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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Golden Asro Frinks
Golden Frinks Picture.jpg
Golden Frinks as a field secretary of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, 1964
Born(1920-08-15)August 15, 1920
DiedJuly 19, 2004(2004-07-19) (aged 83)
Edenton, North Carolina, US
OrganizationSouthern Christian Leadership Conference
Spouse(s)Mildred Ruth Holley
ChildrenGoldie Frinks Wells
Parent(s)
  • Mark Frinks
  • Kizzie Frinks

Golden Asro Frinks (August 15, 1920 – July 19, 2004) was an American civil rights activist and a Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) field secretary who represented the New Bern, North Carolina SCLC chapter.[1] He is best known as a principal civil rights organizer in North Carolina during the 1960s which landed him a reputation as "The Great Agitator", having been jailed eighty-seven times during his lifetime.

Frinks was also a United States Army veteran who fought in World War II and worked at the U.S. naval base in Norfolk, Virginia. After his military career, he began promoting equality for African Americans through organized demonstrations.[2] Frinks' involvement in the Civil Rights Movement brought early civil rights victories to North Carolina, and his willingness to engage in nonviolent, direct action served as a catalyst for civil rights movements in Edenton and nearby towns.

After becoming a field secretary of the SCLC, Frinks built a close relationship with Martin Luther King Jr. and often worked with the civil rights leader in organizing desegregation movements until King's death in 1968. Frinks' work as a field secretary and his direct actions against the Jim Crow Laws began a new era for the civil rights movement in North Carolina and the desegregation of the South.

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  • ✪ As Fast As Words Could Fly read by Dulé Hill

