you’re some kind of handsome Martin Van Buren. [surely an original sentence there] You were a man of immense accomplishments, but those accomplishments have been richly rewarded. I mean, you have a country named after you. Not to mention, two different currencies. [Canadian loonie pwns, regardless] But for my purposes, the most important thing you ever did was die. You may not know this, Simon Bolivar, but when I'm not a world history teacher sitting next to a fake fireplace, I am a novelist. [young adult + Dawson's Creek FanFic] [tell you his pen names for a price] And your last words, “Damn it, how will I ever get out of this labyrinth,” feature prominently in my first novel, Looking for Alaska. [ sup, Nerdfighteria? xoxo, dj ] Except it turns out, those weren’t your last words. [d'oh?] Your last words were probably, “Jose, bring the luggage.” [alt: "Hey, watch this!"] But I decided to use your fancy, romantic, inaccurate last words. It’s called artistic license. Put that in your luggage. [my, Johnny Bookwriter is saucy today] Anyway, fantastic life. I just wish you’d nailed it a little bit better with your last words. Best wishes, John Green So by 1825, almost the entire western hemisphere – with a few exceptions in the Caribbean —was free from European rule. Oh, right. And Canada. [Oh, Canada!] I’m just kidding, Canadians. It’s so easy to make fun of you because you’re so nice. So I tease you and then you’re like, “Aw, thanks for noticing that we exist.” My pleasure. Anyway, this is pretty remarkable, especially when you consider that most of this territory had been under Spanish or Portuguese control for almost 300 years. The most revolutionary thing about these independence movements were that they enshrined the idea of so called popular sovereignty in the New World. Never again would Latin America be under the permanent control of a European power, and the relatively quick division of Latin America into individual states, despite Bolivar’s pan South American dream, showed how quickly the people in these regions developed a sense of themselves as nations distinct from Europe, and from each other. This division into nation states prefigures what would happen to Europe in the mid-19th century, and in that sense, Latin America is the leader of 19th century world history. And Latin American history presages another key theme in modern life— multiculturalism. And all of that makes Latin America sound very modern, but in a number of ways, Latin American independence wasn’t terribly revolutionary. First, while the Peninsulares were gone, the rigid social hierarchy, with the wealthy creoles at the top, remained. Second, whereas revolutions in both France and America weakened the power of the established church, in Latin America, the Catholic Church remained very powerful in people’s everyday lives. And then, there is the patriarchy. Although there were many women who took up arms in the struggle for independence, including Juana Azurduy who led a cavalry charge against Spanish forces in Bolivia, patriarchy remained strong in Latin America. Feminist ideas like those of Mary Wollstonecraft would have to wait. Women weren’t allowed to vote in national elections in Mexico until 1953. And Peru didn’t extend voting rights to women until 1955. Also, Latin America’s revolutionary wars were long and bloody: 425,000 people died in Mexico’s war for independence. And they didn’t always lead to stability: Venezuela, for instance, experienced war for much of the 19th century, leading to as many as a million deaths. And it’s important to note that fighting for freedom doesn’t always lead to freedom, the past two centuries in Latin America have seen many military dictatorships that protect private property at the expense of egalitarian governance. “Freedom,” “independence,” and “autonomy” are complicated terms that mean different things to different people at different times. So too with the word “revolutionary.” Thanks for watching. I’ll see you next week. Location change because I forgot to record the credits, and my shirt matches the wall. Probably should have thought about that one a little bit harder. [DFT record the credits, next time then?] Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Danica Johnson, [!] the show is ably interned by Agent Meredith Danko, TVCS and it’s written by my high school history teacher Raoul Meyer and myself. Our graphics team is Thought Bubble. Last week’s phrase of the week was "giant squid of anger." If you want to suggest a future phrase of the week or guess at this week’s, you can do so in comments, where you can also ask questions that will be answered by our team of historians. Look at the beautiful Crash Course poster! [nice job, ThoughtBubblers!] Available now at DFTBA.com link in the video description. Thanks for watching, and as we say in my home town, Don’t Forget they can’t get your goat if they don’t know where you keep it.

Independence movements

Portrait of Ferdinand VII, King of Spain
Ferdinand VII of Spain, who ruled during the separation of most of the Spanish American territories from the rest of the empire

By the turn of the nineteenth-century, it became clear that several unique regional identities had formed in Central America, although the authority for self-governance that each of these regions held was less discernible. Eventually though, the divisions would result in the dominance of Guatemala City and the wider area of Guatemala, which held the seat of the captaincy general, the only university in Central America, and most importantly, a large population of Peninsulares. The other regions, Comayagua (modern Honduras), Nicaragua, San Salvador (modern El Salvador), and Costa Rica, were less prosperous than Guatemala, but each held varying degrees of loyalty to the Spanish crown. The combination of the American and French Revolutions, the control of Peninsular Spaniards over Central America, and Spain's role in the Peninsular War would set the stage for independence movements.[2]

