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Hague Congress (1872)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Hague Congress was the fifth congress of the International Workingmen's Association (IWA), held from 2–7 September 1872 in The Hague, the Netherlands.

The Hague Congress is famous for the expulsion of the anarchist Mikhail Bakunin for clashing with Karl Marx and his followers over the role of politics in the IWMA.[1] It marked the end of this organization as a unitarian alliance of all socialist factions (anarchists and Marxists).

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Karl Marx (1818-1883) is perhaps one of the most cited theoretical and discussed in our modern history. His most famous academic works are monumental efforts of historical, social and economic analysis. So comprehensive, ideas brought contributions both to the area of sociology as Economics, Philosophy, History, Political Science and among many others. Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim, and Max Weber were considered the three classical thinkers because their jobs have become pillars for the construction of sociological studies. Just as Durkheim, Marx's interest was to understand the social changes witnessed during the Industrial Revolution. He saw firsthand the rapid process of growth of plants and industrial production, and the consequent growth of social inequality. His close relationship with European labor movements of the time influenced his writings and his theoretical approach. Although it devoted more to issues of area economy, its comprehensive vision also considered the events that were connected to the social world. Precisely for this reason, his works are widely used in sociological studies. Although it has been dedicated to the study of different historical moments, was the transition from modernity that most interested him. Social phenomena observed were profound and complex, so that changed the whole social structure of the European world, and later around the rest of the world. However, Marx focused on the changes involving the development of capitalism in the new context that was presented. His interest was due to the large differences that the capitalist system was concerning production systems that previously appeared in human history because the focus of this system was the large-scale production of consumer goods. WHO WAS KARL MARX? Economist, philosopher, and German socialist Karl Marx was born in Trier on May 5, 1818, and died in London on 14 March 1883. He studied at the University of Berlin, especially the Hegelian philosophy, and graduated in Jena in 1841, with the thesis about the differences of a philosophy of nature of Democritus and Epicurus. In 1842 he took over the writing of the newspaper Rhenish in Cologne, where its radical-democratic articles angered the authorities. In 1843, he moved to Paris, editing in 1844 the first volume of the German-French Annals, main body of the Hegelian left. However, soon broke with the leaders of this movement, Bruno Bauer and Ruge. In 1844, he met in Paris Friedrich Engels, the beginning of a close friendship throughout life. It was the following year, expelled from France, was rooting in Brussels and participating in clandestine organizations of workers and exiles. At the same time in France the revolution broke out on February 24, 1848, Marx and Engels published the pamphlet The Communist Manifesto, the first draft of revolutionary theory that would later be called Marxist. He returned to Paris but soon became the head of the New Rhenish Newspaper in Cologne, first daily newspaper frankly socialist. After the defeat of all revolutionary movements in Europe and the newspaper's closure, whose editors were reported and prosecuted, Marx went to Paris and then sent off to London, where he resided. In London, dedicated to vast economic and historical studies, and frequent visitor to the British Museum reading room. He wrote articles for American newspapers, on foreign policy, but the material situation has always been very precarious. It was generously helped by Engels, who lived in Manchester, in sound financial condition. In 1864, Marx was the co-founder of the International Federation of Trade Unions, later called the First International, playing the dominant role of director. In 1867 he published the first volume of his major work, Capital. Within the International Marx found the tenacious opposition of the anarchists led by Bakunin, and in 1872, at the Hague Congress, the association was almost dissolved. In contrast, Marx would sponsor the founding in 1875, the German Social Democratic Party, which was, however, soon after prohibited. Not lived enough to attend the electoral victories of this party and other socialist groups in Europe. Childhood Karl Heinrich Marx was born in Trier, south of Prussia, May 5, 1818. He was the second of eight children of lawyer Hirschel Marx and his wife, the Dutch Henriette Pressburg. His paternal grandfather was a Jewish rabbi, however, Hirschel, for fear of the consequences of anti-Jewish laws enacted by the King of Prussia converted to Protestantism in 1824 when Karl was a child. Marx's mother also descended from Jewish rabbis, but at any time of his life, it was interested in exercising doctrinal influence on the child. Karl's parents were a harmonious couple, which seems to have contributed substantially to the formation of his personality. As indicated by various assessments of his teachers, Marx was an excellent student. He completed high school successfully passed the exam of maturity. His final dissertation can draw two significant phrases that have already demonstrated their exceptional intellect: "NEITHER CAN ALWAYS EMBRACE THE PROFESSION FOR WHICH WE BELIEVE TO BE PREPARED; OUR POSITION IN THE COMPANY IS IN CERTAIN DEFINED MEASURE BEFORE WE HAVE CONDITIONS DETERMINED IT". "THE NATURE OF MAN IS SUCH A WAY THAT IT CAN NOT ACHIEVE THEIR PERFECTION BUT ACT FOR THE RIGHT AND THE PERFECTION OF HUMANITY." THE PHILOSOPHER The purpose of the period from 1843 to early 1845 he spent in Paris, was a real turning point in the course of Marx's life and its activities. There, he toured the historical sites of the French Revolution. His impression was so vigorous and intense that he read French historians. Found thus the class struggle which the bourgeoisie held against the nobility. See that the philosophy of the Enlightenment not occasioned by