Transcription

Welcome to Storyline Online brought to you by the SAG-AFTRA Foundation. I'm Dulé Hill and today I'm going to read As Fast As Words Could Fly written by Pamela M. Tuck and illustrated by Eric Velasquez. You ready? Here we go. Trouble was brewing in Greenville, North Carolina. By five o’clock, fourteen-year-old Mason Steele was rushing to finish his schoolwork. Pa would be home from his meeting soon, bringing a new problem. New problems meant more work for Mason. He didn’t mind, though, because helping Pa’s civil rights group made Mason feel real important. The screen door banged shut. “Where’s Mason?” Pa asked as he scanned the kitchen. “Willis, the boy’s doing his lessons.” Ma sighed. “I need him to write another letter for me. Ma-s-o-n-n-n!” “Yes, sir,” Mason called. He hurried into the room with paper and a pencil. “Whittaker’s Restaurant refused to serve Matt Duncan’s boys,” Pa explained. “We got to form another sit-in.” Mason took notes while Pa rambled on about what had happened. Only Mason could make sense out of what Pa said. Later, Mason turned his notes into a business letter. “This sounds good enough to send to President Lyndon B. Johnson himself,” Pa boasted after he read Mason’s letter. One evening, after the screen door banged shut, Mason waited for Pa to call him. Instead, he heard Ma and Pa talking quietly. When Mason finally entered the kitchen, he could hardly believe his eyes. “A typewriter!” he gasped. “Yep,” Pa said. “The group wanted to give it to you. Said you been quite a little lawyer for us. Figured a typewriter might help you someday.” Mason slid his fingers over the keys. Each row looked like little steps climbing up. “It’s beautiful,” Mason whispered. “I’ll type the civil rights group a thank-you letter.” “That’ll be the right thing to do,” Ma agreed. Soon school was out. During the summer, Mason and his two older brothers, Willis Jr. and Henry, picked tobacco with a few of the white boys who lived nearby. Patrick and Daniel Jones were the only two who acted friendly. They often raced against Mason and his brothers to be the first to fill the mule cart. In the evenings, Mason was weary from the day’s work, but that didn’t stop him from practicing his typing. Using his index fingers to pick out the keys, he learned where every letter and symbol was located on the typewriter. Summer flew by. Before he knew it, Mason started his first year of high school. After the third week, Pa called him and his brothers into the kitchen one evening. “Boys, I got some real important news for you,” he began. “We just won a case we’ve been fighting for a long time. It ain’t right for y’all to be bused twelve miles to Bethel Union High School when Belvoir High ain’t but three miles away.” The boys’ eyes widened. “P-P-Pa, you, you know them white folks ain’t gonna like us going to their school not one bit,” Willis Jr. stammered. “Like it or not, y’all’s going,” Pa replied. “Somebody’s got to make a change.” The boys stared at one another in disbelief. “The bus’ll be here early Monday morning, so be ready,” Pa said as he got up from the table and left the room. Monday morning, Mason and his brothers were nervous. They watched the school bus come roaring up the road. The driver slowed down just enough for the boys to see the white students on the bus laughing at them. Then he sped up, blowing dust in the boys’ faces. “They just don’t want us on their bus,” Willis Jr. said. “I don’t want to ride their bus noways,” Mason added. The boys trudged back to the house. When they told Pa the driver hadn’t stopped for them, he was furious. The next day, the same thing happened. The third day, the bus stopped. Slowly the boys climbed the steps. “Move it! I ain’t got all day,” the driver yelled. “And get to the back!” The boys stumbled over one another as they hustled down the aisle. Henry spotted a familiar face. “Hey, Patrick,” he said. Patrick didn’t answer. He just looked straight ahead. “You Steele boys are asking for trouble,” Daniel whispered. The driver took off. The sudden motion threw the boys into their seats. When the boys arrived at Belvoir High, the principal, Mr. Bullock, barricaded the doorway. He looked as if he had smelled a skunk. “Report to class after the bell rings,” he snapped, and thrust their schedules toward them. “How will we know where to go?” Willis Jr. asked. “You found a way to get in here, so find your way around.” Mr. Bullock turned and stormed into the building. By the time Mason located the right room, the class had already started. Cold stares and grimaces greeted him when he entered. Mason knew which seat was his: the one in the back corner. Against the odds, Mason did well in school. He especially liked typing class. The teacher, Mrs. Roberts, ignored him, but he paid strict attention when she helped others. At home, Mason practiced what he had learned. It wasn’t long before he needed to earn some money to buy typing paper and other supplies. Mason found out that the Neighborhood Youth Corps sponsored an after-school program that offered jobs. He applied and received a position in the school library “What can you do, boy?” Mrs. Turner, the librarian, asked. “I can type, ma’am,” Mason answered. “Well, come over here so I can show you what to do.” Mrs. Turner took a stack of index cards and sat down at a typewriter. “Pay attention, because I’m not going over this with you a second time.” Mason had to transfer the information on the spines of books onto the cards. Mrs. Turner typed one card and left him without further instructions. Two hours later, Mrs. Turner approached Mason. “How’s it coming, boy?” she demanded. Mason handed her his stack of index cards. Mrs. Turner’s eyes bulged. “My goodness! How many cards did you type?” “I think about one hundred, ma’am,” Mason replied. Mrs. Turner checked the cards. She couldn’t find a single mistake. “Gracious, boy,” she said. “You type faster than Mrs. Roberts.” Mrs. Roberts was pleased to be relieved from the library work. She became friendlier to Mason in typing class. She even allowed him to use the new electric typewriter. The first time Mason used the electric typewriter, the letters jumped onto the paper with the slightest touch. He had to get used to pressing a button to return to the left margin of his paper. He could type faster and more quietly on the electric typewriter, but he missed the tinkling bell on the manual typewriter that signaled a new line. Mason continued to improve his typing skills. Before long he could type forty words per minute. His job was going well too, and he was earning the money he needed for typing supplies. Then Mason was fired without explanation. “They done messed with the wrong fella,” Pa fumed when he found out what had happened. “I’m gonna call Golden Frinks on this one. He’s a field secretary for the SCLC.” Mason had heard plenty of Pa’s stories about the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the organization that coordinated nonviolent action to end segregation. Pa had said that field secretaries interviewed people who complained about unequal treatment. Then they organized a march, a sit-in, or a protest. “Golden Frinks was personally selected by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.,” Pa added. “And believe me, son, Mr. Frinks shakes ground.” The next morning, Golden Frinks, Pa, and other civil rights workers went to the Board of Education. An investigation began. The Board of Education discovered that Mrs. Turner’s husband didn’t want her to stay after school with a Negro boy. The federal government was funding the Youth Corps and now threatened to stop giving the school money for the program because Mason was treated unfairly. Mason was rehired. One day in typing class, Mrs. Roberts announced that there was going to be a typing tournament among some of the high schools in the county. The fastest typist in the class would represent Belvoir High. The students fiercely competed against one another. Mr. Bullock reviewed the scores. Then he announced the winner. “Mason Steele will represent our school in the typing tournament.” “How can a Negro represent our school?” a student blurted out. “We can’t afford any more trouble with the Board of Education,” Mr. Bullock responded, stealing a glance at Mason. Do I really want to do this? Mason thought. But then he recalled Pa’s words. Somebody’s got to make a change. On the day of the tournament, Mr. Bullock and Mrs. Roberts drove Mason to Farmville High School. Upon entering the auditorium, Mason scanned the room. He tried to ignore the stares of the white students as he considered the selection of electric and manual typewriters. Mason knew if he chose a manual typewriter, he would lose time. He would have to take his left hand off the keys so he could hit the lever to start each new line. All the other students sat down at electric typewriters. Mason had to make a decision. He closed his eyes to think. His typewriter at home flashed before him. Mason sat down at a manual typewriter. The judge went over the rules, then shouted, “Begin!” Tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-DING. Mason finished his first line. He couldn’t hear how fast the other students were typing. He focused only on his paper. Tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-DING. Tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-tap-DING. Mason’s fingers flew over the keys. His typing echoed throughout the auditorium. BZZZZZZZZ! “Time’s up!” the judge yelled. All eyes were on Mason as the judge collected the papers. After a long wait, the results were announced. “I can’t believe this. I really can’t believe this,” the judge said into the microphone. “Mason Steele, from Belvoir High, has broken all previous records with a typing speed of sixty-five words per minute.” No one cheered. Mason just stared straight ahead. Mr. Bullock accepted the typing championship plaque for Belvoir High. Not a single person in the audience applauded. Mason received nothing. “That’s some skill you have, boy,” Mrs. Roberts complimented Mason on the drive back to school. “Thank you, ma’am,” Mason responded. “I just have one question,” Mr. Bullock said. “Why in the world did you choose a manual typewriter?” Mason cleared his throat. “’Cause it reminds me of where I come from, sir.” Neither of the adults said anything more to Mason the rest of the way. But Mason knew his words typed on paper had already spoken for him — loud and clear. The end. This is a great book. What I love about this book is yes, words do matter. But actions matter that much more. Mason's father and civil rights group gave him a little gift of a typewriter but Mason receive that gift, work that gift and in the end, used that gift to change the minds of others. He didn't need to talk about it. He just had to do it. So no matter what people think about you, what they say about you, you don't always need to respond. Just do you. Live your life just like Mason. Thank you for watching Storyline Online. Make sure to check out all of our stories. Keep watching and keep on reading. See you soon!