The events of the Peninsular War—in particular the removal of Ferdinand VII from the Spanish throne—inspired and facilitated a series of revolts in El Salvador and Nicaragua, aimed at winning greater political autonomy for Central America. Though quickly suppressed, these uprisings formed part of the general political upheaval in the Spanish world that led to the Spanish Constitution of 1812. Between 1810 and 1814 the Captaincy General of Guatemala elected seven representatives to the new Cortes of Cádiz and formed locally elected provincial governing councils.[3]

However, shortly after his restoration to power in 1814, Ferdinand repudiated the 1812 constitution, dissolved the Cortes, and suppressed liberalism in peninsular Spain,[4] which provoked renewed unrest in the Spanish Americas. The brief restoration of the constitution during the Liberal Triennium beginning in 1820 allowed the Central American provinces to reestablish their elected councils, which then became focal points for constitutionalist and separatist sentiments. In 1821 the provincial council of Guatemala began to openly discuss a declaration of independence from Spain.[5]

Promulgation of the Act

A painting by Chilean painter Luis Vergara Ahumada, depicting the signing of the Act by Father José Matías Delgado

In September the discussion turned toward an outright declaration of independence from Spain, and a document announcing the act was drawn up and debated. The 15 September council meeting at which independence was finally declared was chaired by Gabino Gaínza,[6] and the text of the Act itself was written by Honduran intellectual and politician José Cecilio del Valle[7] and signed by representatives of the various Central American provinces, including José Matías Delgado, José Lorenzo de Romaña and José Domingo Diéguez.[1] The meeting was held at the National Palace in Guatemala City, the site of which is now Centennial Park.[8]

The Province of San Salvador accepted the decision of the Guatemalan Council on 21 September,[9] and the Act was seconded by the provincial councils of Comayagua on 28 September and of Nicaragua and Costa Rica on 11 October. However, the other provinces were reluctant to accept the primacy of Guatemala in a new Central American state, and the form of the new polity that would succeed the Captaincy General was not at all clear.[10]

The increasing lack of political cohesion in Central America took new forms after the independence acts were accepted. Divisions within the urban centers of San Salvador, Comayagua, and Nicaragua, split those regions in half. In Costa Rica, its isolation from the rest of Central America combined with its previous loyalty to Spain and the rivalry between San José and Cartago to alienate it from the government in Guatemala. As Central America faced disintegration, two solutions presented themselves. The success of neighboring Mexico in its own war of independence led some in Central America to see it as the region's best chance of continued unity, while others wished for absolute independence for their own gain, for idealistic reasons, or because they feared Mexico could not protect their economic interests.[2]

Aftermath and union with Mexico

Image of the original "Plan of Iguala" document
The Plan of Iguala

Article 2 of the Act of Independence provided for the formation of a congress to "decide the point of absolute general independence and fix, in case of agreement, the form of government and the fundamental law of governance" for the new state.[1] This constituent assembly was meant to meet the following March, but the opportunity never came. Instead, on 29 October 1821 the president of the provisional governing council of newly independent Mexico, Agustín de Iturbide, sent a letter to Gabino Gaínza (now the president of the interim government of Central America) and the council of delegates representing the provinces of Chiapas, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica with a proposal that Central America join the Mexican Empire under the terms of the Three Guarantees of the Treaty of Córdoba.[11]

These guarantees, otherwise known as the Plan of Iguala, promised the continuation of the Catholic faith in the region, final independence from Spain, and the creation of a constitutional monarchy. However, most importantly for Central America, the plan called for unity among the various regional entities of northern Spanish America under one kingdom. This division had already been proposed, first by Charles II of Spain and then in the Cortes of 1820. It was intended that the Spanish colonies would be split into two kingdoms, with one encompassing the territories north of modern-day Panama and the other encompassing New Granada and the lands south of it. While the proposed division did not occur as planned, the plan did establish a legal precedent for the idea of political unity between Mexico, Guatemala, and the "Provincias Internas" and helped set the stage for the unification with Mexico.[5]

The various provincial and municipal governments of Guatemala were consulted and votes taken, with the five provinces excepting El Salvador voting in favor and with El Salvador opposing.[9][11][12] On 5 January 1822,[1] Gaínza sent a letter to Iturbide accepting Central America's annexation, and all the territories of Central America were incorporated into the Mexican Empire. They would remain united with Mexico for less than two years before seceding to form the Federal Republic of Central America as the Mexican Empire fell.[13]

Text of the Act

The Act consists of an introduction, eighteen articles, and a collection of thirteen signatures.[1]

Introduction

The introduction asserts that, after consultation with the municipal councils of other cities in the Captaincy General, the provincial council of Guatemala has agreed that there is a general public desire for independence from Spain. In response to this desire, the council has gathered together in the halls of the National Palace together with other public figures to seriously weigh the matter. Hearing the calls for independence from the streets outside the Palace, the council and the individuals gathered have determined the following articles:

Article 1

The general will of the people of Guatemala is for independence from the Spanish government and the formation of a congress, which is hereby proclaimed to the same Guatemalan people.

Article 2

Messages will be dispatched to the provinces so that they may elect deputies or representatives to come to the capital, where they will constitute a congress that will determine the form of the new state's independent government and the fundamental law by which it will be governed.

