American militia movement

American militia movement is a term used by law enforcement and security analysts to refer to a number of private organizations that include paramilitary or similar elements. These groups may refer to themselves as militia, unorganized militia,^[1] and constitutional militia.^[2] While groups such as the Posse Comitatus existed as early as the 1980s,^[3] the movement gained momentum after standoffs with government agents in the early 1990s. By the mid-1990s, such groups were active in all 50 US states, with membership estimated at between 20,000 and 60,000.^[4] The movement is most closely associated with the American right-wing.

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[MUSIC - I'M IN YOU, "HERE COMES THE WAR"] THOMAS MORTON: If there's anybody more excited about the impending '90s revival than us and Mudhoney frontman Mark Arm, it is the militia movement. Born out of the baby-ridden ashes of Waco and Ruby Ridge, groups of armed citizens, like the Tri-States Militia of South Dakota and Norm Olson's Michigan Militia, coalesced to the delight of hack TV reporters and editorial cartoonists worldwide. Though their depiction in the media typically ranged from hey, look at these kooky anti-government gun nuts to hey, look at these kooky anti-government racists, the movement's numbers grew and grew. They were even making inroads into mainstream politics until Tim McVeigh pulled off the ultimate PR coup by blowing up 149 people and 19 children in Oklahoma City. Plagued by its association with the attack, the militia movement foundered, and as one of its most visible groups, the Michigan Militia bore the brunt of the shit storm. There were allegations that the Nichols brothers and McVeigh were members, brow-beatings at the hands of congressional pantywaists like Arlen Specter, and lively infighting by militia members upset over the leadership's alternative hypothesis for the bombing. The militia disbanded in the early '00s, and founders Norm Olson and Ray Southwell left Michigan for Alaska. While this seemed like the sad but likely end to their endeavor, according to a Homeland Security report earlier this year, militia activity, like ketamine and Docs with shorts, is once again on the hot list. And Norm and Ray are gearing up to hit the reunion circuit. RAY SOUTHWELL: How're you doing? THOMAS MORTON: Thomas. RAY SOUTHWELL: Thomas. THOMAS MORTON: How are you doing? RAY SOUTHWELL: Fine, fine. You're from the VBS TV, huh? THOMAS MORTON: Yes. RAY SOUTHWELL: Well, come on in. We've got a lot to talk about here. THOMAS MORTON: [LAUGHTER]. RAY SOUTHWELL: [INAUDIBLE]. THOMAS MORTON: Hi, I'm in Nikiski, Alaska, on the Kenai Peninsula with Norman Olson and Ray Southwell, formally of the Michigan Militia. Currently of the Alaska Militia. NORMAN OLSON: Hi, I'm Norman Olson, and a longtime proponent of the Constitution. 20-year-plus military veteran. Standing by the red, white, and blue, no matter what happens. And telling it like it is. Michigan Militia from the very beginning. This goes back to, let's see. Dates-- oh, 1994. Started the little militia in-- in fact, this one goes back even earlier than that. "Patriots gather to rail against the 'New World Order.'" My, were we young then, huh? Year number one was what was called Operation Visibility. We knew that we had to become visible. If we didn't maintain our visibility, we couldn't maintain our legitimacy. It's so important that if you believe in what you're doing is right, you've got to stand up and make yourself visible. Look at that mean look on that man's face. Oh, boy. But we were just regulars, trying to point out that we're not the terrorists. We're counter-terrorists. We're going to stop those people that are destroying America. RAY SOUTHWELL: What we've always done with our militia-- and this is what people don't understand, again-- militias command information. So I may be a commander. My job is not to give you orders. My job as a commander is to give you information so that you sort that out in your own conscience and decide what action you should take. The army is command control. You're my soldier, I'm going to give you an order, and you better carry it out. An example, when you go back to the Revolutionary War, Washington had a heck of a time when the militia would show up. The militia was not command control. If these guys got there and they looked at that battlefield and they decided, this is not a battle worth fighting, they left. That's the way it is today, too. NORMAN OLSON: So we went fast all over the country, starting up militias in every state. Some of our militia training exercises brought in folks from all over the country. But we'd put on these training sessions, dog-and-pony shows, and the media loved that too. They came in from all over the world to see what we were doing, because it never happened before, since 1776, you know, of course. Or 1775, I should say, Lexington and Concord. And we were growing and getting more national exposure. RAY SOUTHWELL: Our goal was to unite these militias. And understand, there's militias all over the country, all over the peninsula, but they're small groups-- five people, ten people. So we networked with each