itself, the revolution, and that before, accompanied and stimulated the movement goal of the struggle between the classes. It concluded that the high bourgeoisie that was in power had nothing revolutionary, being unable to meet the democratic tasks, and now the momentum of liberation would come from a new class, the workers, and employees, the proletarian class. The ability to rid society of the various forms of oppression was now in the hands of this class since she becomes aware of its class interests and acts in an organized manner. Marx parts to a profound criticism of capitalism, which considers the greatest cause of alienation of humanity. It describes the economy as being of central importance to other aspects of human existence. It is appropriate to engage fully in activities that sought to improve the living conditions of workers. He criticized, so, primarily theoretical communists, and defended the action, real communism. Paul Lafargue, his son in law and secretary, reports that Marx rested walking from one side to another of the room, coming to form a trail on the floor. The work was so much that Karl often forgot to eat. It was extremely meticulous, rigorous and capricious with their jobs. So it was with Capital, published in 1867 and has become the central reference in the social sciences and, as the Communist Manifesto, established the principles of a doctrine based on historical analysis of human societies. To coordinate the action of the proletariat against capitalist exploitation, in 1864 he created the International Workers Association in London. Marx was his soul, being the author of the first "Call" and a large number of resolutions, declarations, and manifestoes. By uniting the labor movement of various countries, trying to steer an ordinary activity via different forms of non-proletarian socialism, pre-Marxist (Mazzini, Proudhon, Bakunin, the trade unionism English liberal, the oscillations of Lassalleans right in Germany, etc.) combating the theories of all these sects and schools, Marx was forging a unique tactic for the proletarian struggle of the working class in different countries. After the fall of the Paris Commune (1871) - which Marx analyzed (in The Civil War in France, 1871) in such a pervasive way, so fair, so bright, so useful and revolutionary - and after the split caused by Bakuninists, the International could not continue to exist in Europe. After the 1872 Hague Congress, Marx managed the transfer the International General Council to New York. The First International had fulfilled its historic mission and gave way to a growing season infinitely greater labor movement in all countries of the world, characterized by its extension in development, the formation of socialist parties workers masses under the various national states. His intense activity in International and its theoretical work, which required even greater efforts, definitely shaken Marx's health. He continued its work of transformation of the political economy and finishing of Capital, gathering a mass of new documents and studying various languages (Russian, for example), but illness prevented him from finishing the Capital. With unanimous approval of the General Committee, Marx obtains consent to the publication of the texts drafted, containing the statutes stating the purpose of the Association and becomes the central leader of the same. Dialectical Materialism, The Hegelian dialectic, was the dialectic of idealism and materialism is a dialectical philosophical position that considers the matter as the only reality, and that denies the existence of the soul, the afterlife, and God. The reality is contradictory, but the contradiction excels in the synthesis that is the "truth" of overcome moments. Marx historically considered as an opposition of classes linked to certain types of social organization. Marx had a revolutionary philosophy that sought to demonstrate the internal contradictions of class society and overcoming requirements. Ludwig Feuerbach sought to introduce materialist dialectics, fighting the Hegelian doctrine, which, along with its revolutionary method concluded by an eminently conservative doctrine. Marx rejects as Feuerbach, idealism, but, on the contrary, does not seek to preserve the values of Christianity. Marxist dialectics postulates that the laws of thought correspond to the laws of reality. Dialectics is not only thought, is thought and reality at the same time. But matter and its historical content dictate the Marxist dialectic: the reality is contradictory to dialectical thinking. The dialectical contradiction is not only an external contradiction but the unity of contradictions. Marx accused Feuerbach, stating that his humanism and his dialectics were static: Feuerbach, as a man has no dimensions, are outside of society and history, is a pure abstraction. It is essential according to Marx's understanding, the historical reality in its contradictions, to try to overcome them dialectically. Dialectic proclaims the following principles: everything is related (Law of reciprocal action and universal connection); everything changes (law of universal transformation and unceasing development); the qualitative changes are consequences of quantitative revolutions; the contradiction is internal, but the contrary unit at a later time: the struggle of opposites is the engine of thought and reality; the materiality of the world; the precedence of matter in relation to consciousness; the spiritual life of society as a result of material life. Historical Materialism in Marxist theory: historical materialism seeks the explanation of the history of human societies, at all times, through the materials, mainly economic and technical facts. THE SOCIETY BASE The Society is compared to a building in which the foundations, infrastructure, would be represented by economic forces, while the building itself, the superstructure, represents the ideas, customs, institutions (political, religious, legal, etc.). "What Marx was most critical is the question of how to understand what is man. Not having consciousness (rational), nor be a political animal, which gives the man his singularity, but being able to produce their conditions existence, both material and ideal, which distinguishes man". The essence of man is not having an essence, the essence of man is something that he builds, that is, history. Class struggle intending characterizes not only an economic view of history but