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History of youth rights in the United States

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The youth rights movement in the United States has long been concerned with civil rights and intergenerational equity. Tracing its roots to youth activism during the Great Depression in the 1930s, the youth rights movement has influenced the civil rights movement, opposition to the Vietnam War, and many other movements. Since the advent of the Internet, youth rights is gaining predominance again.

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  • The 1960s in America: Crash Course US History #40
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Transcription

Episode 40: The Sixties LOCKED Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course US History and today we’re gonna talk about the 1960s. Mr. Green, Mr. Green. Great. The decade made famous by the narcissists who lived through it. Hey, Me From the Past, finally you and I agree about something wholeheartedly. But while I don’t wish to indulge the baby-boomers’ fantasies about their centrality to world history, the sixties were an important time. I mean, there was the Cold War, Vietnam, a rising tide of conservatism (despite Woodstock), racism. There were the Kennedy’s and Camelot, John, Paul, George, and to a lesser extent, Ringo. And of course, there was also Martin Luther King Jr. intro So, the 1960s saw people organizing and actively working for change both in the social order and in government. This included the student movement, the women’s movement, movements for gay rights, and a push by the courts to expand rights in general. But, by the end of the 1960s, the anti-war movement seemed to have overshadowed all the rest. So as you’ll no doubt remember from last week, the civil rights movement began in the 1950s if not before, but many of its key moments happened in the sixties. And this really began with sit-ins that took place in Greensboro North Carolina. Black university students walked into Woolworths and waited at the lunch counters to be served, or, more likely, arrested. After 5 months of that, those students eventually got Woolworths to serve black customers. Then, in 1961 leaders from the Congress On Racial Equality launched Freedom Rides to integrate interstate buses. Volunteers rode the buses into the Deep South where they faced violence including beatings and a bombing in Anniston AL. But despite that, those freedom rides also proved successful and eventually the ICC desegregated interstate buses. In fact, by the end of the 60s over 70,000 people had taken part in demonstrations, from sit-ins, to teach-ins, to marches. But they weren’t all successful. Martin Luther King’s year-long protests in Albany, GA didn’t end discrimination in the city. And it took JFK ordering federal troops to escort James Meredith to class for him to attend the University of Mississippi. The University of Mississippi: America’s fallback college. Sorry, I’m from Alabama. So, the Civil Rights movement reached its greatest national prominence in 1963 when Martin Luther King came to my hometown of Birmingham, Alabama, where there had been more than 50 racially-motivated bombings since WWII. Television brought the reality of the Jim Crow South into people’s homes as images of Bull Connor’s police dogs and water cannons being turned on peaceful marchers, many of them children, horrified viewers and eventually led Kennedy to endorse the movement’s goals. Probably should mention that John F. Kennedy was president of the United States at the time, having been elected in 1960. He was assassinated in 1963 leading to Lyndon Johnson. Alright, politics over. Anyway, in response to these peaceful protests, Birmingham jailed Martin Luther King where he wrote one of the great letters in American history (doesn’t have a great name): Letter from Birmingham Jail. 1963 also saw the March on Washington, the largest public demonstration in American history up to that time where King gave his famous speech, “I have a Dream.” King and the other organizers called for a civil rights bill and help for the poor, demanding public works, a higher minimum wage, and an end to discrimination in employment. Which eventually, in one of the great bright spots in American history, did sort of happen with the Civil Rights Act. So, one reason American history teachers focus on the Civil Rights Movement so much is that it successfully brought actual legislative change. After being elected president, John F. Kennedy was initially cool to civil rights, but to be fair, the Cold War occupied a lot of his time, what with the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Bay of Pigs and whatnot. But the demonstrations of 1963 pushed John F. Kennedy to support civil rights more actively. According to our dear friend, the historian Eric Foner, “Kennedy realized that the United States simply could not declare itself the champion of freedom throughout the world while maintaining a system of racial inequality at home.”