other so we can be a unified force, a protective force, so we don't have to call upon the federal troops or Blackwater. THOMAS MORTON: It's important, it would seem to me, that it'd be as important in times of crisis or impending crisis as it is in times of well-being to have what the Second Amendment describes, which you're talking about-- an unorganized citizens' militia. How do you go about that in times when-- NORMAN OLSON: In times of peace? THOMAS MORTON: Bingo. Of fatness, good-- NORMAN OLSON: Here's the thing. When you put a life preserver on your child and you're going out on a lake, do you do it after? Or do you do it with the perception that something could happen out on the lake? Of course you do. You don't wait for your child to drown. You think ahead. You're frightened of the possible situation. That fear motivates you to do something good. So is the-- RAY SOUTHWELL: Who would you rather trust? Your neighbor, or a stranger? NORMAN OLSON: Yeah. RAY SOUTHWELL: You know, that's-- NORMAN OLSON: And when somebody comes rolling up your driveway, when the lights go out, would you be comforted if you knew it was your neighbors in it, bringing over a generator or bringing over foodstuffs, rather than a big, black SUV coming to take your guns away? Again, to keep the control. So the question is, who will come in to aid us? If we are well-disciplined and well-trained and well-equipped, then we can take care of ourselves, thank you. But you see, the media won't allow that to happen. The media has to spin it so that we are always demonized with misinformation and looked at as the bogeyman running around the woods with our cammies on, rather than people who can help and organize each other. It looks like Mark Farner. You know Mark Farner? THOMAS MORTON: Um, Grand Funk, right? NORMAN OLSON: Yeah, yeah. He's a personal friend of ours. THOMAS MORTON: Oh. Neat. NORMAN OLSON: Yeah, he's a good boy. THOMAS MORTON: Are you guys buddies with the Nuge? NORMAN OLSON: Oh yeah, you betcha. We did a program on the steps of the Capitol with Ted. Ray and I went out to Montana there, we went up to the FBI lines, and I was carrying a teddy bear, and Ray was carrying a Red Cross pack. What we want to do is humanize it, put a human face on it, so that those people wouldn't be bulldozed. Western New York that I helped, they were going to bulldoze his house trailer because it didn't comply with building codes. We went to help this old gentleman, bless his heart. Here's an old fellow that was-- he was a construction worker in Northern Michigan, 87 years old, he and his wife. And they had all this old machinery on their property. Well, the county came out and said it was a blight and they had to remove it all. And so we went out there and faced down the sheriff and fought for him for a long time. The Stitt family. And they lived down a little island in northern Lake Huron, and they were being pushed off the island because they were preparing for Y2K. And they were raising chickens and emus and all sorts of stuff. THOMAS MORTON: Were they trying to grow hemp? NORMAN OLSON: I think so. Now I don't have anything bad to say about marijuana. To me, it's just like alcohol. All things in moderation. I'm a libertarian when it comes to that. Again, it's a human right. If it's a measure of relaxation and enjoyment, then what's the difference between smoking a joint or popping a Quaalude, you know? We went out there to support them. We're always trying to support the little guy, you know? THOMAS MORTON: One thing that's marked a lot of the coverage and, I think, has muddied the waters is trying to overlay many of these issues with kind of racial politics. Mitch-- NORMAN OLSON: Mitch [INAUDIBLE]. He was a Hawaiian. THOMAS MORTON: Ah. NORMAN OLSON: Yeah, yeah. So from the very beginning, we had racial diversity. THOMAS MORTON: Now you guys have referred to the Black Panthers and stuff as a militia-- not necessarily exactly the same as you, but in the same spirit, in its early days. NORMAN OLSON: Whether you sit down with the Black Panthers or you sit down with the Native Americans, I'm sure that we all want the very same thing. RAY SOUTHWELL: So it's not the black community that sees us as racists. It's the ignorant white community, who are so quickly misled by the media. NORMAN OLSON: Who keeps us divided? Remember we were talking about control and power and central government? Of course. It's to the benefit of a central government to keep us divided, to set up these little target groups, marginalizing so that people cannot come together, so that the power cannot be given back to the people. As long as we're squabbling among ourselves, we'll never be able to stand up against tyranny and oppression. We'll be arguing with ourselves while they march us into a trench to machine-gun us. It just doesn't make any sense. Then it happened. Boy, it all hit the fan. I'll tell you what. When Oklahoma City, that event happened, it surprised everyone. I had heard rumors along the Missouri border that there was going to be a bombing against the federal building, either in Tulsa or in Oklahoma City. It was common knowledge. The Feds knew that. They knew it was going to happen. They didn't know