also a historical view of the economy, and the Marxist theory also seeks to explain the evolution of economic relations in human societies throughout the historical process. There would be, according to Marxist theory, a permanent dialectic of power between powerful and weak, oppressor and oppressed, the history of mankind would be a permanent class struggle as is made clear in the first sentence of the first chapter of The Communist Manifesto: "the history of all past society is the history of class struggle". Those classes to Engels are "the products of economic relations of his time." So despite the apparent differences, slavery, servitude, and capitalism are not necessarily successive stages of a single process. The basis of society's economic output On this economic base rises a superstructure, a state and economic ideas, social, political, moral, philosophical and artistic. Marx wanted the inversion of the social pyramid, that is, putting in power most, the workers, who would be the only force capable of destroying the capitalist society and build a new society, a socialist society. For Marx the workers would be dominated by the ideology of the ruling class, i.e., the ideas that they have to the world and society would be the same ideas that the bourgeoisie spreads. Capitalism would be hit by economic crisis because it has become the obstacle to the development of productive forces. It would be absurd that the entire humanity is dedicated to working in the mood to provide subordinate to a handful of big business. The economy of the future associate, all men and peoples of the world, could only be a controlled production for all men and peoples. For Marx, the more the world is economically unified, it needs socialism. Do not just be an economic crisis so there is a revolution. What is decisive is the actions of social classes that for Marx and Engels, in all societies in which the property is private there are class struggles (x lord's slaves, feudal serfs x nobles, bourgeois x proletariats). The capitalist proletarian struggle should not be limited to the fight of trade unions for better wages and living conditions. It should also be the ideological struggle for socialism was known by workers as a political struggle for the seizure of power. In this field, the proletariat should rely on a key weapon, the political party, the revolutionary political party that has a democratic structure and to seek to educate workers and get them to organize themselves to take power through a socialist revolution. Marx tried to demonstrate that in capitalism there would always be social injustice and that the only way a person get wealthy and increase his fortune would be exploiting the workers, i.e., capitalism, according to Marx's wild theory because the worker produces more for your boss than your cost to society, and capitalism is necessarily presented as an economic system of exploitation, surplus value is the fundamental law of the system. The power sold by the operator to the boss will not be used for 6 hours, but during 8, 10, 12 or more hours. The capital gain is the difference between the price at which the trader buys the labor force (6 hours) and the price at which he sells the result (10 hours for example). Thus, the lower the price paid to the worker and the longer the duration of the working day, the greater the business profit. The Communist Manifesto made humanity walk the solution of problems such as poverty and the exploitation of labor. The Communist Manifesto is an affirmative set of ideas, of "truths" that the revolutionaries of the time believed to contain, according to them, scientific evidence - somewhat economistic - for understanding social change. Assign the communists more decision, advance, lucidity and leadership than the other fractions that seek to represent the proletariat, its objectives are regarded as common: the organization of the proletariat to the conquest of political power and the bourgeois supremacy destruction. You can cut the irony with a sharp knife into three types of socialism of the time: the "revolutionary socialism" (divided into feudal socialism, petty-bourgeois and German Socialism), the "conservative and bourgeois socialism" and "socialism and critical-utopian socialism". The Communist Manifesto ends triumphalist and encouraging, does not to spiritualize, but thrill to the fight. Interestingly, takes the idea of "ghost" to want "the ruling classes tremble at the idea of a revolution communist". The workers, who have the world to win the revolution, are also, after all, called upon, in the famous words, so many dreams, life projects, and social revolutions have inspired: "OF ALL COUNTRIES PROLETARIANS, UNITE!" Engels and the family: it is impossible to speak of Marx without remembering Engels. His political activities, intellectuals, and activists were closely linked. Engels was the son of a very religious and conservative industrial and raised in an environment dominated by pietism, the most rigorous trend of German Protestantism. At 19 he began publishing articles with popular content in city magazine. At 24, Engels read the Rheinische Zeitung. It was received coldly by Marx, having not taking the seriousness of the Liberated, extremist group which Engels was part and promoted noisy activities. Still, Marx published two of his articles. The two men met again in Paris in 1844. Engels was finishing a study of the English capitalist system and it was very interested in the work of Marx. There began a lasting friendship. Engels was a dedicated consultant of Marx's work, struggling a lot with his friend and at various times financially supporting the Marx family. In 1848, together they would shake and transform the world writing the great Communist Manifesto. After the death of Marx, Engels began to complete and disseminate the work of his friend into the world. In 1895 Engels died of esophageal cancer. The friendship between them is evident in these statements: "DEAR FRED: HAVE JUST TO CORRECT THE LAST LEAF CAPITAL NOTEBOOK: The Preface, Remeti, CORRECTED YESTERDAY, THIS PART IS COMPLETED, THEN ONLY THANKS, WITHOUT YOU IT WOULD NOT BE POSSIBLE FOR ME TO CARRY OUT THIS HUGE WORK OF THREE VOLUMES, WITHOUT YOUR SACRIFICE, HUGS AND MANY THANKS, KARL". Also, seven years after Marx's death, Engels wrote: "MY DESTINY IS THAT: SPOON GLORY AND SEEDS OF HONOURS WHICH WERE PLANTED IN GREATER SOMEBODY THAT I: SO TO KARL MARX I CAN ONLY PROMISE