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Charles Simmons (politician)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Charles James Simmons
Member of Parliament
for Brierley Hill
In office
23 February 1950 – 18 September 1959
Preceded byConstituency established
Succeeded byJohn Ellis Talbot
Member of Parliament
for Birmingham West
In office
5 July 1945 – 3 February 1950
Preceded byWalter Higgs
Succeeded byConstituency abolished
Member of Parliament
for Birmingham Erdington
In office
30 May 1929 – 7 October 1931
Preceded byArthur Steel-Maitland
Succeeded byJohn Eales
Personal details
Born(1893-04-09)9 April 1893
Moseley, Birmingham, England
Died11 August 1975(1975-08-11) (aged 82)
Political partyLabour
An election leaflet for Jim Simmons, c.1919

Charles James "Jim" Simmons (9 April 1893 – 11 August 1975) was a British lecturer, journalist and politician.[1][2]

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  • POLITICAL THEORY - Karl Marx
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Transcription

Most people agree that we need to improve our economic system somehow. Yet we’re also often keen to dismiss the ideas of capitalism’s most famous and ambitious critic, Karl Marx. This isn’t very surprising. In practice, his political and economic ideas have been used to design disastrously planned economies and nasty dictatorships. Nevertheless, we shouldn’t reject Marx too quickly. We ought to see him as a guide whose diagnosis of Capitalism’s ills helps us navigate towards a more promising future. Capitalism is going to have be reformed - and Marx’s analyse are going to be part of any answer. Marx was born in 1818 in Trier, Germany. Soon he became involved with the Communist party, a tiny group of intellectuals advocating for the overthrow of the class system and the abolition of private property. He worked as a journalist and had to flee Germany, eventually settling in London. Marx wrote an enormous number of books and articles, sometimes with his friend Friedrich Engels Mostly, Marx wrote about Capitalism, the type of economy that dominates the western world. It was, in his day, still getting going, and Marx was one of its most intelligent and perceptive critics. These were some of the problems he identified with it: Modern work is “alienated” One of Marx’s greatest insights is that work can be one of the sources of our greatest joys. But in order to be fulfilled at work, Marx wrote that workers need ‘to see themselves in the objects they have created’. Think of the person who built this chair: it is straightforward, strong, honest and elegant It’s an example of how, at its best, labour offers us a chance to externalise what’s good inside us. But this is increasingly rare in the modern world. Part of the problem is that modern work is incredibly specialised. Specialised jobs make the modern economy highly efficient, but they also mean that it is seldom possible for any one worker to derive a sense of the genuine contribution they might be making to the real needs of humanity. Marx argued that modern work leads to alienation = Entfremdung in other words, a feeling of disconnection between what you do all day and who you feel you really are and would ideally be able to contribute to existence. Modern work is insecure Capitalism makes the human being utterly expendable; just one factor among others in the forces of production that can ruthlessly be let go the minute that costs rise or savings can be made through technology. And yet, as Marx knew, deep inside of us, we don’t want to be arbitrarily let go, we are terrified of being abandoned. Communism isn’t just an economic theory. Understood emotionally, it expresses a deep-seated longing that we always have a place in the world’s heart, that we will not be cast out. Workers get paid little while capitalists get rich This is perhaps the most obvious qualm Marx had with Capitalism. In particular, he believed that capitalists shrunk the wages of the labourers as much as possible in order to skim off a wide profit margin. He called this primitive accumulation = ursprüngliche Akkumulation Whereas capitalists see profit as a reward for ingenuity and technological talent, Marx was far more damning. Profit is simply theft, and what you are stealing is the talent and hard work of your work force. However much one dresses up the fundamentals, Marx insists that at its crudest, capitalism means paying a worker one price for doing something that can be sold for another, much higher one. Profit is a fancy term for exploitation. Capitalism is very unstable Marx proposed that capitalist systems are characterised by series of crises. Every crisis is dressed up by capitalists as being somehow freakish and rare and soon to be the last one. Far from it, argued Marx, crises are endemic to capitalism - and they’re caused by something very odd. The fact that we’re able to produce too much - far more than anyone needs to consume. Capitalist crises are crises of abundance, rather than - as in the past - crises of shortage. Our factories and systems are so efficient, we could give everyone on this planet a car, a house, access to a decent school and hospital. That’s what so enraged Marx and made him hopeful too. Few of us need to work, because the modern economy is so productive. But rather than seeing this need not to work as the freedom it is, we complain about it masochistically and describe it by a pejorative word “unemployment.” We should call it freedom. There’s so much unemployment for a good and deeply admirable reason: because we’re so good at making things efficiently. We’re not all needed at the coal face. But in that case, we should - thought Marx - make leisure admirable. We should redistribute the wealth of the massive corporations that make so much surplus money and give it to everyone. This is, in its own way, as beautiful a dream as Jesus’s promise of heaven; but a good deal more realistic sounding. Capitalism is bad for capitalists Marx did not think capitalists were evil. For example, he was acutely aware of the sorrows and secret agonies that lay behind bourgeois marriage. Marx argued that marriage was actually an extension of business, and that the bourgeois family was fraught with tension, oppression, and resentment, with people staying together not for love but for financial reasons. Marx believed that the capitalist system forces everyone to put economic interests at the heart of their lives, so that they can no longer know deep, honest relationships. He called this psychological tendency commodity fetishism = Warenfetischismus because it makes us value things that have no objective value. He wanted people to be freed from financial constraint so that they could - at last - start to make sensible, healthy choices in their relationships. The 20th century feminist answer to the oppression of women has been to argue that women should be able to go out to work. Marx’s answer was more subtle. This feminist insistence merely perpetuates human slavery. The point isn’t that women should imitate the sufferings of their male colleagues,it’s that men and women should have the permanent option to enjoy leisure. Why don’t we all think a bit more like marx? An important aspect of Marx’s work is that he proposes that there is an insidious, subtle way in which the economic system colours the sort of ideas that we ending up having. The economy generates what Marx termed an “ideology”. A capitalist society is one where most people, rich and poor, believe all sorts of things that are really just value judgements that relate back to the economic system: that a person who doesn’t work is worthless, that leisure (beyond a few weeks a year) is sinful, that more belongings will make us happier and that worthwhile things (and people) will invariably make money. In short, one of the biggest evils of Capitalism is not that there are corrupt people at the top—this is true in any human hierarchy—but that capitalist ideas teach all of us to be anxious, competitive, conformist, and politically complacent. Marx didn’t only outline what was wrong capitalism: we also get glimpses of what Marx wanted the ideal utopian future to be like. In his Communist Manifesto he describes a world without private property or inherited wealth, with a steeply graduated income tax, centralised control of the banking, communication, and transport industries, and free public education. Marx also expected that communist society would allow people to develop lots of different sides of their natures: “in communist society…it is possible for me to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticise after dinner, just as I have a mind, without ever becoming hunter, fisherman, herdsman or critic.” After Marx moved to London he was supported by his friend and intellectual partner Friedrich Engels, a wealthy man whose father owned a cotton plant in Manchester. Engels covered Marx’s debts and made sure his works were published. Capitalism paid for Communism. The two men even wrote each other adoring poetry. Marx was not a well-regarded or popular intellectual in his day. Respectable, conventional people of Marx’s day would have laughed at the idea that his ideas could remake the world. Yet just a few decades later they did: his writings became the keystone for some of the most important ideological movements of the 20th century. But Marx was like a brilliant doctor in the early days of medicine. He could recognise the nature of the disease, although he had no idea how to go about curing it. At this point in history, we should all be Marxists in the sense of agreeing with his diagnosis of our troubles. But we need to go out and find the cures that will really work. As Marx himself declared, and we deeply agree: Philosophers until now have only interpreted the world in various ways. The point, however, is to change it.