where. But when it happened, it surprised everybody in the militia. I remember Leslie Stahl was in the gun shop there when it all happened, and they made the mention of Timothy McVeigh and the brothers, what are their names? RAY SOUTHWELL: Nichols. NORMAN OLSON: Nichols. Terry Nichols. And they linked it with the Michigan Militia. And then it all started to unravel it. We deactivated after seven years and started to go home. Some stayed. Some stayed. People got frightened then, because the media picked up on it and ran with the militia connection, to the extent that the militia, a third of the militia ran and hid. A third of them went underground. Didn't want to be seen, didn't want to be on a list, didn't want to be photographed. Another third just quit the militia altogether. They realized this wasn't paintball in the woods on the weekend. This was life-and-death stuff. And another third became more aggressive, more adamant about standing up against the government, because we saw the conspiracy against it, against what was happening. THOMAS MORTON: Do you think there was ever a possibility that what happened in Oklahoma and as a result of it could have been fully averted? Or was it just-- NORMAN OLSON: Actually, I believe it was the CIA. It sounds crazy. THOMAS MORTON: Well, the CIA's done a lot of crazy things. NORMAN OLSON: Well, listen to me. You know, when you talk about neo-Nazis and skinheads and white supremacists, which McVeigh was closely associated with-- who's funding all of that hatred? And if they could get a stooge like Timothy McVeigh to do that, and Terry Nichols collaborating? But what about the unknown? What about this fellow that went back to Germany? I don't think it'll ever be known, the extra leg they found in the rubble with the military boot on it, that they couldn't match up to anybody. Where did that come from? You don't read about that, but it was there. And so did they know beforehand? Did somebody go in there and set charges? I don't know. But I'm welcome to hear any theory, because that's all I have, is a theory. There's something out there, but I guess Fox Mulder was right. The truth is out there, somewhere. Did the federal government stage the Oklahoma City bombing to bust up the militia because the militia was growing too strong? That could be argued. And history may reveal it. I don't know. We think it did. We think that they had to stop the militia because we were growing so fast across the country that we were threatening to take the power away from the federal government. THOMAS MORTON: Did you personally meet Tim McVeigh before-- NORMAN OLSON: No, not personally. He was downstate. I was up north. I didn't get a chance to meet him. Of course, the federal government did a fine job of proving that Timothy McVeigh was working out of an act of revenge. So when I went up to Washington to testify before the Senate and got into that pissing contest with Arlen Specter, I pointed that out to him. And he couldn't understand how I could understand what was going on in Timothy McVeigh's mind. Well, you don't understand the problem that we've had in Northern Ireland. You don't understand the problem that we've had in South Africa. You do not understand the hatred and retaliation, the retribution and the revenge that has been going on around this globe since time immortal. Then you don't understand the dynamic, sir. ARLEN SPECTER: Well, Mr. Olson, I may not understand. And that's why we've had these hearings, so that you could have a full opportunity to express yourself. NORMAN OLSON: I said well, it'd be about as simple as I slap you, you slap me in retaliation. OK? What don't we understand about that? Of course, we tried to distance ourself from all of that. And we threw the meat in on the other side of the river, claiming the Japanese did it, but what happened was is that took all of the emphasis away from us and headed it in another direction. Kind of dispersed that whole feeling. And fear is strong. THOMAS MORTON: About the theory that the Japanese were retaliating for the sarin gas thing? NORMAN OLSON: No, we didn't have any strong connection. We brought that out-- actually, what it did was it defused the direction we were going. Because we were going headlong into a big confrontation with the Feds. They thought we were all wacky and crazy. But that actually freed us up to go in a different direction at that time, which we needed. And what may be thought of as bad actually worked out good. Today, they laugh at us and make-- but it's a matter of strategic decisions that we made. But things changed after Oklahoma City, changed drastically. And a lot of people fell away. And then Bush came onto the scene and everything got to be nice and the government was seen to be a kind, friendly, benevolent government, ready to help us. But that was just a facade. That was just a cover. They're not there to help us at all. They're there to eke out our substance and to rob us of everything that we have. And take away our power. So power to the people, huh? Our job in Michigan was pretty well done. THOMAS MORTON: Why did you leave Michigan? And why did you pick Alaska? NORMAN OLSON: I often ask people that question. Why did you come to