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Cultural Revolution Group

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The (Central) Cultural Revolution Group (CRG or CCRG; Chinese: 中央文革小组; pinyin: Zhōngyāng Wéngé Xiǎozǔ) was formed in May 1966 as a replacement organisation to the Central Committee Secretariat and the "Five Man Group", and was initially directly responsible to the Standing Committee of the Politburo. It consisted mainly of radical supporters of Mao, including Chen Boda, the Chairman's wife Jiang Qing, Kang Sheng, Yao Wenyuan, Zhang Chunqiao, Wang Li and Xie Fuzhi. The CRG played a central role in the Cultural Revolution's first few years, and for a period of time the group replaced the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) as the de facto top power organ of China. Its members were also involved in many of the major events of the Cultural Revolution.

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Transcription

Hi, I’m John Green, and this is Crash Course World History and today we’re going to return— sadly for the last time on Crash Course— to China. By the way, Stan brought cupcakes. That’s good. I wish I could draw some parallel between this and China, but I got nothing. It’s just delicious. I’ll sure miss you, piece of felt Danica cut out in the shape of China using blue because we felt red would be cliché. Mr. Green, Mr. Green, Mr Green! You don’t get to talk until you shave the mustache, Me From The Past. So the 20th century was pretty big for China because it saw not one but two revolutions. China’s 1911 revolution might be a bigger deal from a world historical perspective than the more famous communist revolution of 1949, but you wouldn’t know it because 1. china’s communism became a really big deal during the cold war, and 2. Mao Zedong, the father of communist China, was really good at self-promotion. Like, you know his famous book of sayings? Pretty much everyone in China just had to own it. And I mean, HAD TO. [makes sense; staff only allowed to read John Green books] [best] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [ever] So as you know doubt recall from past episodes of Crash Course, China lost the Opium wars in the 19th century, resulting in European domination, spheres of influence, et cetera, all of which was deeply embarrassing to the Qing dynasty and led to calls for reform. One strand of reform that called for China to adopt European military technology and education systems was called self strengthening, and it was probably would have been a great idea, considering how well that worked for Japan. But it never happened in China-- well, at least not until recently. Instead, China experienced the disastrous anti-Western Boxer Rebellion of 1900, which helped spur some young liberals, including one named Sun Yat Sen, to plot the overthrow of the dynasty. Oh, it’s already time for the Open Letter... [unscoffingly skids across unscoured set] An open letter to Sun Yat Sen. Oh, but first, let’s see what’s in the secret compartment today. Oh, more champagne poppers? [seriously, more champagne poppers?] Stan, at this point aren’t we sort of belaboring the fact that China invented fireworks? Wow! That is innovation at work right there. We used to not be able to fire off one of these, and now we can fire off six at a time if you count the two secret ones from behind me. [strangest. job. ever.] Dear Sun Yat Sen, you were amazing! I mean the Republic of China calls you the father of the nation, the People’s Republic of China calls you the forerunner of the democratic revolution. You’re the only thing they can agree on. You lived in China, Japan, the United States, you converted to Christianity, you were a doctor, you were the godfather of an important science fiction writer. [not important enough to help "Cordwainer" catch on as a popular baby name, however] But the infuriating thing is that you never actually got much of a chance to rule China, and you would have been great at it. I mean, your three principles of the people, Nationalism, Democracy, and the People’s Livelihood, are three really great principles. I mean the problem, aside from you not living long enough is that you just didn’t have a face for Warhol portraits. [Warhol thought anyone who had $25k had a face for his portraits, but point taken] Huh, it’s too bad. Best wishes, John Green. So the 1911 revolution that led to the end of the Qing started when a bomb accidentally exploded, at which point the revolutionaries were like, “we’re probably going to be outed, so we should just start the uprising now.” The uprising probably would’ve been quelled like many before it except this time the army joined the rebellion, because they wanted to become more modern. The Qing emperor abdicated, and the rebels chose a general, Yuan Shikai, as leader, while Sun Yat Sen was declared president of a provisional republic on Jan 1, 1912. A new government was created with a Senate and a Lower House, and it was supposed to write a new constitution. And after the first elections, Sun Yat Sen’s party, the Guomindang were the largest, but they weren’t the majority. So Sun Yat Sen deferred to Yuan, which turned out to be a huge mistake because he then outlawed the Guomindang party and ruled as dictator. But when Yuan