Hans Köchler | |
|---|---|
 Hans Köchler | |
| Born | 18 October 1948 |
| Era | 20th-century philosophy |
| Region | Western philosophy |
| School | Continental philosophy Phenomenology Existential philosophy |
Main interests | Hermeneutics Philosophy of law Political philosophy Philosophical anthropology |
Notable ideas | Phenomenological realism Antagonistic relationship of power and law Cultural self-comprehension of nations |
Hans Köchler (born 18 October 1948) is a retired professor of philosophy at the University of Innsbruck, Austria, and president of the International Progress Organization, a non-governmental organization in consultative status with the United Nations. In his general philosophical outlook he is influenced by Husserl and Heidegger, his legal thinking has been shaped by the approach of Kelsen. Köchler has made contributions to phenomenology[1][2] and philosophical anthropology[3] and has developed a hermeneutics of trans-cultural understanding[4] that has influenced the discourse on the relations between Islam and the West.[5][6]
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Hans Köchler on Dialogue of Civilizations
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Philosophe Monsieur Hans Köchler, « La Philosophie et la Technique dans le monde contemporain »
Transcription
I'm Hans Koechler, I have been teaching philosophy at the University of Innsbruck, in Austria, for more than 40 years. In the year 1972 I have established together with some friends from other continents from Asia, the Middle East and Europe, an international NGO, the International Progress Organization, that is affiliated with the United Nations Organization and our message at that time, that was in the middle of a so called "cold war" period and the tensions between East and West, our message was that a stable basis, a sound basis for a worldwide order of peace can only be established if one is able to understand the other systems on the basis also of a better comprehension of their cultural identity. In order to study those issues we have been establishing contacts around the globe. I travelled in 1974 to more than two dozen countries on all continents to discuss this notion, what I called at that time "dialogue between different civilizations" with intellectuals, diplomats and political leaders. We prepared an international symposium on the issue of cultural identity. We did this in cooperation with UNESCO. What was important for us at that time was that one should get away from ideological rivalry as it existed at that time between communism or socialism on the one hand and capitalism on the other. And that one should reach a common level of understanding and that in our view was not possible on the basis of political ideologies, but it was only possible and it is only possible on the basis on defining or shaping one's cultural identity. It has been my view that cultural identity is something that can only develop in relation to other cultures. It cannot develop in a closed framework or in isolation. At that time when we did begin to discuss this idea, as I said at the beginning of 1970s, this was also the era of decolonization of many countries, particularly in Africa becoming independent and cultural identity was very important issue. I became aware in our discussions that, for instance, we in Europe, and generally in the Western world, we are rather ignorant about other cultures and civilizations. We had been learning in our classical education about the history of the ancient civilizations, of Greece in particular, but that was historical and cultural tradition that anyway had shaped our European identity, but we did not go beyond the confines of this civilizational frame and the European countries in particular had got used to export their own worldview and lifestyle in the period of colonization, because we brought our own way of thinking to the countries on other continents, so when we did engage in meetings, in conversations and in exchanges with people on those continents, I felt essentially these meetings quite often, or discussions where kind of self-encounters, because we did talk with people that had anyway been already informed or whose identity had been shaped by our own Western identity and that's why I tried to develop on the basis of philosophical hermeneutics a theory of cultural self-comprehension. I did used the term of the dialectics of cultural identity which means only if I am able to relate to another culture that is not totally dependent on my own, can I fully understand myself? If I'm not making this step, I will remain on the level of naïveté and I will not be prepared to engage in cooperation at the global level. At the time when we spoke about these issues of culture and civilization and issues of cultural identity, were not widely discussed, because everyone was preoccupied with the East-West conflict and with the issue of the threat of nuclear war or one was also preoccupied with issues of North-South cooperation and development policies. In the meantime the situation seems to have changed. Now what we called in these early years dialogue of civilizations has become a password so to speak of international relations. Now the big challenge in my view is that one has to give a concrete meaning to that word, so that one does not remain on the level of generalities, one has to make clear and this has also been my effort in the framework of the International Progress Organization and later of the World Public Forum "Dialogue of Civilizations", one has to make clear that dialogue is only meaningful if it is situated in a proper political, social and economic framework. What do I mean by that? For instance, the aim of myself engaging in a dialogue with other cultures is just to have a Forum to propagate my worldview or to become a missionary of my lifestyle, the entire undertaking will lead nowhere and the dialogue as such would not be credible. At the same time, if for instance we are engaged in armed confrontation with other countries, we cannot claim to base our political strategy on the principal of dialogue. That is one of the big challenges in this era in which we are living now since the end of the cold war. It is a particular challenge also for the United Nations Organization, that's just recall in 2001 the United Nations declared that year and it was several month before September 11 as the year of dialogue of civilizations and a few years later in 2005 a structure was created, an intergovernmental structure was created that is called the Alliance of Civilizations which is now officially supported by almost 140 countries, that means by a large majority of the United Nations