Contents

Early life

Golden Asro Frinks was born to Mark and Kizzie Frinks on August 15, 1920, in the small town of Wampee, South Carolina, and is the tenth of eleven children in the Frinks family. His unusual name came from a profound "golden text" that Frinks' mother witnessed at Sunday services just before Frinks was born that afternoon.[3]

At the age of nine, Frinks moved to Tabor City, North Carolina. This small town served as the primary location for Frinks' childhood. Frinks' father, Mark Frinks, worked as a millwright while mother, Kizzie Frinks, worked as a domestic helper for the town's mayor, J. L. Lewis. Not long after moving to Tabor City, Frinks' father died and Frinks' mother was left to take care of the large household. As a single parent, her strong will and determination made a lasting impact on Frinks during his childhood. She taught her children not to conform to society's status quo, but strive for the change they wanted.[4] This influence will later set the stage for Frinks' outlook on life and push him to fight for racial equality.

Another key person during Frinks' childhood was Fannie Lewis, the wife of the town mayor who Frinks' mother worked for. Having lost her son at an early age, Lewis took special interest in Frinks and viewed him as a surrogate son.[5] Her relationship with Frinks brought him into the social sphere of the white community in Tabor City, exposing him to ideas and knowledge that black children rarely experience. During that time, the Jim Crow Laws, racial segregation laws that were enacted after the Reconstruction period which segregated public facilities in the former Confederate states, were widely observed in the South and strict racial segregation was enforced below the Mason–Dixon line. Having learned about the South's racial culture, attempts at desegregation, and the rise of prominent black leaders from Lewis, Frinks developed ideas of rebellion against the Jim Crow Laws and discrimination in the South at a young age.