[1] So that June he appeared on TV and called on Congress to pass a law that would ban discrimination in all public accommodations. And then he was assassinated. Thanks, Lee Harvey Oswald. Or possibly someone else. But probably Lee Harvey Oswald. So then, Lyndon Johnson became president and he pushed Congress to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The law prohibited discrimination in employment, schools, hospitals, and privately owned public places like restaurants, and hotels and theaters, and it also banned discrimination on the basis of sex. The Civil Rights Act was a major moment in American legislative history, but it hardly made the United States a haven of equality. So, Civil Rights leaders continued to push for the enfranchisement of African Americans. After Freedom Summer workers registered people in Mississippi to vote, King launched a march for voting rights in Selma, Alabama in January, 1965. And television swayed public opinion in favor of the demonstrators. Thank you, TV, for your one and only gift to humanity. Just kidding. Battlestar Galactica. So, in 1965 Congress passed the Voting Rights Act, which gave the federal government the power to oversee voting in places where discrimination was practiced. In 1965, Congress also passed the Hart-Cellar Act, which got rid of national origin quotas and allowed Asian immigrants to immigrate to the United States. Unfortunately the law also introduced quotas on immigrants from the Western Hemisphere. Lyndon Johnson’s domestic initiatives from 1965 through 1967 are known as the Great Society, and it’s possible that if he hadn’t been responsible for America escalating the war in Vietnam, he might have been remembered, at least by liberals, as one of America’s greatest presidents. Because the Great Society expanded a lot of the promises of the New Deal, especially in the creation of health insurance programs, like Medicare for the elderly and Medicaid for the poor. He also went to War on Poverty. Never go to war with a noun. You will always lose. Johnson treated poverty as a social problem, rather than an economic one. So instead of focusing on jobs or guaranteed income, his initiatives stressed things like training. That unfortunately failed to take into account shifts in the economy away from high wage union manufacturing jobs toward more lower-wage service jobs. [2] Here’s what Eric Foner had to say about Johnson’s domestic accomplishments: “By the 1990s […] the historic gap between whites and blacks in education, income, and access to skilled employment narrowed considerably. But with deindustrialization and urban decay affecting numerous families and most suburbs still being off limits to non-white people, the median wealth of white households remained ten times greater than that of African Americans, and nearly a quarter of all black children lived in poverty.” While Congress was busy enacting Johnson’s Great Society programs, the movement for African American freedom was changing. Let’s go to the ThoughtBubble. Persistent poverty and continued discrimination in the workplace, housing, education, and criminal justice system might explain the shift away from integration and toward black power, a celebration of African American culture and criticism of whites’ oppression. 1964 saw the beginnings of riots in city ghettoes, for instance, mostly in Northern cities. The worst riots were in 1965 in Watts, in southern California. These left 35 people dead, 900 injured, and $30 million in damage. Newark and Detroit also saw devastating riots in 1967. In 1968 the Kerner Report blamed the cause of the rioting on segregation, poverty, and white racism. Then there’s Malcolm X, who many white people regarded as an advocate for violence, but who also called for self-reliance. It’s tempting to see leadership shifting from King to X as the civil rights movement became more militant, but Malcolm X was active in the early 1960s and he was killed in 1965, three years before Martin Luther King was assassinated and before all the major shifts in emphasis towards black power. Older Civil Rights groups like CORE abandoned integration as a goal after 1965 and started to call for black power. The rhetoric of Black Power could be strident, but its message of black empowerment was deeply resonant for many. Oakland’s Black Panther Party did carry guns in self-defense but they also offered a lot of neighborhood services. But the Black Power turned many white people away from the struggle for African American freedom, and by the end of the 1960s, many Americans’ attention had shifted to anti-war movement. Thanks, ThoughtBubble. So it was Vietnam that really galvanized students even though many didn’t have to go to Vietnam because they had student deferments. They just really, really didn’t want their friends to go. The anti-war movement and the civil rights movement inspired other groups to seek an end to oppression. Like, Latinos organized to celebrate their heritage and end discrimination. Latino activism was like black power, but much more explicitly linked to labor justice, especially the strike efforts led by Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers. The American Indian Movement, founded in 1968, took over Alcatraz to symbolize the land that had been taken from Native Americans. And they won greater tribal control over education, economic development, and they also filed suits for restitution. And in June of 1969, after police raided a gay bar, called the Stonewall Inn, members of the gay community began a series of demonstrations in New York City, which touched off the modern gay liberation movement. Oh, it’s time for the Mystery Document? The rules here are pretty simple. I read the Mystery Document, guess the author, I’m either right or I get shocked. Alright, what have we got here. If the Bill of Rights contains no guarantee that a citizen shall be secure against lethal poisons distributed either by private individuals or by public officials [I already know it!], it is surely only because our forefathers, despite their considerable wisdom and foresight, could conceive of no such problem. Rachel Carson! Silent Spring. YES. I am on such a roll. Silent Spring was a massively important book because it was the first time that anyone really described all of the astonishingly poisonous things we were putting into the air and the ground and the water. Fortunately, that’s all been straightened out now and everything that we do and make as human beings is now sustainable. What’s that? Oh god. The environmental movement gained huge bipartisan support and it resulted in important legislation during the Nixon era, including the Clean Air and Water Acts, and the Endangered Species Act. And yes, I said that environmental legislation was passed during the Nixon