member-states, but what has happened since this time in 2001, when the UN made this dialogue of civilizations, it's one of its main principles for international relations. We have seen so many wars, we have seen the use of force, also in the name of civilizational values and we have seen strategies to change or to reshape cultural and civilizational identity in specific regions of the world and for that reason it is of utmost importance that one should, for instance, remember the philosophical approach that did underlie the ancient Olympic idea, the idea of the Olympic Games in ancient Greece, when the nations people of Greece did compete in the field of sports one felt that this kind of competition was only credible if there was no war going on at that time. So in analogy I would say if the UN and the UN member-states are really convinced that one of the basic principles how to conduct international relations is the dialogue among civilizations or as they now even say alliance between civilizations, they should first of all create the conditions for such a dialogue and they should not engage in the use of force against each other. Of course another big issue and a big challenge at the present time is how we assert our cultural identity at the domestic level in many parts of the world, including in Europe cultural identity now has become one of the big issues, also big issues of domestic politics. For instance now in Europe the debate is about how to place or how to assert the cultural identity of our Western Christian identity, our Christian heritage, as one says, vis-à-vis the new cultures and new cultural identities that are being more and more also established in the European countries because of globalization, because of the migration on a very large scale, because of the demographical change in many of the countries and because of the so-called multicultural realities that now exist in almost all the industrialized countries of the West and here I would say a careful analysis of the principles that underlie cultural identity would be of help in order to get away from this attitude of confrontation or from this perception of threat. At that point one should make and I think one of those who do use the term dialogue of civilizations also for a kind of political legitimation strategy should be aware that exertion of cultural identity is not necessarily implying that one antagonizes another cultural identity, to relate to another identity is the very condition for shaping one's own identity and if this is so the presence of other cultures, people with other cultural identities in our midst cannot be perceived as a threat. It is just one of the conditions or an opportunity for us to develop a more mature and richer understanding of our own civilization through the interaction with other civilizations. In earlier centuries we did live apart and the geographic distance did mean that we were not under the pressure to decide how to relate to the other. That's not the situation anymore. Now in the era of globalization even civilizations that are continents apart will have an impact on our daily life, if you take the trade relations but also international information and communication ad in addition to that because labor migration we will have the multicultural reality at the domestic level. That should also bring us to a more profound understanding of conflicts in the countries that by tradition are composed in a multicultural and multi-ethnic sense and what is really frightening in those days is how the world is dealing with conflict situations that are now evolving along cultural lines in the region of the Middle East. If you take for instance the example of Syria this is really a test case for the doctrine of the dialogue of civilizations, because what we see now is that a kind of civil war has evolved which is more and more is a confrontation also along civilizational and cultural lines, distinct religious and ethnic communities are in a situation of confrontation and are being encouraged in this confrontational attitudes by support from outside actors whether those are states or religious communities. A country can only claim to be a friend as the United Nations says of the Alliance of civilizations, if it does not fuel this conflict by interfering with arms or other means on the side of one of the parties of the dispute, the country is only credible in this commitment to dialogue if it tries to promote diplomatic negotiations between the different groups and if it does not take sides in the sense of cultural, or religious, or civilizational issues. The commitment to the human rights is certainly one of the test cases of dialogue between civilizations, but one has to be very cautious in one particular respect. If we speak about human rights, we should do it in a way that is compatible with other civilizational and cultural identities. It would not be fair, it would not be credible if one is conducting a human rights discourse from a position of cultural supremacy so to speak. So if one has to be prepared to reflect on one's own notions of human rights and one has to acknowledge that there are different cultural traditions different social-cultural environments where people may interpret general human right principles in a specific way. We cannot force other people in other cultural environments to live exactly by the standards which we for instance have set for us in the secular environment of the western industrialized world. That would not be fair, it would intellectually not be credible and it would be ultimately be counterproductive because it would mean that people in other regions of the world would feel that they are being reeducated by us or use a more drastic word that they are being brainwashed by us. That of course also relates to certain basic notions of the political system, of democracy. The role of the individual in society and how a person defines himself or herself as a citizen in the state depends also on the cultural environment and we cannot for instance, just to give one of the most drastically examples, we cannot impose certain Western notions of gender policies on the rest of the world. That would not be in any way undertaking and what one also must avoid is to intervene in other countries militarily if there is not a clear humanitarian justification, first of all one must not intervene on the basis, so to speak, trust of ideological issues, on the basis of issues that relate to how we see democracy or human rights, and one must be proportional in the action and for that reason I have great suspicions, as I'm very cautious as far as this new doctrine of humanitarian intervention is concerned