Early Civil Rights activism and the Edenton Movement

At the age of sixteen, Frinks left Tabor City and set off to enlist in the United States Navy in Norfolk, Virginia. After a brief detour in the city of Edenton, North Carolina, Frinks arrived at Norfolk and secured a job at US naval base. It was at Norfolk where Frinks first learned about the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) through the politically active black community in the city.

Returning to Edenton in 1942, Frinks married Mildred Ruth Holley and they had a daughter, Goldie Frinks. Soon after, Frinks briefly served in the United States Army as a staff sergeant during World War II.[6] After the war, Frinks moved to the District of Columbia in 1948 to seek new job opportunities. In Washington D.C. Frinks had his first encounter with civil rights activity. In January, 1953, while working at Waylie's Drug Store, Frinks saw his employer refuse to serve lunch to a group of black teens and was deeply bothered by the injustice he witnessed. The event prompted him to join a six-month-long picketing campaign on the drug store. For an hour a day, Frinks led the protest in front of the drug store and brought together other blacks to demand the desegregation of the store. Through his persistency, Frinks learned that continuous picketing and organized group protests deteriorated the strength of the Jim Crow Laws, resulting in the Supreme Court to rule on June 8, 1953, that "segregated eating facilities in Washington, D.C. were unconstitutional."[7] While small in magnitude, the drug store sit-in gave Frinks a taste of civil rights victory and cemented his commitment to help fight segregation using the tactics he learned.

Frinks soon left D.C. and returned to Edenton. There, he became actively involved with his family in the Chowan County Branch of the NAACP and served as secretary of the chapter.[8] It was during his time in the NAACP that Frinks realized a major issue with black activism is the unwillingness of some black leaders to actively engage in civil rights activity. At the annual NAACP town meeting on March 3, 1960, the local chapter president refused to support a petition by black children in the town to desegregate the local theater in fear of losing his real estate holdings by supporting such a movement. On March 4, 1960, Frinks resigned from his position in the local NAACP and proceeded to organize his own protest with children from the NAACP Youth Council using the experience he learned from his first protest in Washington, D.C.[9] The protest on the theater was a success and its victory help spread Frinks' name as a North Carolina civil rights activist.

Ironically, the hesitancy of the local NAACP chapter to challenge segregation motivated Frinks to take his own direct actions. In the months following the first victory, Frinks began what is known as the Edenton Movement.[10] The Edenton Movement was the series of protests and pickets throughout the early 1960s to desegregate public locations in Edenton, North Carolina. Frinks led the town's young activists to participate in his desegregation effort and made them the main participants of the movement. Their efforts helped successfully desegregate several public locations in Edenton including the courthouse, library, and the historically white John A. Holmes High School.[11]

Nationally, the Edenton Movement put the small town on the civil rights radar. This attention brought animosity from the white community towards Frinks and his supporters because many whites viewed the movement as a disturbance to peace in the town. Thus, as the leader of the movement, Frinks constantly faced threats and acts of hatred. In one instance, local whites burnt a cross in Frinks' yard and left a dead rabbit on the porch with an ominous message stating that Frinks will "end up like this rabbit if he does not stop protesting." In an interview with Goldie Wells, Frinks recalled that there were moments when he feared for his life and the safety of his family but "kept praying and kept marching," demonstrating his resilience and commitment to his cause.[12]

Southern Christian Leadership Conference

In 1962, Frinks was first arrested during the Edenton Movement for a demonstration at a theater when Frinks refused to stop what police considered "unlawful picketing".[13] This incident was the first of Frinks' eighty-seven self-reported arrests for civil rights demonstrations throughout his lifetime.[14][15][16] While direct, Frinks' methods for picketing often irritated law enforcement, leading to his frequent arrests and earning him the nickname of "The Great Agitator". During one particular protest in 1962, Frinks was arrested along with several teenagers from the community. The NAACP agreed to pay off Frinks' bail but refused to pay for the teens, citing that it was the responsibility of the parents to pay for their children. News quickly spread and got to Martin Luther King Jr. the president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). The SCLC is a nationally recognized African-American civil rights organization which operated through several regional chapters that promoted activism and desegregation in the south during the civil rights movement. Frinks' relationship with the SCLC began when King sent funds to bail all the protesters out of jail after the NAACP refused to pay for the other demonstrators.[17]