administration. But perhaps the most significant freedom movement in terms of number of people involved and long-lasting effects was the American Feminist movement. This is usually said to have begun with the publication of Betty Friedan’s book The Feminine Mystique, which set out to describe “the problem that has no name.” Turns out the name is “misogyny.” [3] Friedan described a constricting social and economic system that affected mostly middle class women, but it resonated with the educated classes and led to the foundation of the National Organization of Women in 1966. Participation in student and civil rights movements led many women to identify themselves as members of a group that was systematically discriminated against. And by “systemic,” I mean that in 1963, 5.8% of doctors were women and 3.7% of lawyers were women and fewer than 10% of doctoral degrees went to women. They are more than half of the population. While Congress responded with the Equal Pay Act in 1963, younger women sought greater power and autonomy in addition to legislation. Crucially, 60s-era feminists opened America to the idea that the “personal is political,” especially when it came to equal pay, childcare, and abortion. Weirdly, the branch of government that provided most support to the expansion of personal freedom in the 1960s was the most conservative one, the Supreme Court. The Warren Court handed down so many decisions expanding civil rights that the era has sometimes been called a rights revolution. The Warren court expanded the protections of free speech and assembly under the First Amendment and freedom of the press in the New York Times v. Sullivan decision. It struck down a law banning interracial marriage in the most appropriately named case ever, Loving v. Virginia. And although this would become a lightning rod for many conservatives, Supreme Court decisions greatly expanded the protections of people accused of crimes. Gideon v. Wainwright secured the right to attorney, Mapp v. Ohio established the exclusionary rule under the Fourth Amendment, and Miranda v. Arizona provided fodder for Channing Tatum in his great movie, 21 Jump Street, insuring that he would always have to say to every perp, “You have the right to remain silent.” But you can’t silence my heart, Channing Tatum. It beats only for thee. But, the most innovative and controversial decisions actually established a new right where none had existed in the constitution. Griswold v. Connecticut, dealt with contraception, and Roe v. Wade, guaranteed a woman’s right to an abortion (at least in the first trimester). And those two decisions formed the basis of a new right, the right to privacy. Protests, the counter culture, and the liberation movements continued well into the early 1970s, losing steam with the end of the Vietnam war and America’s economy plunging into the toilet. For many, though, the year 1968 sums up the decade. 1968 began with the Tet Offensive in Vietnam, which stirred up the anti-war protests. Then racial violence erupted after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. on April 4, 1968. Then, anti-war demonstrators as well as some counter culture types arrived in large numbers at the 1968 Democratic convention in Chicago where they were set upon by police and beaten in what was later described as a “police riot.” 1968 also saw the Prague Spring uprising in Czechoslovakia crushed by the Soviets. And student demonstrators were killed by the police in Mexico City where the Olympics were held and Parisian students took to the streets in widespread protests against, you know, France. All this unrest scared a lot of people who ended up voting for Richard Nixon and his promises to return to law and order. Ultimately, like any decade or arbitrary historical “age,” the 60s defies easy categorization. Yes, there were hippies and liberation movements, but there were also reactions to those movements. On this one, I’m just gonna leave it up to Eric Foner to summarize the decade’s legacy: “[The 1960s] made possible the entrance of numerous members of racial minorities into the mainstream of American life, while leaving unsolved the problem of urban poverty. It set in motion a transformation of the status of women. It changed what Americans expected from government – from clean air and water to medical coverage in old age. And at the same time, it undermined confidence in national leaders. Relations between young and old, men and women, and white and non-white, along with every institution in society, changed as a result.” But there’s one last thing I want to emphasize. All of this wasn’t really the result of, like, a radical revolution. It was the result of a process that had been going on for decades. I mean, arguably a process that had been going on for hundreds of years. Thanks for watching, I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is made with the help of all these nice people and it’s possible because of generous support from the Bluth Family Frozen Banana Stand. Just kidding. We don’t have corporate sponsors. We have you. Subbable.com is a voluntary subscription platform (by the way, you can just click on my face) that allows people who care about stuff, like you hopefully care about Crash Course, to support it directly on a monthly basis. I’m over here now, but you should still click on my face. So Subbable has lots of great Crash Course perks, you can get signed posters and all kinds of things, and most importantly, you can help us keep this show free, for ever, for everyone. Thank you again for watching, and as we say in my hometown, there’s always money in the banana stand. ________________ [1] Foner Give me Liberty ebook version p. 1043 [2] [Text Box: The War on Poverty also included popular programs like VISTA, Head Start and food-stamps. Poverty was reduced but probably as much by economic growth as the programs themselves. And they didn’t eradicate poverty.] [3]