because the examples we have seen so far are not very encouraging in quite many instances. There is a risk that through such an intervention one is producing failed states. That is a new term in the political circles of the Western world. Humanitarian intervention is also nor certainly not compatible with the idea of dialogue because it means that countries decide from outside who the good people are in particular country and who are the bad people. They declare that they have to come to the rescue of the good people in order to safe them or in order to establish the rule of law and a system that is based on human rights. But in almost all the cases if you take for instance the invasion of Iraq in 2003, a situation that recited from such kind of interventions which somehow were justified with the humanitarian motives. The consequences are quite negative. These interventions in almost all the cases have caused great suffering and have the caused the death of thousands if not hundreds of thousands people. I would say that it makes sense that such use of force in the name of noble principles of dialogue should be quite strictly controlled in the framework of the United Nations Organization. Unilateral action by individual states or an alliance of states is always risky and is almost always just an action under the pretext of humanitarian motives while an actual fact is an economic interest or power politics. If we look closer for instance to the region of Europe I would say that humanitarian intervention in many of the cases so far has not been able to produce a sustainable order of peaceful coexistence among different population groups, for instance on the Balkans. It will take a long time until one can make a final evaluation in terms of the results of these interventions which a certain groups of countries have undertaken, can in this part of the world. Alliances are important if they are rich in forms of regional cooperation. If there are structures of regional cooperation, institutionalized structures, this will certainly be very important for a particular region, for the countries of a particular region not becoming victims of that old-fashioned policy of "divide et impera" (divide and rule). It is certainly true that structures of regional cooperation maybe a source or maybe an element of political stability in the wider sense. But one also has to be aware of one thing: if we understand or if we mean by alliance a military structure, a military alliance such as NATO or earlier its rival organization, the Warsaw Pact, such alliances are not credible enforcers of the rule of law internationally and I would not for instance leave the enforcement of human rights to a group of countries that are organized under the umbrella of a military alliance. Of course now there exists only one military alliance with global outreach, that is NATO, but during the cold war there were certainly two and that would also have applied to the alliance of the Warsaw Pact countries. The negative example in my assessment recently has been how the Western alliance, I mean how NATO as a military alliance direct in Libya in the year 2011. There was a general authorization by the United Nations Security Council to undertake measures to protect the civilian population, but not to intervene on the ground and not to interfere into the political process. What has been done or what has happened was that the NATO member countries did an air complain and the main goal was, as we know by now, regime change and as such we see at the moment for the time being the country is not stable and it is not to be taken for granted that the country can preserve its territorial integrity and there is certainly no rule of law but there is a number of territories that is ruled by different tribal leaders and now the territory of the country again being used by certain French terror groups that are out to destabilize the entire region. We have seen what that means for instance recently in Mali. We see also the devastating consequences of this situation of anarchy which the NATO intervention has created in Libya now in Syria because many of the most intransigent fighters and also their ammunition are coming from groups in Libya where the government has absolutely no control. Getting back to the issue of dialogue that is certainly not a situation where a military alliance has been successful in promoting a dialogue between the groups or in integrating a country into the community of nations on the basis of rule of law, human right and so on. I think it is crucial that in all these initiatives that are based on the principle of dialogue between cultures, religions or in a more general way between civilizations, one is always very clearly distinguishing between political interests and economic interests and what I have been characterizing as the shaping of one's cultural identity and trying to reach out to other nations and trying to better understand their own identity. What has to be avoided, if there is any hope for this project of dialogue of civilizations is that the issue of civilization is not used just as a cover to promote a certain political or economic or military agenda. I mean if a certain country or a group of countries would like to strengthen its influence in another part of the world, it should indicate the motives and it should do it transparently. Of course I know maybe it is a wishful thinking in the field of international power politics, but they should leave out culture and civilization, they should not say that they act in the name of civilization and that they want to promote dialogue because if the instrumentalization of issues of civilizational identity is becoming a common practice of states that would totally discredit the entire project of the United Nations Organization. Frankly I would say that many of these countries, member states of the United Nations that have declared themselves officially to be friends of this alliance of civilization, should think twice about whether it is really meaningful and credible for them to continue in that group of states, as long as day use dialogue in the context of their own strategic interests. I would say it would be much better to place that issue of civilizational and cultural identity and how to broaden one's own horizon if one would believe this with the specialized Organization of the United Nations that was particularly created for those purposes, namely for UNESCO, the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization, the issue of intercultural dialogue should not be located just within an exclusively political structure that has as its most influential body the Security Council.