Shikai died in 1916, China’s first non-dynastic government in over 3000 years completely fell apart. Localism reasserted itself with large-scale landlords with small-scale armies ruling all the parts of China that weren’t controlled by foreigners. You might remember this phenomenon from earlier in Chinese history, first during the Warring States period and then again for three hundred years between the end of the Han and the rise of the Sui. So the period in Chinese history between 1912 and 1949 is sometimes called the Chinese Republic, although that gives the government a bit too much credit. The leading group trying to re-form China into a nation state was the Guomindang, but after 1920 the Chinese Communist Party was also in the mix. And for the Guomindang to regain power from those big landlords and reunify China, they needed some help from the CCP. Now if an alliance between Communists and Nationalists sounds like a match made in hell, well, yes. It was. That said, the two did manage to patch things up for a while in the early 1920s, you know, for the sake of the kids. But then Sun Yat Sen died in 1925 and the alliance fell apart in 1927 when Guomindang leader Chaing Kai Shek got mad at the communists for trying to foment socialist revolution, to which the communists were like, “But that’s what we do, man. We’re communists.” Anyway, this turned out to be a bad break up for a bunch of reasons, but mainly because it started a civil war between the Communists and the Nationalists. We’re not going to get into exhausting detail on the civil war but Spoiler alert: the Communists won. But there are a few things to point out: First, even though Mao [pronounced like Maori] emerged victorious, he and the communists were almost wiped out in 1934 except that they made a miraculous and harrowing escape, trekking from southern China to the mountains in the north in what has become famously known as the Long March, a great example of historians missing an opportunity since it could easily have been called the Long Ass March, as it featured donkeys. Second, for much of the time the Gomindang was trying to crush the CCP, significant portions of China were being occupied and/or invaded by Japan. Thirdly, the Communists were just better at fighting the Japanese than the Nationalists were. In spite of the fact that Chiang Kai Shek had extensive support from the U.S. And each time the Nationalists failed against the Japanese, their prestige among their fellow Chinese diminished. It wasn’t helped by Nationalist corruption, or their collecting onerous taxes from Chinese peasants, or stories about Nationalist troops putting on civilian clothes and abandoning the city of Nanking during its awful destruction by the Japanese army in 1937. Meanwhile, the Communists were winning over the peasants in their northwestern enclave by making sure that troops didn’t pillage local land and by giving peasants a greater say in local government. Now, that isn’t to say everything was rosy under Mao’s communist leadership, even at its earliest stages. By the way, That is an actual chalk illustration. Very impressed. [thanks, boss.] In a preview of things to come, in 1942 Mao initiated a “rectification” program. Which basically meant students and intellectuals were sent down into the countryside to give them a taste of what “real China” was like in an effort to re-educate them. We try to be politically neutral here on Crash Course, but we are always opposed to intellectuals doing hard labor. [lolzer] But anyway, within four years of the end of World War II the Communists routed Chiang Kai Shek’s armies and sent them off to Taiwan. and these military victories paved the way for Mao to declare the People’s Republic of China on October 1, 1949. so once in power, Mao and the PRC were faced with the task of creating a new, socialist state. And Mao declared early on that the working class in China would be the leaders of a “people’s democratic dictatorship.” Oh democratic dictatorships. You’re the BEST. It’s all the best parts of democracy, and all the best parts of dictatorship. You get to vote, but there’s only one choice. It takes all the pesky thinking out it. The PRC promised equal rights for women, rent reduction, land redistribution, new heavy industry and lots of freedoms. Including freedoms of “thought, speech, publication, assembly, association, correspondence, person, domicile, moving from one place to another, religious belief, and the freedom to hold processions and demonstrations.” Yeah, NO. Even putting aside the PRC’s failure to protect any of those rights, Mao’s China wasn’t much fun if you were a landlord or even if you were a peasant who’d done well. Land redistribution and reform meant destroying the power of landlords, often violently. But centralizing power and checking individual ambition proved difficult for the government, and it was made harder by China’s involvement in the Korean War, which helped spur the first mass campaign of Mao’s democratic dictatorship. Designed to encourage support for the War, the campaign was called the “Resist America and Aid Korea campaign,” [name's a bit clunky, innit?] and it resulted in almost all foreigners leaving China. A second campaign, against “counterrevolutionaries” was much worse. People suspected of sympathizing