DEDICATE THE REST OF MY LIFE TO HIS SERVICE, BE AN ASSET FOR THE PROLETARIAT, IF POSSIBLE, TO ONE DAY BECOME A WORTHY OF THEIR HONOR." It is reported that Marx was a gentle and loving father. He would love to walk with the family and said that children should educate parents. He and his family have suffered several misfortunes, but his family always supported him. He said the man-woman relationship was an exchange of values. But when one partner is allowed to sell the money, the values are opposites: love turns to hate, fidelity is diluted. "Love is the means of man to be held as a person," he said. Disagreements Marx never had any personal enemy. But he had a habit of discussing his ideas with other philosophers, which yielded many controversies. One was the philosopher Proudhon, the most famous man in the French labor movement. Marx wrote to him inviting him to join the Communist Correspondence Committees, which promote the exchange of communists from various countries. Proudhon responded by refusing to adhere to the movement, to challenge the internationalism of Marx and his economic ideas. The idea of Proudhon cooperatives was far from the efforts of Marx and Engels to organize the struggle of the proletarian class against the bourgeoisie. These views of the French philosopher were reported in his book Philosophy of Poverty, written by Marx. In this book, he advocated anarchist ideals, with a society based only on a small property. Marx's answer came with Misery book of philosophy which says that Hegel, Proudhon had only acquired vocabulary, and critique their reformism and call their ideas petty-bourgeois ideas and uncompromised with the working class. Also polemical with Bakunin, the "father of anarchism". He was a revolutionary Hegelian training and advocated the general strike, challenged by Marx, saying that it was a myth that could affect the organization of the working class, which must mature patiently. Bakunin admired the knowledge of Marx, but considered boastful and advocated worker self-organization. Marx said about Bakunin's program "is a salad of platitudes, of meaningless chatter, a wreath of concepts and insipid improvisation." Death and legacy The last ten years of Marx's life were marked by the deterioration of his health. He suffered liver disorders for over 20 years and was the victim of violent and persistent headaches that led to insomnia. Contrary to medical orders, he continued working until late at night, eating less than even before. Already in 1881 he is a patient condemned by the medicine of the time. He could not devote a lot in the writing of books II and III of The Capital. Some passages have gigantic notes to Engels and to find a home with revolutionary communist militants from around the world. Several of Marx's children died very young, in London, when the family was going through a great misery. Three of his daughters married English and French socialists: Eleanor Aveling, Laura Lafargue, and Jenny Longuet; one of the sons of the latter is French Socialist Party member. The final blow comes with Jenny's death on December 2, 1881, and with his dearest daughter, who bore the mother's name in 1883. Two months after this event, on March 14, Karl Marx passed away at his desk in his office living in a consumptive hovel. He was buried in Highgate Cemetery, along with his wife in London, in the reserved sector people banned and rejected by the Anglican Church. On the edge of the grave, Engels gave emotional funeral oration: "MARX WAS BEFORE ALL, A REVOLUTIONARY. HIS REAL MISSION IN LIFE WAS TO CONTRIBUTE, ONE WAY OR ANOTHER, TO SOCIETY TIPS CAPITALIST AND STATE INSTITUTIONS IN THESE RAISED, TO CONTRIBUTE TO THE LIBERATION OF MODERN PROLETARIAT, WHICH HE WAS THE FIRST TO BECOME AWARE OF YOUR POSITION AND THEIR NEEDS, AWARE OF THE CONDITIONS OF THEIR EMANCIPATION. THE FIGHT WAS HIS ELEMENT AND HE FOUGHT WITH A TOUGHNESS AND A SUCCESS WITH WHOM FEW MIGHT RIVAL. MARX WAS HATED BY MORE MAN AND OVER YOUR TIME SLANDERED. GOVERNMENTS, EITHER ABSOLUTE HOW REPUBLICANS, DEPORTED THE TERRITORY OF ITS BOURGEOIS, WHETHER OR CONSERVATIVE ULTRADEMOCRÁTICOS, STROVE BETWEEN THE LAUNCH DEFAMATIONS AGAINST HIM. ALL THIS HE PUT SIDE AS IF THEY WERE SPIDER WEBS, NOT AWARE, ONLY RESPONDING WHEN THERE WAS AN NEED EXTREME COMPELLED HIM AND DIED LOVING, REVERED AND MOURNED BY MILLIONS OF THE FELLOW WORKERS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY, OF THE SIBERIAN MINES TO CALIFORNIA, ALL PARTIES EUROPE AND AMERICA - AND DARE I SAY THAT, ALTHOUGH, EVEN THOUGH, MIGHT HAVE HAD MANY OPPONENTS, HE DID NOT HAVE ANY PERSONAL ENEMY." THE MATERIALIST CONCEPTION OF HISTORY By giving realized the inconsequential nature, incomplete and one-sided of the old materialism, Marx was led to the conviction that it was necessary to "put science according to the materialistic base society and rebuild this supporting - science on that basis". If in general, materialism explains consciousness by being and not the contrary, it requires when applied to the social life of humanity, which explain social consciousness by social being. "The technology, says Marx (Capital, l) shows the active attitude of man to nature, the immediate process of production of his life and therefore their social living conditions and spiritual representations derived from that place. In 35 A complete formulation of the fundamental principles of materialism as applied to human society and its history is given by Marx in the preface to his book "A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy", in these terms: "In the social production of their existence, men enter into relations certain, that are necessary, independent of their will, relations of production which correspond to a definite degree of development of their material productive forces". The set of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation on which rises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the process of social, political and intellectual in general. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness. At a certain stage of their development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or, what is but a legal expression that, with the property relations within which they had moved so far. From forms of development of productive forces, these relations become their fetters. Abbreviated this would lead to an era of social revolution. The change in the economic base revolutionized, more or less quickly, the whole enormous superstructure. In considering such revolutions one must always distinguish between the material transformations in the economic conditions of production - which can be checked with the rigor typical of the natural sciences - and the legal, political, religious, aesthetic or philosophic forms, in short, forms ideological under which men become conscious of this conflict and fight for resolve. "Just as you can not judge an individual by the idea that he makes himself also can not judge such a period of revolutions by the awareness that it has of itself. Rather, it is necessary to explain this consciousness from the contradictions of material life, the conflict between the social productive forces and relations of production...". In broad strokes, the modes of Asian production, ancient, feudal and modern bourgeois can be designated as so many times of progress in the economic formation of society." (See a brief formula that Marx gives in his letter to Engels dated July 7, 1866: "Our theory of work organization determined by the means of production"). The discovery of the materialist conception of history, or more precisely, the application, the consequent extension of materialism to social phenomena domain eliminated the two main defects of the theories of Marx previous history. First, they considered, at best, ideological mobiles of the historical activity of men, without investigating the origin of these mobiles without grasping the objective laws governing the development of the system of social relations and without discovering the roots of these relations in a degree of development of material production. Second, previous theories not encompassed precisely the action of the population of the masses, while historical materialism allows for the first time, to study with the accuracy of the natural sciences the social conditions of life of the masses and the changes in those conditions. The "sociology" and historiography before Marx, at best, accumulated raw facts, collected piecemeal, and exposed some aspects of the historical process. Marxism pioneered the universal and complete study of the birth process, development and decline of economic-social formations, examining all the contradictory tendencies, conecting the conditions of existence and production, precisely determinable, the various classes of society away from the subjectivism and arbitrariness in the selection of the different ideas "dominant" or in their interpretation, revealing the roots of all the ideas and all the various tendencies, without exception, in the state of material productive forces. Men are the architects of their history, but that causes to determine the mobiles of men and, more precisely, of the masses? What is the cause of conflicts of ideas and contradictory aspirations? Representing all these conflicts in the mass of human societies? What are the objective conditions of production of material life in which is based on all historical activity of men? What is the law that governs the development of these conditions? Marx has focused his attention on all these issues and paved the way for the scientific study of history conceived as a single process governed by laws, despite its prodigious variety of aspects and all its contradictions. LEGACY Marx died, but his legacy is immortal. Today, he inspired great revolutions that made the proletariat a more formal class. Is still subdued by capitalism, that lives in the shadows, but we can not deny the progress made during years of struggle against an exploitative bourgeoisie. Cooperatives and later unions were created to defend the rights of workers. Demonstrations and riots claimed respect for this class. And it all started with Marx. It is still a scarce culture and the dignity and the lives of workers, but it is more than they had two hundred years ago. And taking the example of fighters of the people as was Karl Marx, one of the most celebrated thinkers ever produced by humanity, this example is that we can build a fairer society. Marx did not intend to make a finished analysis and a definitive definition of capitalism, because he knew he could not "stifle" the history: he was aware of the capitalist dynamic, but could not come forward to their historical moment, forecasting and analyzing imperialism and globalization, for example, and not fathom the predominance of services, entertainment, communications and financial flows at the expense of industrial production. He could not imagine that new theoretical category should be developed to account for the reality that would change gradually: fictitious capital, virtual company, outsourcing, state capitalism, immaterial labor, symbolic work. His analysis was, therefore, synchronic, while their analysis methods have diachronic application. So, it is ironic that in this age of instant and ephemeral fads, point in some localized spots one that is anachronistic and without any connection with reality: I am referring to a free anti-Marxist rant in some tiny circles, which intend to inflate up and stand to disseminate inconsistent rhetoric of evil tacked catchphrases, misunderstanding, exhibitionism, and authoritarian intolerance, claiming that "Capital is outdated, belongs to the history of ideas", "Marx would support globalization", "Marxism is illusion", "Capital is a fetish", "Marxism is insufficient to understand the globalization of our time", "with the failure of the USSR proved the failure of Marxism", "capitalism is eternal", and other similar devoid of theoretical or even argumentative ballast. Fillers are empty rhetoric because it dismisses arguments and pleas, practical, however, which are rare good sense and sound intellectual formation. There are even those who do a caricature of the object that criticizes to combat it efficiently, which reveals mental destitution and prevents debate. This fad shows that the work of Marx, as well as important and current, it is necessary and urgent to promote intellectual emancipation, the expansion of consciousness and perhaps curb arrogant exhibitionism and asinine. The anti-Marxist buzzword, however, is explained in a time dominated by the liberal thought and pragmatism in its most narrow-minded and intolerant forms, where the concentration of wealth is a goddess celebrated on the market, this hybrid being omniscient / ubiquitous / omnipotent and sacred temples boasting on your porch “extra consumo nulla salvatio est."