Early life and academic career
In his student years, Hans Köchler was actively involved as a board member of the European Forum Alpbach and established contacts with leading European intellectuals and philosophers such as Manès Sperber, Hans-Georg Gadamer and Rudi Supek of the Praxis school who he invited to his lecture series that he organized from 1969 onwards.[7] At the beginning of the 1970s, he had joined the team around Otto Molden, the founder of the European Forum Alpbach. These were his formative philosophical years; he initially developed an interest in existential philosophy, transcendental philosophy and phenomenology. In particular, he undertook an epistemological critique of Husserl's transcendental idealism[8] and interpreted Heidegger's philosophy of Being in the sense of social critique,[9] opening up—in the Cold War era—a dialogue with humanist philosophers of the Praxis school in Yugoslavia and in Czechoslovakia.[10] As a doctoral student, he also had met in Alpbach with Ernst Bloch, Arthur Koestler and Karl Popper.[11]
In 1972, Köchler graduated at the University of Innsbruck with a doctor degree in philosophy (Dr. phil.) with highest honours ("sub auspiciis praesidentis rei publicae"). In the years following his graduation he expanded his scholarly interest to philosophy of law and later political philosophy.[12] Since the early 1970s he has been promoting the idea of inter-cultural dialogue which—since the last decade—has become known under the slogan of dialogue of civilizations. Köchler first outlined his hermeneutical philosophy of dialogue and his concept of cultural self-comprehension in lectures at the University of Innsbruck (1972)[13] and at the Royal Scientific Society in Amman, Jordan, in March 1974[14] and discussed that notion in a tour around the world (March–April 1974) for which he got support and encouragement from Austrian Foreign Minister Rudolf Kirchschläger (later to become President of Austria) and in the course of which he met with intellectuals and political leaders on all continents. Among his interlocutors were Yussef el-Sebai, Minister of Culture of Egypt,[15] Prof. S. Nurul Hasan, Minister of Education, Social Welfare and Culture of India, Mulk Raj Anand, Indian novelist, Prince Subhadradis Diskul of Thailand, Charoonphan Israngkul Na Ayudhya, Foreign Minister of Thailand, Prof. Ida Bagus Mantra, Director-General for Culture of Indonesia, and the President of Senegal, Léopold Sédar Senghor.[16] In recognition of his contribution to the dialogue among civilizations he received an honorary doctor degree (Doctor of Humanities honoris causa) from the Mindanao State University (Philippines) (2004).[17] In 2012 he received an honorary doctor degree from the Armenian State Pedagogical University.
In 1982 he was appointed as University Professor of Philosophy (with special emphasis on Political Philosophy and Philosophical Anthropology) at the University of Innsbruck. From 1990 until 2008 he has served as Chairman of the Department of Philosophy at the University of Innsbruck (Austria). In 2019 he joined the team of Berlin University of Digital Sciences.[18] At Innsbruck University, Professor Köchler also has acted as Chairperson of the Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Wissenschaft und Politik (Working Group for Sciences and Politics) since 1971. He was a member of the Doctoral Grants Committee of the Austrian Academy of Sciences (2000–2006) and is Life Fellow—since 2010 co-president—of the International Academy for Philosophy. Since 2010 he is also a member of the advisory board of the Indian Yearbook of International Law and Policy.
Additional professorships:
- Visiting Professor at the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia (1998).
- Visiting Professorial Lecturer at the Polytechnic University of the Philippines, Manila (since 2004).