1930s–1950s

Youth rights first emerged as a distinct issue in the 1930s. The Great Depression kick started the radicalization and politicization of undergraduates for the first time. Youth Rights first began to emerge through the National Student League, and were furthered greatly when young people across the country banded together to form the American Youth Congress. Concerned with many issues of the times, this organization went so far as to present a Declaration of the Rights of American Youth to the U.S. Congress.[1] The group was so successful that its executive director claimed that it was "a sort of a student brain of the New Deal."[2] While the AYC's campaigns led to the development of the National Youth Administration in the late 1930s, its efforts lost steam when AYC leadership endorsed the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact; this led to loss of support from both the AYC membership and external political allies, such as First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt. This schism caused the rapid decline of the organization, and shortly after the loss of its political benefactors and member support, the AYC collapsed.[3]

1960s–1980s

In the 1960s, two landmark U.S. Supreme Court cases, with the majority opinions authored by Justice Abe Fortas were decided in favor of youths' rights. One was Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District that established free speech in public schools, and the other was In re Gault, that gave due process rights in juvenile court proceedings.

The movement emerged again in the early 1960s with the arrival of Students for a Democratic Society and Youth Liberation of Ann Arbor. The effect of the movement on the national Vietnam anti-war movement is widely acknowledged, particularly for its emphasis on youth empowerment through activism. According to Keith Hefner, a leader of Youth Liberation, "Bob Moses, a leader of Freedom Summer in 1964 who now runs the Algebra Project, and Bill Ayers of the Weather Underground who now teaches and writes about youth, are only two of the thousands of 1960s activists who turned their idealism and passion to youth..."[4]

Other successes of the movement such as lowering the voting age to 18 in 1971,[5] and the lowering of other age restrictions on the state level such as lowering the drinking age occurred in the early to mid 70s. The first recorded instance of a high school student campaigning to join a local school board happened in Ann Arbor Michigan as Sonia Yaco, a youth activist associated with Youth Liberation of Ann Arbor, ran as the Human Rights Party candidate. Despite a court challenge hindering her ability to be listed on the ballot, Yaco gained 1,300 votes in the primary.[6]

In 1974, the movement was first defined explicitly in print with the publication of Escape From Childhood by John Holt, in which Holt espoused that,

...[T]he rights, privileges, duties of adult citizens be made available to any young person, of whatever age, who wants to make use of them.[7]

Later in that year another youth rights-focused book, Birthrights by Richard Farson, was published.[8] During the rest of the 1970s and early 1980s, youth rights faced a backlash, succumbing to the more protectionist-oriented and well-established children's rights movement.