Throughout the Edenton Movement, King and other SCLC leaders such as Fred LaGarde, the SCLC's regional representative for northeastern North Carolina, followed the demonstrations and protests closely and noted Frinks' enthusiasm towards civil rights activity in his town. Thus, in 1963, when the SCLC sought a field organizer in North Carolina, King requested Frinks to meet him face-to-face in Norfolk, Virginia with two character witnesses. Frinks brought his pastor and SCLC representative, LaGarde, and longtime friend, Norman Brinkley, to vouch for his character. When King met Frinks in Norfolk, he hired Frinks as one of the twelve national SCLC Field Secretaries.[18] As a field secretary, Frinks was in charge of overseeing the desegregation efforts in North Carolina. However, in the following months Frinks also traveled to other states including Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and Kentucky to scout out the locations and make sure it was fit for King's arrival.

Through his position as field secretary of the SCLC, Frinks worked closely with King on many occasions and was constantly organizing civil rights activities. His relationship with the civil rights leader and new position helped fuel his activism and gave him the resources to begin campaigns in his hometown of Edenton and other rural areas of North Carolina.

Williamston Freedom Movement

In the summer of 1963, King received notice of garbage not being collected in black communities in Williamston, a town forty miles south of Edenton. Knowing the capabilities of Frinks and his familiarity with eastern North Carolina, King sent Frinks to lead the black community to take action against this and other injustices in what is known as the Williamston Freedom Movement.[19] On June 30, 1963, Frinks and another local civil rights activist, Sarah Small, led the first march on the Williamston town hall which lasted twenty-nine consecutive days.[20] Before the protest, Frinks had a meeting with other civil rights leaders in the area to discuss their activist plans in Williamston and their assault on the Jim Crow Laws in the area. During the meeting, Frinks sat next to an NAACP representative who spoke about the matter in a "calm and dignified manner" which didn't seem to arouse the attendees.[21] When Frinks got his turn to talk, he fervently displayed his passion for justice by jumping onto the tables and shouting "Do you want your freedom?" Historian David Cecelski commented that it was because of Frinks' "streaks of wildness" that successfully led him to civil rights victories and the support of other civil rights activists who admired his uninhibited display of action.[22]

Throughout the movement, Frinks led several notable protests to desegregate public locations in Williamston. On July 1, 1963, Frinks led a protest to desegregate Watts Theater in the center of town, resulting in the first arrests of the movement. Other events include a sit-in at Shamrock Restaurants, a march to protest the segregation of S&V Food Store, and a campaign to desegregate schools in Martin County and obtain equal resources for black students.[23] Throughout the movement, Frinks assumed a leadership position and brought together the black community. Marie Robertson, a demonstrator, recalled "Our demonstrations and marches were really unnerving to the white community. The togetherness of the black people was something they were not accustomed to."[24] Frinks' position as a civil rights leader helped him consolidate support to overturn the inequality that was oppressing the black people of Williamston.

While Frinks was the main organizer of the Williamston Freedom Movement, information about his protests and plans were constantly leaked to the outside white community and to the local chapter of the Ku Klux Klan. The information that was passed on to the Klan was a great risk that Frinks' constantly faced and could only occur with the assistance of blacks, hinting that Frinks did not have the full support of the entire black community during the Williamston demonstrations. Both the Klan, and blacks who did not support Frinks, carefully watched his actions as he was considered a "troublemaker" of the movement.[25] The primary reason why some blacks did not support Frinks' demonstrations was their economic dependency on the white community and their fear of being cut off financially. In the 1960s, North Carolina farmed tobacco as its main cash crop, producing over two-thirds of the nation's tobacco crop. A large number of blacks worked on tobacco plantations for wealthy white plantation owners. These black tobacco farmers feared that activism will cause the plantation owners to fire black laborers and switch over to using machines instead as the tobacco farming sector was becoming mechanized. Frinks recognized this financial problem early on in his campaign and used it to his advantage by leading boycotts on white businesses in Williamston and directed the black consumers' business elsewhere. In the end, the "power of the purse" was strong enough to weaken the Jim Crow Laws as the boycotts were successful in hindering the local economy and gave the black community an upper hand in negotiations for desegregation.[26]