- Honorary Professor of Philosophy at Pamukkale University, Turkey (since 2008).[19]
- Member of the Faculty, Center for Cultural Diplomacy Studies, Berlin, Germany (since 2018)
Research
During the 1970s, he co-operated with Cardinal Karol Wojtyła of Kraków, later to become Pope John Paul II, within the framework of the International Society for Phenomenology.[20] He published the first comment articles on the future Pope's anthropological conception.[21] During the 1980s he engaged in a critique of legal positivism (Philosophie—Recht—Politik, 1985) and developed a theory according to which human rights are the basis of the validity of international law (Die Prinzipien des Völkerrechts und die Menschenrechte, 1981). He also dealt with the applicability of democracy in inter-state relations (Democracy in International Relations, 1986). Legal theory led him to questions of political philosophy, and in particular a critique of the representative paradigm of democracy. During the 1990s Köchler got increasingly involved in questions of world order—including the role and philosophical foundations of civilizational dialogue—and in what he has called the dialectic relationship between power and law. Köchler's bibliography contains more than 700 books, reports and scholarly articles in several languages (Albanian, Arabic, Chinese, English, French, German, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Persian, Spanish, Serbo-Croat, Turkish). His publications deal with issues of phenomenology, existential philosophy, anthropology, human rights, philosophy of law, theory of international law, international criminal law, United Nations reform, theory of democracy, etc. He acts as editor of the series Studies in International Relations (Vienna), Veröffentlichungen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Wissenschaft und Politik (Innsbruck), and as member of the editorial board of the international academic journal Hekmat va Falsafeh (Wisdom and Philosophy), published by the Philosophy Department of Allameh Tabatabaii University, Iran.
Köchler has served in several committees and expert groups dealing with issues of international democracy, human rights and development such as the Research Network on Transnational Democracy sponsored by the European Commission;[22] the Council of Europe's Expert Group on Democratic Citizenship (1998–2000);[23] and the Asia-Europe Foundation’s expert meeting on Cultural, Religious and Social Conceptions of Justice in Asia & Europe (Singapore, 2004).[24]
Köchler calls in his research paper "The “Global War on Terror” and its Implications for Muslim-Western Relations " presented during the International Roundtable Conference at the University of Sains Malaysia, Centre for Policy Research and International Studies (CenPRIS) Penang, Malaysia, during 13–14 December 2007, the "official narrative" of 9/11, told by the American authorities, an "official conspiracy theory".[25] Moreover, he claims that the Western establishment refuses to investigate what really happened on 9/11 and this is part of a collective denial process.[26]
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
Köchler is the Founder and President (since 1972) of the International Progress Organization (I.P.O.), an international non-governmental organization (NGO) in consultative status with the United Nations and with a membership in over 70 countries, representing all continents. He was the founder and Secretary-General (1973-1977) of Euregio Alpina (Study Group for the Alpine Region), a transnational planning structure for the Alpine region and predecessor of the new concept of the "Euro Regions" in the framework of the European Union. During the 1970s and 1980s Köchler participated in the international phenomenological movement and organized several conferences and colloquia on the phenomenology of the life-world; he was the organizer of the Eighth International Phenomenological Conference in Salzburg (1980) and is the co-founder of the Austrian Society of Phenomenology. Other activities or functions:[27]
- Coordinator of the International Committee for Palestinian Human Rights (ICPHR) (1988–);
- Co-founder of the European Ombudsman Institute (1988);
- Vice-chairman of the Jamahir Society for Culture and Philosophy and chairman of the Society's editorial board, Vienna (1991–2004);
- Member of the board, NGO Committee on Development at the United Nations Center in Vienna (1994–);
- Member of the advisory council of the International Movement for a Just World (Malaysia) (1997–);
- Convenor (Austria) of the International Movement for a Just World (JUST) (1997–2004);
- Member of the international advisory panel of the Center for Civilizational Dialogue at the University of Malaya (Kuala Lumpur) (1997–);
- Member of the international advisory council of the Committee for a Democratic United Nations, Germany (2003–);
- Member of the international advisory board of the "Youth for the Alliance of Civilizations," an initiative of the Islamic Conference Youth Forum for Dialogue and Cooperation (2007–).