Alaska? I'm always interested where they come from and the reason why. And many people don't really know. Something just drew them. I know that sounds ethereal and all of that, but here's the thing. Alaska is a place, it's a new frontier. I think socially, economically, culturally there is much that appeals to us. We were in Michigan. Michigan, anybody who wants to look at the statistics knows that Michigan is going bottom-up economically. There was nothing there for us, no reason to stay. And people had pretty well lost their desire to stand up. I think the spirit of resistance, the spirit of standing up against the encroaching IRS and federal government intrusion into people's lives had pretty well wasted away their spirit. And so they feel like leaving. We were on the tail-end of that, and seeing it all come about, some of us came up here for new adventures, new opportunities. Others came up here to leave something behind. RAY SOUTHWELL: And it's the last adventure state left in the union, as far as I'm concerned. So I think that was probably the big emphasis on why we moved up. NORMAN OLSON: This one was just from a couple weeks ago, September 16. We are free from individual income tax here. Much of the state is free from sales tax. So there are many, many benefits. THOMAS MORTON: It seems very personal-liberty-oriented, and yet there's some odd spots about it. I think the lack of sheriffs in the entire state-- how do you feel about Alaskan state politics, in that sense? RAY SOUTHWELL: We had an excellent working relationship in Michigan with our sheriff. I met with him on usually a monthly basis to let him know when we were doing training, where we were training. And officially, he could never support us, you know, the politics involved with it. But he publicly came out and told the community through the media that we were doing nothing wrong. So the sheriff, as an elected servant of the people, truly understands how to build that relationship with the people. So we trusted him. NORMAN OLSON: You see, people say, well, we can trust the Alaskan government. Well, I don't know how far Alaska has sold out to the federals for whatever payment is due for all that the federal government has poured into Alaska. There's too many strings attached to a lot of the bailouts and all the rest of it. So I'm always concerned about what liberties and what rights are at risk when we give the promise of safety into the hands of governmental authorities. I like to keep this liberty and this freedom at the lowest level possible-- among the citizens themselves. RAY SOUTHWELL: I think the other part of this area, and probably throughout Alaska, is our independence. And I was talking to one of the local gun dealers. The peninsula has 50,000 people. And this particular one gun dealer is selling 1,000 military arms a month. So in the last month, or last year, he has sold 12,000 firearms to 50,000 people. So you can start seeing those numbers. But what's happening-- NORMAN OLSON: They're upgrading. RAY SOUTHWELL: There's two mindsets, I think, that are out there, is Alaskans' independence. I can take care of myself and my family. I will arm myself and I will prepare for whatever may come, and I'll be ready. The other mindset is I am doing that same issue, but I don't want anybody to know it. It's a secret, because the feds might come and take my guns, or just a tremendous amount of independence, but there's also a tremendous amount of fear. What my fear is is that if and when there's an economic disintegration, there's going to be anarchy all over the country. THOMAS MORTON: Given the rate at which things are going, does it concern you that militia may not be ready? RAY SOUTHWELL: Yes. NORMAN OLSON: Oh, yes. RAY SOUTHWELL: Yeah. Yes. NORMAN OLSON: Too little, too late. RAY SOUTHWELL: Yes. I foresee more anarchy. NORMAN OLSON: We're very vulnerable. RAY SOUTHWELL: Neighbor fighting neighbor for goods. NORMAN OLSON: There's only two extremes-- anarchy and tyranny. I'm concerned that we are not networked. We are not prepared. We are very vulnerable here in Alaska. One road in, one road out. The wise people will prepare for what may be coming, and what we believe will come with economic collapse, with social disruption, with more government intrusion. So all we are doing is being prudent, long-viewed people who are able to read the times, prepare for the worst. It's as simple as that. And we still have some pages to fill. Isn't that optimistic? If nothing else, you know, they say at the end of your life, everything that you own is either going to be put out by the side of the road, auctioned off, or end up in a landfill. The only thing you can leave your children is a legacy of who you were, what you tried to do. If it's a life well spent doing what you think is right, then can't argue with that. Just try and help the little guy, you know? Help the little guy survive. There's a lot of folks out there that are being chewed up by the system and need help. So we just keep on helping, you know? Call us crazy, call us fanatics, call us loons, but don't call us shortsighted. Trying to look far enough ahead to prepare for what's coming. [MUSIC - I'M IN YOU, "HERE COMES THE WAR"]