Later activism and controversies

Beginning in 1968, Frinks and other SCLC officials began a boycott in Hyde County, North Carolina, to desegregate public schools. With King's assassination on April 4, 1968, Ralph David Abernathy assumed the role of the national SCLC president and visited Hyde County to lend his support for the school boycott, implying national SCLC support of the movement.[27] In the spring of 1969, Frinks led two nationally covered marches advocating integration in Hyde County; one from Swan Quarter to Raleigh and another from Ashville to Raleigh called the Mountaintop to Valley March.[28] The goal of these marches was to travel through as many towns as possible to inform them of the movement going on in Hyde County and gain support of neighboring towns. Using the same technique of persistent, frequent protests he had been for over a decade, Frinks' efforts paid off. On November 1969, Hyde County citizens voted on a referendum that provided the necessary funding to desegregate the Mattamuskeet School.[29]

Despite the victory, Frinks' image was hurt when the North Carolina governor at the time, Bob Scott, called for a State Bureau of Investigation case claiming that Frinks pocketed money donated to him for the boycott.[30] The accusation brought a considerable amount of negative attention towards Frinks as he had previously been arrested on December 28, 1968, for paying a motel tab with a worthless check during his demonstrations in Swan Quarter.[31]

In April 1973, Frinks lent his help to the Tuscarora Indians of Robeson County, North Carolina by leading a march on the state capitol to demand tribal recognition for the group and obtain federal aid.[32] For over a century, the Tuscarora Indians were not nationally recognized as a tribe and were considered part of the Cherokees. This event demonstrated Frinks' willingness to move away from the civil rights movement to help other groups obtain equality and also highlighted a national concern for minorities that do not receive the proper recognition or federal aid they require.

Frinks was also a supporter of women's rights. In August 1974, when Joanne Little was accused of murdering her white jailer, Frinks jumped to Little's defense and suggested she had been attacked in her cell and acted out of self-defense.[33] When Little's first lawyer withdrew from her case, Frinks publicly guaranteed Little's safety and set up a defense team using his personal civil rights attorneys to ensure Little a speedy trail.[34] He also set up the Joanne Little Legal Defense Fund to raise money for her case. On August 14, 1975, the jury acquitted Little from her murder charges. The Joanne Little case was an example of a women's right to defend herself against possible rape and the rights of a prisoner to protect themselves from being abused. Frinks played an integral part throughout the murder trial, ensuring Little a safe trial and rallying up supporters for her defense.

During the Wilmington Movement of 1978, Frinks again stirred up controversy and accusations of fraud. Kojo Nantambu, a local in the Wilmington black community, reported that "the black community were together until Golden came. Golden came in and he divided the community. He also went around taking donations and they were taking that money and pocketing it."[35] The statements from Nantambu indicates that Frinks did not have the full support of the black community. Some blacks in Wilmington were concerned that Frinks was causing a split in the community between those who supported his wild activism and others who disagreed with his protesting methods. The accusations of Frinks mishandling money added to the controversy since money issues were present several times in Frinks' past which caused some people to doubt his motives.

Death and legacy

When Martin Luther King Jr. received the Nobel Peace Prize on December 10, 1964, he alluded to Frinks during his acceptance speech when he stated "I am always mindful of the many people who make a successful journey possible- the known pilots and the unknown ground crew."[36] While Frinks was not a nationally known figure, he was crucial shadow in the civil rights movement and was partially responsible for King's success. In 1977, Frinks officially ended his employment with the SCLC but continued to support the SCLC's activities. In a 1978 interview, Frinks said that he was satisfied with his valuable position in the struggle for African American equality and that he intended continue his lifelong goal even though he was no longer an active protester by commenting "if my people call, I will be ready to answer."[37] Frinks' commitment and dedication to the civil rights movement landed him numerous awards and recognitions including but not limited to, a resolution from the Georgia General Assembly, recognition from the National SCLC, the Chowan County NAACP Achievement award, the Edenton Movement Service Award, the Rosa Parks Award, and the North Carolina Black Leadership Caucus Award.[38] Golden Asro Frinks died on July 19, 2004, in Edenton, North Carolina, at the age of 84. In the end, Frinks' lifelong dedication to civil rights activism and desegregation inspired countless others to stand up in pursuit of social justice and equality.