with the Guomindang, or anyone insufficiently communist, was subject to humiliation and violence. Between October 1950 and August 1951 28,332 people accused of being spies or counterrevolutionaries were executed in Guandong city alone. A third mass campaign, the “Three Anti Campaign” w as aimed at reforming the Communist party itself. And the final mass campaign, the Five Anti Campaign was an assault on all bourgeois capitalism, which effectively killed private business in China. Very few of the victims of this last campaign actually died, but capitalism was weakened and state control bolstered. OK, let’s go to the Thought Bubble. Mao and the CCP set out to turn China into an industrial powerhouse by following the Soviet model. We haven’t really talked about this, but under the Soviet system, Russia was able to accomplish massive industrialization-- not to mention tens of millions of deaths from starvation-- through centralized planning and collectivization of agriculture, following what were known as Five Year Plans. The Chinese adopted the model of Five Year Plans beginning in 1953 and the first one worked, at least as far as industrialization was concerned. In fact, the plan worked even better than expected, with industry increasing 121% more than projected. In order for this to work though, the peasants had to grow lots of grain and sell it at extremely low prices. This kept inflation in check, and saving was encouraged by the fact that... ...the Five Year Plan didn’t have many consumer goods, so there was nothing to buy. For urban workers, living standards improved and China’s population grew to 646 million. So far, Mao’s plan seemed to be working, but there was no way that China could keep up that growth, especially without some backsliding into capitalism. So Mao came up with a terrible idea called the Great Leap Forward. Mao essentially decided that the nation could be psyched up into more industrial productivity. Among many other bad ideas, he famously ordered that individuals build small steel furnaces in their backyard to increase steel production. This was not a good idea. First off, it didn’t actually increase steel production much. Secondly, it turns out that people making steel in their backyard who know nothing about making steel… Make Bad Steel. But the worst idea was to pay for heavy machinery from the USSR with exported grain. This meant there was less for peasants to eat— and as a result, between 1959 and 1962, 20 million people died, probably half of whom were under the age of 10. Jeez,Thought Bubble, that was sad. And then in happier news came the Cultural Revolution! Just kidding, it sucked. By the middle of the sixties, Mao was afraid that China’s revolution was running out of steam, and he didn’t want China to end up just a bureaucratized police state like, you know, most of the Soviet bloc. and The Cultural Revolution was an attempt to capture the glory days of the revolution and fire up the masses, and what better way to do that than to empower the kids. Frustrated students who were unable find decent, fulfilling jobs jumped at the chance to denounce their teachers, employers, and sometimes even their parents and to tear down tradition, which often meant demolishing buildings and art. The ranks of these “Red Guards” swelled and anyone representing the so-called “four olds” —old culture, old habits, old ideas, and old customs— was subject to humiliation and violence. Intellectuals were again sent to the countryside as they were in 1942; millions were persecuted; and countless historical and religious artifacts were destroyed. But the real aim of the Cultural Revolution was to consolidate Mao’s revolution, and while his image still looms large, it’s hard to say that China these days is a socialist state. Many would argue that Mao’s revolution was extremely short-lived, and that the real change in China happened in 1911. That’s when the Chinese Republic ended 3,000 years of dynastic history and forever broke the cyclical pattern the Chinese had used to understand their past. I mean at least in some senses, those Nationalist revolutionaries literally put an end to history. That sense of living in a truly New World has made many great and terrible things possible for China but the legacy of China’s two revolutions is mixed at best. China, for instance, made most of the camera we use to film this video. And China made most of the computers we use to edit. [i see what you did there, Stanny] But no one in the People’s Republic of China will legally be able to watch this video, because the government blocks YouTube. Thanks for watching. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Meredith Danko. Our associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher Raoul Meyer and myself, and our graphics team is [not Secretly Canadian] Thought Bubble. Last week’s phrase of the week was "Disco Golf Ball." If you want to guess at this week’s phrase of the week or suggest future ones, you can do so in comments, where you can also ask questions about today's videos that will be answered by our team of historians. If you like Crash Course, make sure you’ve subscribed. Thanks for watching, and as we say in my hometown, Don’tForget The easiest time to add insult to injury is when signing somebody's cast.