International impact
Köchler has been the organizer of major international conferences in the fields of transnational co-operation, democracy, human rights, terrorism, and conflict resolution, among them the "International Conference on the European Vocation of the Alpine Region" in Innsbruck (1971), which initiated transborder co-operation in Europe and the development towards the "Euro Regions" within the EU; the "International Conference on the Question of Terrorism" in Geneva (1987); and the "Second International Conference On A More Democratic United Nations" (CAMDUN-2) at the Vienna headquarters of the United Nations (1991). In 1996 he acted as chairman of the final session and co-ordinator of the Drafting Committee of the "International Conference on Democracy and Terrorism" in New Delhi. In March 2002 he delivered the 14th Centenary Lecture at the Supreme Court of the Philippines on "The United Nations, the International Rule of Law and Terrorism." On 1 September 2004 he delivered the Foundation Day Speech at Mindanao State University, Islamic City of Marawi, on "The Dialogue of Civilizations and the Future of World Order."
Through his research and civil society initiatives, Professor Köchler made major contributions to the debate on international democracy and United Nations reform, in particular reform of the Security Council. This was acknowledged by international figures such as the German Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel in 1993. In 1985, he organized the first colloquium on "Democracy in International Relations" on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the United Nations in New York.
In the framework of his activities as President of the International Progress Organization, he co-operated with numerous international figures such as the Founder President of Senegal, Léopold Sédar Senghor, on the issue of civilizational dialogue; Crown Prince Hassan of Jordan and Cardinal Franz König of Austria on Islamic-Christian understanding;[28] Leo Mates, Secretary-General of the first Non-Aligned summit in Belgrade in 1961, on the principles and future of the non-aligned movement (N)i;[29]
During the Pope Benedict XVI Islam controversy, he wrote in a commentary: "In his lecture preaching the compatibility of reason and faith, Benedict XVI, the scholar, deliberately overlooks the fact that the insights of Greek philosophy – its commitment to the λόγος – have been brought to medieval Christian Europe by the great Muslim thinkers of the Middle Ages. What he calls the 'encounter between the Biblical message and Greek thought' ... was, to a large extent, the result of the influence of Muslim philosophers – at a time when European Christians were totally ignorant of classical Greek philosophy."[30]
Köchler is also an outspoken critic of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and has condemned its inception and practice by citing provisions of international law.[31]
He came to prominence in the world of international politics when he was nominated, on 25 April 2000, by then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan as an observer at the Pan Am Flight 103 (Lockerbie) bombing trial.[32] His critical reports on the trial and appeal proceedings contributed to a global debate on the politicization of international criminal justice.[33]
Major works
- Die Subjekt-Objekt-Dialektik in der transzendentalen Phänomenologie. Das Seinsproblem zwischen Idealismus und Realismus. (Monographien zur philosophischen Forschung, vol. 112.) Meisenheim a. G.: Anton Hain, 1974.
- Skepsis und Gesellschaftskritik im Denken Martin Heideggers. Monographien zur philosophischen Forschung, vol. 158. Meisenheim a. G.: Anton Hain, 1978.
- Philosophie – Recht – Politik. Abhandlungen zur politischen Philosophie und zur Rechtsphilosophie. Veröffentlichungen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Wissenschaft und Politik an der Universität Innsbruck, vol. 4. Vienna/New York: Springer-Verlag, 1985.
- (ed.) The Principles of Non-Alignment. London: Third World Centre, 1982.
- Phenomenological Realism. Selected Essays. Frankfurt a. M./Bern: Peter Lang, 1986.
- Politik und Theologie bei Heidegger. Politischer Aktionismus und theologische Mystik nach "Sein und Zeit." Veröffentlichungen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Wissenschaft und Politik an der Universität Innsbruck, vol. 7. Innsbruck: Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Wissenschaft und Politik, 1991.
- Democracy and the International Rule of Law. Propositions for an Alternative World Order. Selected Papers Published on the Occasion of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the United Nations. Vienna/New York: Springer-Verlag, 1995.
- Neue Wege der Demokratie. Demokratie im globalen Spannungsfeld von Machtpolitik und Rechtsstaatlichkeit. Vienna/New York: Springer-Verlag, 1998.
- Manila Lectures 2002. Terrorism and the Quest for a Just World Order. Quezon City (Manila): FSJ Book World, 2002.
- Global Justice or Global Revenge? International Criminal Justice at the Crossroads. Philosophical Reflections on the Principles of the International Legal Order Published on the Occasion of the Thirtieth Anniversary of the Foundation of the International Progress Organization. SpringerScience. Vienna/New York: Springer-Verlag, 2003.