The background to the congress lay in the failure of the Paris Commune in June of the previous year, and in the different lessons drawn from it by the two most prominent members of the International, Karl Marx and Mikhail Bakunin. Marx, in his pamphlet The Civil War in France, believed that the major lesson from the Commune was that it was essential for the proletariat to take control of the State and thus the International had to become a true political party of the proletariat. On the other hand, Bakunin saw the most important element of the Commune as being the Parisian workers' rejection of the State in all its forms and continued to call for a revolutionary alliance of workers and peasants in a decentralized organization.

In September 1871, the General Council of the International, headed by Marx, held a conference in London at which a series of resolutions were passed, including one (sometimes known as Resolution No.9) which stated: "That this constitution of the working class into a political party is indispensable in order to ensure the triumph of the social revolution and its ultimate end — the abolition of classes."[2] This was seen by many to imply a major change of direction to the content of the International's General Rules.

The resolution caused a great deal of consternation in many sections of the International, particularly in Italy, French-speaking Switzerland and Spain, as it was seen as a measure which would eliminate the autonomy of local sections and turn the General Council into a centralized political office. The Conference itself was considered irregular by these sections, who believed that decisions of this nature could only have been decided at a regular congress of the International.

In June 1872, a Congress was convened for 2 September 1872 in The Hague, the agenda for which was to concern a general revision of the organization's General Rules.