Background

In January 1965, at a meeting of the  Politburo, Mao Zedong called on the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to implement a "Cultural Revolution" in China. (The Oxford English Dictionary traces the English-language phrase "cultural revolution" (defined as "a sudden change in the culture of a people or society") as far back as 1929.[1]) The meeting established a body known as the "Five Man Group" (chaired by Peng Zhen, the fifth-ranking member of the Politburo), with the aim of overseeing the beginnings of the Cultural Revolution. Of the members of the group, only Kang Sheng was a supporter of Mao. However, the group remained relatively inactive until the spring of 1966, when it censored the writings of Yao Wenyuan and of other radicals for making an academic debate on the play Hai Rui Dismissed from Office into a political one[2] (a move which Mao had started encouraging).

Unhappy over what he perceived to be an obstruction of the course of the Cultural Revolution, Mao returned to the capital in the spring of 1966, and the  Central Committee formally announced the dissolution of the "Five Man Group" in its May 16 Circular:

The Central Committee has decided to... dissolve the 'Group of Five in Charge of the Cultural Revolution', and to set up a new Cultural Revolution group directly under the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau.[3]

The "Five Man Group" was dissolved immediately and Peng Zhen faced charges of allegedly obstructing the course of the Cultural Revolution. Soon after May 16 he was dismissed from all his offices and the control of the capital passed into the hands of followers of Mao. Chen Boda was selected by Chairman Mao to head the newly formed "Cultural Revolution Group", which would report to the Politburo Standing Committee. Consisting originally of between fifteen and twenty people, the CRG included, amongst others, Jiang Qing (the wife of Chairman Mao) as vice-chairman, Kang Sheng as the Group Adviser, Yao Wenyuan, Zhang Chunqiao, Qi Benyu, Wang Li and Xie Fuzhi. There were also several less well-known members.[4] However, Chen Boda did not chair the CRG's meetings - that task fell to Zhou Enlai, who held a position of control over the group, and could speak on behalf of the entire group without needing to consult it.[5]

Role in the Cultural Revolution

Mao Zedong, Lin Biao, Zhou Enlai, and Chen Boda in 1967

The mandate given to the CRG on its formation was to guide the Cultural Revolution, and it was given many of the powers and the political prestige of the Central Committee and the Politburo. For example, when the order, on 5 September 1967, was issued instructing the People's Liberation Army (PLA) to restore order to China, it was signed by the CRG as well as the Central Committee, the State Council and the Military Affairs Commission. In addition, the CRG had theoretical control over the People's Liberation Army, although very soon army commanders wielded enough political power to often act independently of the CRG.[6] The CRG was also given the entire Diaoyutai compound in Beijing to use at its offices.[7] All documents from Mao were sent for approval to the CRG (as well as Lin Biao and Zhou Enlai), while other members of the Politburo Standing Committee were not sent these documents. Gradually, through examples like this, the CRG began to overtake the PSC in its political stature and importance.[8]

Throughout the early years of the Cultural Revolution, the CRG acted as a body that directed the course the movement should take. Due to Mao's backing of the group, its orders were of significant importance. For example, after the Wuhan Incident, Jiang Qing suggested in a speech that the Red Guards should 'defend with weapons', leading to a surge in the seizure of PLA armaments by rebel groups. In addition, Wang Li and other CRG radicals (taking their cue from Jiang Qing) called for the removal of 'revisionist' elements in the PLA.[9] The radical CRG, however, often found it had to contend with the more conservative view of how the Cultural Revolution should progress promoted by Zhou Enlai and his supporters,[10] who were as interested in stability and the maintenance of some form of government as they were in revolution.[11]

The CRG also had several supplementary functions. Its Art and Literature Group, headed by Jiang Qing, took over the responsibilities of the Ministry of Culture when the latter was dissolved in May 1967.[12] Furthermore, the group worked closely with the Central Case Examination Group (CCEG), an organisation established in 1966 that investigated the alleged crimes and errors of higher-ranking members of the Party. Practically all the members of the CRG were also members of the CCEG.[13]

The members of the CRG also had important individual roles in two of the important events of the Cultural Revolution, the Shanghai Commune and the Wuhan Incident.

The Shanghai Commune

Two members of the CRG played a significant part in the affair over the Shanghai Commune. Due to his connections with the city (he had been secretary of the Shanghai Party Committee until July 1966), Zhang Chunqiao was dispatched from the centre in November 1966 to mediate the crisis over the siege of some worker's groups at Anting. Early in January the next year, Zhang Chunqiao was to return again to Shanghai with his CRG colleague Yao Wenyuan to lead the new order established after the fall of the old Party apparatus, and in early February he was to become head of the newly formed Shanghai Commune. However, the combination of questions over the legitimacy of the Commune's leadership, and a change in attitudes to communes in general at the centre, meant that the Shanghai Commune was to last less than a month.[14]