- (Arabic) ١ﻠﻣﺳﻠﻤٯ ن ﻭ ١ﻠﻐﺮﺐ : من ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍع إﻟﻰ ﺍﻠﺤوﺍﺮ (The Muslims and the West: From Confrontation to Dialogue). Casablanca, Morocco: TOP Edition, 2009.
- World Order: Vision and Reality. Collected Papers Edited by David Armstrong. Studies in International Relations, Vol. XXXI. New Delhi: Manak, 2009.
- Global Justice or Global Revenge? The ICC and the Politicization of International Criminal Justice in International Criminal Law and Human Rights, Manoj Kumar Sinha (ed.) (Manak Publications, New Delhi, 2010)
- The Security Council as Administrator of Justice? Reflections on the Antagonistic Relationship between Power and Law. Vienna: International Progress Organization, 2011.
- Force or Dialogue: Conflicting Paradigms of World Order. Collected Papers Edited by David Armstrong. Studies in International Relations, Vol. XXXIII. New Delhi: Manak, 2015.
- Challenges and Contradictions of World Order: A Reader. Studies in International Relations, Vol. XXXVII. Vienna: International Progress Organization, 2022.
- MMXXII : WAR OR PEACE. Vienna: International Progress Organization, 2023.
Bibliography
Commentaries on Köchler's works
- Peut-on parler d'un "scepticisme" heideggérien? Emilio Brito, Heidegger et l'hymne du sacré. Leuven: Leuven University Press / Uitgeverij Peeters, 1999, pp. 615-621. (French)
- Hans Köchler. Global Justice or Global Revenge. International Criminal Justice at the Crossroads. REVIEW. Quezon City, Metro Manila: H. Koechler Political and Philosophical Society, 2004.
- The Great Power Balance, the United Nations and What the Framers Intended: In Partial Response to Hans Köchler. C.L. Lim in: Chinese Journal of International Law (2007), pp. 1-22.
Publications about Hans Köchler
- [Biographical sketches of the members of the International Academy for Philosophy]: "Hans Köchler," in: News and Views, No. 13 (November 2006). Yerevan (Armenia)/Athens (Greece)/Berkeley (USA): International Academy for Philosophy, 2006, pp. 46-53.
- Fatemah Remedios C. Balbin (ed.), Hans Köchler Bibliography and Reader. Quezon City, Metro Manila: Hans Koechler Political and Philosophical Society & Foundation for Social Justice, 2007. ISBN 978-3-900719-04-3
- Marie-Luisa Frick and Andreas Oberprantacher (eds.), Power and Justice in International Relations: Interdisciplinary Approaches to Global Challenges. (Essays in Honour of Hans Köchler.) Farnham (Surrey), UK: Ashgate, 2009. ISBN 978-0-7546-7771-0
- ھكذا تكلم كوكلر في الفلسفة والفكر وحوار الثقافات والسياسة العالمية. Translated from German by Hamid Lechhab. Preface by Adnan Yasin. 2nd, enlarged edition. Amman: Khotout wa-dilal, 2022. ISBN 978-9923-40-598-7
See also
References
- ^ Die Subjekt-Objekt-Dialektik in der transzendentalen Phänomenologie. Das Seinsproblem zwischen Idealismus und Realismus. Meisenheim a. G.: Anton Hain, 1974. ISBN 3-445-01125-7
- ^ Phenomenological Realism. Frankfurt a. M./Bern: Peter Lang, 1986. ISBN 3-8204-8794-8
- ^ Der innere Bezug von Anthropologie und Ontologie. Das Problem der Anthropologie im Denken Martin Heideggers. Meisenheim a. G.: Anton Hain, 1974. ISBN 3-445-01072-2
- ^ "Kulturelles Selbstverständnis und Koexistenz: Voraussetzungen für einen fundamentalen Dialog" (1972), in: Philosophie und Politik: Dokumentation eines interdisziplinären Seminars. Innsbruck: Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Wissenschaft und Politik, 1973, pp. 75-78.
- ^ "The Dialogue of Civilizations: Philosophical Basis, Current State and Prospects," in: Asia Europe Journal, Vol. 1, No. 3 (August 2003), pp. 315-320.