During the conference

Café Concert Excelsior, Lange Lombardstraat 109, The Hague. Location of the Hague Congress of 1872
Café Concert Excelsior, Lange Lombardstraat 109, The Hague. Location of the Hague Congress of 1872

The Hague Congress met from 2 to 7 September 1872 in The Hague, Holland. Marx declared that the proletariat had to take control of the state for a successful revolution, and advocated that the Congress vote to uphold this view. The anarchists naturally objected. Anarchist leaders Mikhail Bakunin and James Guillaume were expelled for protesting after the Congress accepted Marx's proposal. Bakunin was not present at the conference but was expelled in absentia.


After the expulsion of Bakunin and James Guillaume from the Hague Congress, the anarchists declared it null and void.[3]

The anarchist faction (including the Jura federation, and the federations of Spain, Italy and Belgium) then held its own Congress of Saint-Imier, a few days later, from which also emerged the Anarchist St. Imier International.[4]

Later in that year of 1872 Bakunin wrote:

The legitimacy of this conference has been contested. Mr. Marx, a very able political conniver, doubtless anxious to prove to the world that though he lacked firearms and cannons the masses could still be governed by lies, by libels, and by intrigues, organized his Congress of the Hague in September 1872. Barely two months have passed since this congress and already in all of Europe (with the exception of Germany where the workers are brainwashed by the lies of their leaders and their press) and its free federations – Belgian, Dutch, English, American, French, Spanish, Italian – without forgetting our excellent Jura Federation [Switzerland] – there has arisen a cry of indignation and contempt against this cynical burlesque which dares to call itself a true Congress of the International. Thanks to a rigged, fictitious majority, composed almost exclusively of members of the General Council, cleverly used by Mr. Marx, all has been travestied, falsified, brutalized. Justice, good sense, honesty, and the honor of the International brazenly rejected, its very existence endangered – all this the better to establish the dictatorship of Mr. Marx. It is not only criminal – it is sheer madness. Yet Mr. Marx who thinks of himself as the father of the International (he was unquestionably one of its founders) cares not a whit, and permits all this to be done! This is what personal vanity, the lust for power, and above all, political ambition can lead to. For all these deplorable acts Marx is personally responsible. Marx, in spite of all his mis-deeds, has unconsciously rendered a great service to the International by demonstrating in the most dramatic and evident manner that if anything can kill the International, it is the introduction of politics into its program.[3]


Is it not astonishing that Mr. Marx has believed it possible to graft onto this precise declaration, which he himself probably wrote, his scientific socialism? For this – the organization and the rule of the new society by socialist savants – is the worst of all despotic governments![3]

See also


  1. ^ Leier, Mark (2006). Bakunin: The Creative Passion. Seven Stories Press. p. 298. ISBN 978-1-58322-894-4.
  2. ^ Resolution of the London Conference on Working Class Political Action
  3. ^ a b c Mikhail Bakunin, "On the International Workingmen's Association and Karl Marx", 1872
  4. ^ Yuri Mikhailovich Steklov, History of the First International, Part II Chapter Two. The Saint-Imier Congress and the Foundation of the Anarchist International
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