The Wuhan Incident

Despite the CRG's 1967 orders forbidding violence, in July 1967 the city of Wuhan became a battleground for two large rival rebel groups - the Million Heroes and the Wuhan Workers' General Headquarters (WWGH).[15] The 400,000 strong WWGH was besieged by the Million Heroes, who were being supplied with weapons and manpower by the local PLA commander Chen Zaidao. When Chen ignored Zhou Enlai's orders that the siege was to be lifted, Wang Li and Xie Fuzhi were dispatched to Wuhan to resolve the crisis. On 19 July the pair instructed the PLA to switch its support from the Million Heroes to the WWGH. In the early hours of the next day however, Xie Fuzhi was arrested by the PLA while Wang Li was kidnapped by the Million Heroes and beaten. After a failed attempt by Zhou Enlai to resolve the crisis, it took a show of military force by other PLA units for Chen Zaidao to eventually surrender.[16]

Fall of the Cultural Revolution Group

The first two years of the Cultural Revolution witnessed a continued growth in tensions between the People's Liberation Army and the CRG, due to the PLA's gradual suppression of the CRG-backed rebel groups and Red Guards. By October 1967, the PLA had reached the peak of its ascendancy, which meant the end of the CRG. In November 1967, the Group's radical party journal, Red Flag, was ordered to stop publication.[17] In addition, the leading members of the CRG quickly became scapegoats for the problems of the summer of 1967, when armed conflict between rebel groups, other groups and the PLA had been the norm. Individuals including Wang Li were soon connected with the "May Sixteenth Corps", a supposed group that exploited divisions in the Cultural Revolution to cause the anarchy and was plotting to seize power. Although there is evidence that Wang Li and others formed a faction within the CRG that employed the term "May Sixteenth", and that the CRG did exploit divisions in the movement, there is little evidence known to suggest a plot to seize power.[18]

The fall of the CRG has also been attributed by some to the fact that Mao had become increasingly moderate in his view of the Cultural Revolution since February 1967, and that others (like the CRG) who were still committed to the original aims of the movement remained exposed on the left-wing while Mao moved towards the centre. Comparably, they were now far enough on the left to be considered too radical for comfort.[19]

In September, some of the CRG radicals including Wang Li and Guan Feng were arrested on the orders of Mao, but by the end of the Cultural Revolution the new drive to eradicate 'ultra-leftists' would see the arrest of nearly all of the CRG's members (Jiang Qing would survive until the death of Mao).

After the 1967 arrest of some of its leading members, the CRG continued to play a role in the Cultural Revolution, but this was limited. For example, the remaining members were asked to attend the Twelfth Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee in October 1968, where Liu Shaoqi was officially expelled from the Chinese Communist Party.[20] The group was never formally dissolved, but ceased to exist at some point after the CCP's Ninth Congress in the Spring of 1969.[21] The CRG's remaining former members - including Jiang Qing and Kang Sheng - were left to fight their individual political battles in the years that followed.

Notes

  1. ^ "cultural". Oxford English Dictionary (Online ed.). Oxford University Press. (Subscription or participating institution membership required.)
  2. ^ Meisner, p. 331
  3. ^ 'Circular of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution', May 16, 1966
  4. ^ These names and positions all come from Guillermaz, p. 401
  5. ^ MacFarquhar & Schoenhals, p. 101
  6. ^ Meisner, p. 351
  7. ^ MacFarquhar & Schoenhals, p. 82
  8. ^ MacFarquhar & Schoenhals, p. 155
  9. ^ Meisner, p. 355
  10. ^ Guillermaz, p. 399
  11. ^ Meisner, p. 352
  12. ^ MacFarquhar & Schoenhals, p. 159
  13. ^ MacFarquhar & Schoenhals, p. 282
  14. ^ this information on the Shanghai Commune comes from Meisner, pp. 341-350, which contains a more detailed account
  15. ^ Meisner, p. 354
  16. ^ Meisner, p. 354
  17. ^ Meisner, p. 358
  18. ^ Meisner, p. 359
  19. ^ this view is proposed in Meisner, p. 358-359
  20. ^ Guillermaz, p. 450
  21. ^ MacFarquhar & Schoenhals, p. 156

References

  • Guillermaz, J; The Chinese Communist Party in Power, 1949-1976; Westview Press (1976)
  • MacFarquhar, R and Schoenhals, M; Mao's Last Revolution; Belknap Harvard (2006)
  • Meisner, M; Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic Since 1949; Free Press (1986)


This page was last edited on 11 February 2024, at 06:28
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