See also

References

  1. ^ Wells, Goldie Frinks and Crystal Sanders. Golden Asro Frinks: A Biography of a Civil Rights Activist: Telling the Unsung Song. Aardvark Global Publishing, February 10, 2011. P.39.
  2. ^ Smith, Amanda Hillard. The Williamston Freedom Movement: A North Carolina Town's Struggle for Civil Rights, 1957-1970. McFarland & Company, Inc. June 30, 2014. P.33.
  3. ^ Wells, Goldie Frinks and Crystal Sanders. Golden Asro Frinks: A Biography of a Civil Rights Activist: Telling the Unsung Song. Aardvark Global Publishing, February 10, 2011. P.20.
  4. ^ Wells, Goldie Frinks and Crystal Sanders. Golden Asro Frinks: A Biography of a Civil Rights Activist: Telling the Unsung Song. Aardvark Global Publishing, February 10, 2011. p. 22.
  5. ^ Staunton, Vanee. "Golden Frinks: Profile of a Civil Rights Agitator". The Virginian-Pilot, June 20, 1993.
  6. ^ Spicer, Shirl. "The Great Agitator: Golden A. Frinks". North Carolina Museum of History, 2004.
  7. ^ Cornell University Law School. District of Columbia v. John R. Thompson Co. Inc. June 8, 1953.
  8. ^ Cunningham, David. Klansville, U.S.A.: The Rise and Fall of the Civil Rights-Era Ku Klux Klan. Oxford University Press, November 14, 2012. p. 115.
  9. ^ Wells, Goldie Frinks and Crystal Sanders. Golden Asro Frinks: A Biography of a Civil Rights Activist: Telling the Unsung Song. Aardvark Global Publishing, February 10, 2011. P.40.
  10. ^ Smith, Amanda Hillard. The Williamston Freedom Movement: A North Carolina Town's Struggle for Civil Rights, 1957-1970. McFarland & Company, Inc. June 30, 2014. p. 36.
  11. ^ Wells, Goldie Frinks and Crystal Sanders. Golden Asro Frinks: A Biography of a Civil Rights Activist: Telling the Unsung Song. Aardvark Global Publishing, February 10, 2011.p.47.
  12. ^ Frinks, Golden A. Interview with Dr. Goldie Wells.2001.
  13. ^ Frinks, Golden A. Interview with Pamela Maxine Foreman. 1963.
  14. ^ Spicer, Shirl. "The Great Agitator: Golden A. Frinks". North Carolina Museum of History, 2004.
  15. ^ "SCLC's Frinks Is Arrested Following Protest at School". Afro-American (1893-1988). September 24, 1966. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/532357405
  16. ^ "Golden Frinks Arrested on Check Charge". New Journal and Guide (1916-2003). December 28, 1968. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/568969292
  17. ^ Cunningham, David. Klansville, U.S.A.: The Rise and Fall of the Civil Rights-Era Ku Klux Klan. Oxford University Press, November 14, 2012. P.91.
  18. ^ Wells, Goldie Frinks and Crystal Sanders. Golden Asro Frinks: A Biography of a Civil Rights Activist: Telling the Unsung Song. Aardvark Global Publishing, February 10, 2011. P.62.
  19. ^ Smith, Amanda Hillard. The Williamston Freedom Movement: A North Carolina Town's Struggle for Civil Rights, 1957-1970. McFarland & Company, Inc. June 30, 2014. P.3.
  20. ^ Cunningham, David. Klansville, U.S.A.: The Rise and Fall of the Civil Rights-Era Ku Klux Klan. Oxford University Press, November 14, 2012. P.114.
  21. ^ Wells, Goldie Frinks and Crystal Sanders. Golden Asro Frinks: A Biography of a Civil Rights Activist: Telling the Unsung Song. Aardvark Global Publishing, February 10, 2011. P.70.
  22. ^ Cecelski, David. Along Freedom Road: Hyde County, North Carolina, and the Fate of Black Schools in the South. The University of North Carolina Press, April 29, 1994. P.85.
  23. ^ Smith, Amanda Hillard. The Williamston Freedom Movement: A North Carolina Town's Struggle for Civil Rights, 1957-1970. McFarland & Company, Inc. June 30, 2014. P.36.
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