Article 3

To facilitate the appointment of deputies to the congress, they are to be chosen by the same electoral bodies that previously appointed deputies to the Spanish Cortes.

Article 4

Deputies to the Congress are to be allocated in proportion to the provinces' populations, with one deputy for every fifteen thousand citizens, including as citizens those residents of African origin.

Article 5

The provincial electoral bodies are to determine the proper number of deputies for their provinces on the basis of the latest census.

Article 6

The deputies thus elected should gather in Guatemala City to form a congress on 1 March 1822 (the following year).

Article 7

Until the meeting of the congress, the existing authorities should continue to enforce the laws under the Spanish Constitution of 1812.

Article 8

Until the meeting of the congress, the Lord Political Chief Gabino Gaínza will continue to lead the political and military government, together with a provisional advisory council.

Article 9

The advisory council will consult with the Lord Political Chief in all matters of economics and government.

Article 10

The Catholic Church will continue to be the state religion of Guatemala, with the personal safety and property of its ministers guaranteed.

Article 11

Messages will be dispatched to the leaders of religious communities to enjoin their cooperation in urging the public to preserve peace and concord during the political transition.

Article 12

The municipal council of Guatemala City will take active steps to ensure order and tranquility in the capital region.

Article 13

The Lord Political Chief will publish a manifesto announcing the decisions of the ruling council and requesting an oath of loyalty from the people to the new American government that is being established.

Article 14

The same oath will recognize the leaders of the new government in their respective roles and authorities.

Article 15

The Lord Political Chief, together with the municipal council, will solemnly mark the day upon which the people will proclaim their independence and loyalty to the new state.

Article 16

The municipal council has authorized the minting of a medal to commemorate 15 September 1821, on which they declared their independence.

Article 17

Being printed, this Act will be circulated among the various provincial councils, deputies and authorities for the harmonization of their sentiments with those of the people and this council.

Article 18

On a day to be chosen by the Lord Political Chief, there will be a solemn Mass of Thanksgiving to be followed by three days of celebrations.

Signatures

See also

Notes

  1. ^ As part of the adoption of the Spanish Constitution of 1812, the Cortes of Cádiz consolidated the seven historic provinces of the Captaincy General of Guatemala into only two: the Province of Guatemala (consisting of the former provinces of Guatemala, Belize, Chiapas, Honduras and El Salvador) and the Province of Nicaragua y Costa Rica. These newly combined provinces officially existed from 1812 to 1814 and from 1820 until their independence. In the Act of Independence of Central America and contemporary correspondence, Central American writers generally continued to refer to the seven historic divisions of the region as "provinces," despite the recent administrative reorganization.

References

  1. ^ a b c d e "Documentos de la Union Centroamericana" (PDF). Organization of American States – Foreign Trade Information System (in Spanish). Retrieved 12 October 2014.
  2. ^ a b Stanger, Francis Merriman (1932). "National Origins in Central America". The Hispanic American Historical Review. 12 (1): 18–45. doi:10.2307/2506428. ISSN 0018-2168. JSTOR 2506428.
  3. ^ Rieu-Millan, Marie Laure (1990). Los diputados americanos en las Cortes de Cádiz: Igualdad o independencia (in Spanish). Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. ISBN 978-84-00-07091-5.
  4. ^ Alfonso Bullon de Mendoza y Gomez de Valugera (1991). Javier Parades Alonso (ed.). Revolución y contrarrevolución en España y América (1808–1840) (in Spanish). ACTAS. pp. 81–82. ISBN 84-87863-03-5. {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help)
  5. ^ a b Rojas, Xiomara Avendaño (26 February 2018). "Hispanic Constitutionalism and the Independence Process in the Kingdom of Guatemala, 1808–1823". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.599. ISBN 9780199366439. Retrieved 18 March 2021.
  6. ^ Rodolfo Pérez Pimentel. "Gabino De Gaínza y Fernández- Medrano". Diccionario Biografico Ecuador (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 15 October 2014.
  7. ^ Rosa, Ramón (1882). Biografía de Don José Cecilio del Valle (in Spanish). Tegucigalpa: Tipografía Nacional. Retrieved 15 October 2014.
  8. ^ Newton, Paula (2011). Viva Travel Guides Guatemala. Viva Publishing Network. p. 158. ISBN 978-0982558546.
  9. ^ a b "Independencia Nacional de El Salvador". elsalvador.com (in Spanish). Retrieved 12 October 2014.
  10. ^ Kenyon, Gordon (1961). "Mexican Influence in Central America, 1821–1823". The Hispanic American Historical Review. 41 (2): 175–205. doi:10.2307/2510200. ISSN 0018-2168. JSTOR 2510200.
  11. ^ a b Quirarte, Martín (1978). Visión Panorámica de la Historia de México (in Spanish) (11th ed.). Mexico: Librería Porrúa Hnos.
  12. ^ "Las Provincias de Centro América se unen al Imperio Mexicano". Memoria Política de México (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 10 July 2014. Retrieved 12 October 2014.
  13. ^ Sandoval, Victor Hugo. "Federal Republic of Central America". Monedas de Guatemala. Retrieved 14 October 2014.
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