History

The catalysts of the American militia movement started with the FBI's 1992 shootout with Randy Weaver at Ruby Ridge, and the 1993 Waco siege which David Koresh and the Branch Davidians were involved in at Mt. Carmel in Waco, Texas.^[5]^[6]^[7] Critic Mark Pitcavage described the predecessors of the modern militia movement:^[3]

The militia movement is a right-wing movement that arose following controversial standoffs in the 1990s. It inherited paramilitary traditions of earlier groups, especially the conspiratorial, anti-government Posse Comitatus. The militia movement claims that militia groups are sanctioned by law but uncontrolled by government; in fact, they are designed to oppose a tyrannical government. The movement's ideology has led some adherents to commit criminal acts, including stockpiling illegal weapons and explosives and plotting to destroy buildings or assassinate public officials, as well as lesser confrontations.

The Oklahoma City bombing on April 19, 1995, the second anniversary of the Waco fire, drew nationwide attention to the militia movement because Timothy McVeigh was associated with the Michigan Militia, he possibly attended meetings before the attack.^[8] This increased public scrutiny and law enforcement pressure, and brought in more recruits due to the heightened awareness of the movement.^[9]

In March 1996, agents of the FBI and other law enforcement organizations surrounded the 960-acre (390 ha) eastern Montana "Justus Township" compound of the Montana Freemen. The Freemen were a Sovereign Citizen group that included elements of the Christian Identity ideology, espoused common law legal theories, and rejected the legitimacy of the Federal Reserve.^[4] Montana legislator Carl Ohs mediated through the standoff. Both Randy Weaver (one of the besieged at Ruby Ridge) and Bo Gritz (a civilian negotiator at Ruby Ridge) had attempted to talk to the group but had given up in frustration, as did Colorado Senator Charlie Duke when he had attempted negotiations.^[10] A break finally came when far right leaders abandoned the group to their fate.^[11] The group surrendered peacefully after an 81-day standoff and 14 of the Freemen faced criminal charges relating to circulating millions of dollars in bogus checks and threatening the life of a federal judge.^[10] The peaceful resolution of this and other standoffs after Ruby Ridge and Waco have been credited by some to the creation of the Critical Incident Response Group (CIRG) in the U.S. Department of Justice in 1994.^[12]

A 1999 US Department of Justice analysis of the potential militia threat at the millennium conceded that the vast majority of militias were reactive (not proactive) and posed no threat.^[13] By 2001, the militia movement seemed to be in decline, having peaked in 1996 with 858 groups.^[14] With the post-2007 global financial crisis and the election of Barack Obama to the United States presidency in 2008, militia activity experienced a resurgence.^[15]^[16]^[17] Militia groups have recently been involved in several high-profile standoffs, including the Bundy Standoff in 2014 and the Occupation of the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge in 2016.

Many militia groups strongly supported the candidacy and presidency of Donald Trump, with their focus on anti-government sentiment being replaced with opposing perceived enemies of Trump who were often alleged to be deeply imbedded within the bureaucracy or "deep state". Starting in 2020, militia groups were heavily involved in rallies against COVID-19 related restrictions, gun control measures, and Black Lives Matter protests.^[18] After Trump's loss in the 2020 presidential election, many militia groups mobilized to protest the results, including large scale participation in the "Stop The Steal" movement, promoting false claims that the election result was fraudulent.^[19]^[20]

In the storming of the US Capitol on January 6, 2021, members with ties to various militia groups participated in the attack.^[20]^[19] In recent years, there have been increasing incidents in which Republicans aligned themselves with militia groups in exchange for their support.^[21]^[22]^[23]

On January 11, 2024, Congressman Jamie Raskin and Senator Ed Markey proposed the Preventing Private Paramilitary Activity Act as an attempt to federally prohibit "publicly patrolling, drilling, or engaging in [harmful paramilitary tactics]" and "falsely assuming the functions of law enforcement."^[24] The bill as of yet has not been codified into law.

Legal legitimacy

Most militia organizations envisage themselves as legally legitimate organizations, despite the fact that all 50 states prohibit private paramilitary activity.^[25]^[26]^[27] Others subscribe to the "insurrection theory" which describes the right of the body politic to rebel against the established government in the face of tyranny. (In the 1951 case Dennis v. United States, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected the insurrection theory, stating that as long as the government provides for free elections and trials by jury, "political self-defense" cannot be undertaken.)^[28]

Opposition to the government

Beliefs within the militia movement encompass a combination of ideologies and positions commonly associated with various groups, including the sovereign citizens movement, the 1960s tax protest movement, the John Birch Society, the Tea Party movement, and since 2016, Trumpism. These beliefs often revolve around anti-government sentiments, opposition to perceived encroachments on individual rights, and skepticism towards established institutions. The militia movement has gained attention for its advocacy of armed resistance and its involvement in controversial incidents, such as standoffs with law enforcement. It is important to note that not all individuals who identify with the militia movement share the same beliefs or engage in illegal activities.^[29]

While militia organizations vary in their ideologies and objectives, with many high-profile organizations espousing anti-tax, anti-immigration, survivalist, sovereign citizen, libertarian, land rights views, they generally share a common belief in the imminent or actual rise of a tyrannical global socialist government in the United States which, they believe, must be confronted through armed force.^[29]^[30]^[31] This tyrannical government is linked to the New World Order conspiracy theory and is named by the militiamen as the eponymous conspiracy theory.^[32]

Active groups part of the militia movement

The Southern Poverty Law Center identified 334 militia groups at a peak in 2011. It identified 276 in 2015, up from 202 in 2014 and in 2022 nearly 200 groups still exist, down from 2015.^[33]