- ^ Civilization as Instrument of World Order? Future Islam, New Delhi, July/August 2006
- ^ Innsbruck Lectures 1969-1989
- ^ "The 'A priori' Moment of the Subject-Object-Dialectic in Transcendental Phenomenology: The Relationship between 'A priori' and 'Ideality'," in: Analecta Husserliana, Vol. 3 (1974), pp. 183-198.
- ^ Skepsis und Gesellschaftskritik im Denken Martin Heideggers. Meisenheim a. G.: Anton Hain, 1978. ISBN 3-445-01381-0
- ^ See correspondence with Rudi Supek in the archive of Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Wissenschaft und Politik, University of Innsbruck, Austria.
- ^ See archive of Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Wissenschaft und Politik, University of Innsbruck, Austria.
- ^ Philosophie - Recht - Politik. Vienna/New York: Springer, 1985. ISBN 0-387-81899-5
- ^ Kulturelles Selbstverständnis und Koexistenz: Voraussetzungen für einen fundamentalen Dialog (Cultural Self-comprehension and Co-existence: Preconditions of Fundamental Dialogue), in: Philosophie und Politik. Dokumentation eines interdisziplinären Seminars. Innsbruck: Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Wissenschaft und Politik, 1973, pp. 75-78. In this text he coined the term "dialogue of cultures".
- ^ Text of the lecture: Cultural-Philosophical Aspects of International Cooperation. Studies in International Cultural Relations, II. Vienna: International Progress Organization, 1978.
- ^ Al Ahram, Cairo, 15 March 1974.
- ^ See the article published in Le Soleil, Dakar, 27 April 1974: "L'Europe a beaucoup à apprendre ..."
- ^ "MSU confers award on Austrian Professor," Manila Bulletin, Manila, Philippines, 28 September 2004.
- ^ Berlin University of Digital Sciences / People / University Council.
- ^ Star Gazete, Istanbul, Turkey, 16 October 2008.
- ^ See Nancy Mardas Billias and Agnes B. Curry in: Karol Wojtyla's Philosophical Legacy. Washington, DC: The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy, 2008, pp. 6-7.
- ^ E.g. "The Dialectical Conception of Self-determination. Reflections on the Systematic Approach of Karol Wojtyla," in: Analecta Husserliana, Vol. 6 (1977), pp. 75-80.
- ^ Report presented at the final meeting of the research network on "The Political Theory of Transnational Democracy" at the University of Cambridge (UK), 29 March 1996.
- ^ Report on democratic citizenship prepared for the Council of Europe (1999), published in: Concepts of democratic citizenship. Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing, 2000, pp. 147-165.
- ^ Second Year of ASEF Cultures & Civilisations Dialogue 2004/2005: 4th to 6th ASEF Talks on the Hill, 7th to 12th Asia-Europe Lecture Tours. Ed. Bertrand Fort. Singapore: Asia-Europe Foundation (ASEF), 2005, ISBN 978-9810523640.
- ^ The “Global War on Terror” and its Implications for Muslim-Western Relations", p.21
- ^ The “Global War on Terror” and its Implications for Muslim-Western Relations", p.6
- ^ Source: Hans Köchler Bibliography and Reader. Manila, 2007. ISBN 978-971-93698-0-6
- ^ See "Message by His Eminence Cardinal Franz König, Archbishop of Vienna," in: Hans Köchler, ed., The Concept of Monotheism in Islam and Christianity. Vienna: Braumüller, 1982. ISBN 3-7003-0339-4, pp. 3ff. See also "Inaugural lecture on behalf of H.R.H.Crown Prince Hassan of Jordan," op. cit., pp. 22ff.
- ^ "International Conference on Non-alignment". i-p-o.org. Retrieved 2020-04-11.
- ^ Religion, Reason and Violence: Pope Benedict XVI and Islam - Hans Köchler, Statement for the International Progress Organization. 16 September 2006
- ^ "I.P.O. Monitoring: Yugoslav War Crimes Tribunal (ICTY)".
- ^ Letter of the Secretary-General to the President of the UN Security Council, dated 25 April 2000.
- ^ "International debates on and media coverage of Professor Hans Koechler's reports on the Lockerbie trial and the Lockerbie appeal".
External links
- Hans Köchler web site
- Hans Köchler's faculty page at the University of Innsbruck Archived 2008-03-11 at the Wayback Machine
- Hans Köchler at Dialogue of Civilizations (DOC) Research Institute
- Hans Köchler's observer mission at the Lockerbie trial in the Netherlands
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This page was last edited on 12 April 2024, at 05:48