In March 1986 the National Child Rights Alliance was founded by seven youth and adults who had been abused and neglected as children.[9] The organization started its life as a children's rights group concerned with protecting children from abuse, but as it grew and evolved it began addressing issues in a more youth rights framework, passing a Youth Bill of Rights in 1989.[10] The organization disbanded in 1999 due to funding issues.

1990s–present

In the mid-1990s, a youth-led movement for self-determination rights began on the Internet. This reborn Youth Rights movement coalesced in 1996 into Americans for a Society Free from Age Restrictions (ASFAR). Divisions soon emerged between radicals and moderates within ASFAR leading to the formation in 1998 of the National Youth Rights Association (NYRA). NYRA, founded by leaders of ASFAR and YouthSpeak, was founded to professionalize the youth rights movement.

Today, the youth rights movement has become a broad-based movement, with central leadership from NYRA augmented by grassroots organizations around the world.[11]

Organizations such as The Freechild Project and Global Youth Action Network position the youth rights movement within the sphere of international youth activism and youth voice movements. Other organizations, including Oblivion and Peacefire provide support for the youth rights movement, as well.

The 1990s–2000s also saw a resurgence in youth rights books. Two books important for the movement, The Scapegoat Generation and Framing Youth from the late 90s by Mike Males lay out the case that young people have been unfairly blamed for the ills of society and used as a convenient scapegoat. Males describes the attack on youth as a "national pathology, unwarranted by fact, smokescreen for the failure of adulthood and its leadership to confront larger predicaments."[12] Later, in 2007, Robert Epstein published the most comprehensive book for youth rights since the 1970s with The Case Against Adolescence. The book was described by Albert Ellis as "one of the most revolutionary books I have ever read."[13] Adam Fletcher released a free publication called, A Short Introduction to Youth Rights through The Freechild Project in 2014.

See also

References

  1. ^ (1936) The Declaration of the Rights of American Youth Archived 2009-12-24 at the Wayback Machine. Presented to Congress 4/4/36. American Youth Congress.
  2. ^ (n.d.) The American Student Movement in the 1930s.
  3. ^ "American Youth Congress". www2.gwu.edu. Retrieved 2019-08-26.
  4. ^ Hefner, K. (1998) The Movement for Youth Rights: 1945-2000. Archived 2007-03-20 at the Wayback Machine Social Policy, Spring.
  5. ^ American Bar Association (n.d.) Voting: Youth Citizenship
  6. ^ Mosher, M. (2000) "Youth Liberation of Ann Arbor: Young, Gifted and Media-Savvy Archived 2011-09-27 at the Wayback Machine", Bad Subjects. #47, January 2000. Retrieved May 6, 2007.
  7. ^ Holt, J. (1974) Escape from Childhood Boston: E. P. Dutton.
  8. ^ Farson, R. (1978) Birthrights. Penguin.
  9. ^ Freedom Voice; Volume 12, Number 2; Page 16; Fall 1998
  10. ^ Freedom Voice; Volume 10, Number 1; Page 19; Winter 1995
  11. ^ n.d. Youth Rights Organizations Archived 2007-02-10 at the Wayback Machine The Freechild Project website.
  12. ^ Males, M. (1999) Framing Youth: 10 Myths about the Next Generation.
  13. ^ Epstein, R. (2007) The Case Against Adolescence: Rediscovering the Adult in Every Teen


This page was last edited on 30 June 2023, at 16:39
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