United States militia movement groups^[34]
Group name	Area	Beliefs	Ref.
3 Percenters	Nationwide	Right-libertarianism^[35] (majority) Patriot movement Second Amendment Constitutionalism^{[citation needed]}	^[36]^[37]
Arizona Border Recon	Arizona		^[38]
Hutaree	Michigan, southern	Christian nationalism Christian Patriot movement	^[39]
Idaho Light Foot Militia	Idaho, statewide	Patriot movement	^[40]
Michigan Militia	Michigan, Redford	Patriot movement	^[41]
Militia of Montana	Montana, Noxon	American constitutionalism^{[citation needed]} American nationalism Accelerationism^{[citation needed]}	^[42]
Missouri Citizens Militia	Missouri, statewide		^[43]
Missouri Militia	Missouri, Kansas City		^[44]
New York Light Foot Militia	New York, statewide	Patriot movement	^[45]
Oath Keepers	Nationwide	Patriot movement Trumpism	^[46]
Ohio Defense Force	Ohio, statewide		^[47]
Pennsylvania Light Foot Militia	Pennsylvania		^[48]
Texas Light Foot Militia	Texas, statewide		^[49]

Constitutionalists

The constitutionalist wing of the American militia movement became active in the mid 1990s in a response of outrage about the violent confrontation at Ruby Ridge, the Waco Siege and gun control legislation.^[50]^[51] The movement is composed largely of veterans, libertarians, and Second Amendment advocates who share a common belief in individual liberties and civil responsibilities, according to their interpretation of the U.S. Constitution, as well as disdain for what are perceived to be abusive, usurpative, or tyrannical federal government decisions and actions, and a set of ideals associated with the values of the militia they see embodied in the Constitution.^[52]^[53] From the inception of the modern movement there has been controversy over whether the movement was an important part of a complete response to many important threats, or a threat in itself.^[54]

Scholars Stanley C. Weeber and Daniel G. Rodeheaver offer a description of the constitutionalist militia movement that identifies four types:^[55]

The Open Constitutionalist, with the Cascade Brigade as an example
Constitutionalist/Command Structure, with the Alabama Constitutional Militia and the Michigan Militia as examples
Constitutionalist/Cell Structure, with the Militia of Montana and the Texas Constitutional Militia as examples
Underground/ No Public Contact, with the Sons of Liberty (Alabama) as example

Other writers view constitutionalism as the movement, having a militia wing, rather than a militia movement with a constitutionalist wing.^[54]

Throughout American history, there have been other constitutionalist revivals in opposition to various government actions.^[54] Some writers^[56] have asserted that the modern revival of the constitutional militia movement began as early as 1958 but that, in this early phase, it was associated ideologically with the white supremacist Christian Identity movement mixed with constitutionalist elements. A fear of Communism was prevalent in the United States during the Twentieth Century, against which was set the modern revival of the constitutional militia movement. These militia revivals believed in the sanctity of the U.S. Constitution, and that certain groups are conspiring to destroy America. Unlike the Christian Identity groups, the Constitutionalist militias generally resist casting blame on ethnic, racial or religious groups, but rather blame influential individuals or groups of individuals (e.g., the Bilderberg Group, the Trilateral Commission) who promote globalization, collectively known as the New World Order.^[57] The Posse Comitatus is an exception to this principle, however, as it adheres to the antisemitic theory of the Zionist Occupation Government.^[58]

Conceptually, a citizen's militia has been defined as a constitutionalist private army meeting regularly to practice combat skills and discuss weapons. The militia is defined as social groups practice "skills within a distinct territory, are not always anti-government, and have some opinions regarding use of terrorism to further militia goals." It may have an offensive, paramilitary, and/or defensive orientation depending on circumstances.^[59]

Operational features listed in the book Militias in the New Millennium include the following:^[60]

Training in combat scenarios and weaponry skills in mock actions and maneuvers
Has an identifiable territory in which members reside
Bases organization philosophies on anti-government rhetoric
Development of contingency plans in case of governmental provocation
Considers bombing, kidnappings, separatism, "paper terrorism", or other extreme measures to protect the organic Constitution
Considers the viability of criminal activity to acquire weapons and explosives

References

^ Mulloy, Darren (2004) American Extremism: History, Politics and the Militia Movement, Routledge.
^ Williams, David C. (2003) The mythic meanings of the Second Amendment: taming political violence in a constitutional republic. Yale University Press. p. 363. ISBN 0-300-09562-7
^ ^a ^b Pitcavage, Mark; Institute for Intergovernmental Research: Camouflage and Conspiracy. The Militia Movement From Ruby Ridge to Y2K. American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 44, No. 6, Pages 957–981, SAGE Publications, 2001.
^ ^a ^b Berlet, Chip & Lyons, Matthew (2000). Right-Wing Populism in America: Too Close for Comfort Archived April 16, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, Guilford. ISBN 1-57230-562-2
^ Rise Of Citizen Militias: Angry White Guys With Guns Daniel Junas CovertAction Quarterly April 24, 1995
^ Morris Dees, Gathering Storm: America's Militia Threat. Harper Perennial (April 23, 1997) ISBN 0-06-092789-5
^ Robert H. Churchill, "Arming for the Last Battle: Secular and Religious Millennial Impulses within the Militia Movement", 1999 Annual Conference of the Center for Millennial Studies, Boston University, Boston, MA, November 9, 1999. Online copy Archived April 14, 2008, at the Wayback Machine
^ "Michigan Militia still active 20 years after Oklahoma City bombing". mlive. April 20, 2015. Retrieved September 7, 2020.
^ Militia Nation Chip Berlet and Matthew N. Lyons Progressive Magazine
^ ^a ^b Freemen surrender peacefully to FBI Cable News Network June 14, 1996
^ Freemen Were Alone New York Times June 15, 1996
^ Christopher Whitcomb, Cold Zero: Inside the FBI Hostage Rescue Team. ISBN 0-552-14788-5. (Covers Ruby Ridge, Waco Siege and creation of CIRG.)
^ United States Department of Justice, "Operation Megiddo", November 2, 1999, page 22; cited in Robert H. Churchill, "Arming for the Last Battle: Secular and Religious Millennial Impulses within the Militia Movement", 1999 Annual Conference of the Center for Millennial Studies, Boston University, Boston, MA, November 9, 1999.
^ "Militias 'in retreat'". BBC News. May 11, 2001.
^ Carter, Gregg Lee, ed. (2012). "Militias". Guns in American Society: An Encyclopedia of History, Politics, Culture, and the Law, Volume 1. pp. 575–6.
^ Stephanie Schendel (March 7, 2012). "Election, economy spark explosive growth of militias". NBC News.
^ Nicholas Kimbrell (February 13, 2010). "America's militiamen resurgent since Obama election". The National.
^ "The Militia Movement (2020)". Anti-Defamation League. Retrieved November 26, 2021.
^ ^a ^b "Capitol riots: Are US militia groups becoming more active?". BBC News. January 21, 2021. Retrieved November 26, 2021.
^ ^a ^b Doxsee, Catrina (August 12, 2021). "Examining Extremism: The Militia Movement". Center for Strategic and International Studies. Archived from the original on August 12, 2021. Retrieved November 26, 2021.
^ Kirkpatrick, David D.; McIntire, Mike (February 9, 2021). "'Its Own Domestic Army': How the G.O.P. Allied Itself With Militants". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved November 26, 2021.
^ Arnsdorf, Isaac (October 20, 2021). "Oath Keepers in the State House: How a Militia Movement Took Root in the Republican Mainstream". ProPublica. Archived from the original on October 22, 2021. Retrieved November 26, 2021.
^ Felbab-Brown, Vanda (January 21, 2021). "How to counter right-wing armed groups in the United States". Brookings. Archived from the original on January 22, 2021. Retrieved November 26, 2021.
^ Following January 6th Anniversary, Congressman Raskin and Senator Markey Introduce Legislation to Stop Private Paramilitary Activity Archived January 11, 2024, at the Wayback Machine
^ "Are Citizen Militias Legal?". NPR.org. Retrieved October 17, 2020.
^ Phillips, Kristine. "All states prohibit 'militia extremists' and paramilitary activities. So why aren't they stopped?". USA TODAY.
^ Levy, Rachael (October 10, 2020). "What Are Militias and Are They Legal?". Wall Street Journal – via www.wsj.com.
^ Hardaway, Robert (2002). "The Inconvenient Militia Clause of the Second Amendment: Why the Supreme Court Declines to Resolve the Debate over the Right to Bear Arms". St. John's Journal of Legal Commentary (16).
^ ^a ^b "The Militia Movement (2020) | ADL". www.adl.org. Retrieved October 9, 2023. The militia movement has also always had a small number of people of color as members, and occasionally as leaders. [...] These facts do not absolve the militia movement of racism or prejudice—especially anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim bigotry—but it does mean that the militia movement is quite distinct from white supremacist movements such as neo-Nazis, Ku Klux Klan groups, or the alt right.
^ Hannaford, Alex (August 19, 2010). "The truth behind America's 'civilian militias'". Daily Telegraph. Archived from the original on January 12, 2022. Retrieved January 4, 2016.
^ "Militia History and Law FAQ". adl.org. Anti-Defamation League. Archived from the original on January 9, 2016. Retrieved January 4, 2016.
^ The Hate Map Of America - Interview with Mark Potok, investigative reporter for the Southern Poverty Law Center
^ "Antigovernment militia groups grew by more than one-third in last year". Southern Poverty Law Center. Retrieved February 28, 2016.
^ "Active 'Patriot' Groups in the United States in 2009 | Southern Poverty Law Center". Retrieved April 1, 2010.
^ Nance, Malcolm (2022). They Want to Kill Americans: The Militias, Terrorists, and Deranged Ideology of the Trump Insurgency. St. Martin's Publishing Group. pp. 319–320. ISBN 978-1250279002.
^ "Three Percenters | ADL". www.adl.org. Retrieved October 24, 2023. Three Percenters are part of the militia movement
^ Sunshine, Spencer (January 5, 2016). "Profiles on the Right: Three Percenters". Political Research Associates. Retrieved February 11, 2016.
^ Hamilton, Keegan (December 18, 2023). "As border extremism goes mainstream, vigilante groups take a starring role". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved March 23, 2023.
^ "US 'Christian militants' charged after FBI raids" BBC, March 30, 2010. Retrieved January 11, 2016.
^ McKnight, Matt Mills (August 2, 2012). "'Teeth of the Constitution:' Light Foot Militia rises in Idaho's backcountry". NBC News. Retrieved November 9, 2019.
^ Johnson, Kirk (March 31, 2010). "Militia Draws Distinctions Between Groups". The New York Times. Retrieved November 9, 2019.
^ Kelly, Michael (June 19, 1995). "THE ROAD TO PARANOIA". The New Yorker. Retrieved January 11, 2016.
^ Londberg, Max (August 7, 2015). "Guns, rights and the Missouri Citizen Militia". Retrieved May 15, 2015.
^ Samaha, Albert (June 22, 2011). "Watch Out: Here Comes the Missouri Militia". The Riverfront Times. Archived from the original on September 20, 2015. Retrieved November 9, 2019.
^ Walters, Joanna (August 15, 2017). "Militia leaders who descended on Charlottesville condemn 'rightwing lunatics'". TheGuardian.com. Retrieved September 23, 2017.
^ "Oath Keepers militia will attend Portland 'free speech' rally, says leader". The Guardian. June 4, 2017.
^ Gellman, Barton (September 30, 2010). "The Secret World of Extreme Militias". Time. Retrieved February 22, 2017.
^ "Pennsylvania Light Foot Militia". Pennsylvania Light Foot Militia.
^ Brannson, Doug (July 22, 2015). "Texas Town Has Citizen Militia Standing Guard at Recruiters Office". KQBR. Townsquare Media, Inc. Retrieved January 14, 2016.
^ "Who are the constitutional militia movement?". Constitution Society. Retrieved April 26, 2020.
^ Beaumont, Roger; "American as Cherry Pie? Unofficial Militias in American History", Journal of Conflict Studies Vol. XIX No. 2, Fall 1999: University of New Brunswick
^ Jonathan Karl, The Right to Bear Arms: The Rise of America's New Militias (New York: Harper, 1995)
^ Churchill, Robert H., Boston University, 1999 Annual Conference of the Center for Millennial Studies. Arming for the Last Battle: Secular and Religious Millennial Impulses within the Militia Movement.
^ ^a ^b ^c Robert H Churchill, To Shake Their Guns in the Tyrant's Face: Libertarian Political Violence and the Origins of the Militia Movement, University of Michigan Press (March 3, 2009) ISBN 0-472-11682-7.
^ Weeber, Stanley C., and Daniel Gilbert Rodeheaver. Militias in the New Millennium A Test of Smelser's Theory of Collective Behavior Page 61.
^ Weeber, Stan C. + Rodeheaver, Daniel G. Sociological Quarterly. Spring 2003. "Militias at the Millennium: A test of Smelser's theory of collective behavior." Pages 182–84
^ Weeber, S. C., & Rodeheaver, D. G. (2004). Militias in the New Millennium: A Test of Smelser's Theory of Collective Behavior, pages 11–12. Lanham, Md, University Press of America.
^ Perry, Barbara (March 15, 2001). In the Name of Hate: Understanding Hate Crimes. Routledge. p. 138. ISBN 978-1-135-95783-4.
^ Daniel G. Rodeheaver; Stan Weeber; Weeber, Stanley C. (2004). Militias in the New Millennium: A Test of Smelser's Theory of Collective Behavior. Washington, D.C: University Press of America. pp. 4–6. ISBN 0-7618-2789-7. (M)ilitias are social groups that practice skills within a distinct territory, are anti-government in outlook, and have definite opinions regarding use of terrorism to further militia goals.
^ Weeber, Stan C. + Rodeheaver, Daniel G.. "Militias in the New Millennium: A test of Smelser's theory of collective behavior," Page 188

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