Early life

Simmons was born in Moseley, Birmingham. Following elementary education, he became a Primitive Methodist lay preacher at the age of 16. In World War I he served in the Worcestershire Regiment, seeing action in France, Egypt and Gallipoli. He was twice imprisoned whilst in the army, for protesting against field punishments and for appearing in uniform at a peace rally. He was wounded three times, the last at Vimy in Spring 1916, as a result of which his lower leg was amputated.[3] Discharged from the army in November 1917 he continued campaigning for peace but was arrested in February 1918 and sentenced to three months imprisonment in Armley Gaol.[4]

After that war, Simmons became a leading member of the National Union of Ex-Servicemen (NUX), a socialist group which fought for the rights of those returning from the war.[5] Following the demise of the NUX as a national body, Simmons remained active on these issues in local organisations and when later elected to Parliament lobbied persistently on behalf of the British Limbless Ex-Servicemen's Association (BLESMA).[6] A Christian Socialist, he also played a leading role in the Labour Church movement.[7]

He gained political office as a member of Birmingham City Council from 1921–1931 and 1942–1945.[2]

Member of parliament for Erdington

Simmons was selected as the Labour Party's candidate to contest Birmingham Erdington at the 1924 general election.[8] He failed to unseat the sitting Conservative MP, Sir Arthur Steel-Maitland in a straight fight.[9]

At the next general election in 1929, he was again Labour candidate at Erdington. As well as Steel-Maitland, a Liberal, H J H Dyer, was also nominated to contest the seat.[10] Simmons defeated Steel-Maitland by the narrow margin of 133 votes, benefitting from the fact that Dyer received more than 6,300 votes.[11] The election had been very bitter, with Simmons issuing a leaflet accusing Steel-Maitland of abusing his position as Minister for Labour and using a charitable fund to subsidise colliery owners to employ miners at less than the minimum wage. Following a threat by the defeated MP to begin libel proceedings, Simmons issued a formal apology.[12]

Two years later another general election was called. Simmons defended his seat against a new Conservative opponent J F Eales.[13] There was a large swing against Labour, and Eales defeated Simmons by the majority of nearly 19,000 votes.[14]

At the next general election in 1935 Simmons attempted to regain the Erdington seat from Eales. This time it was a three-cornered contest, with an independent candidate also standing.[15] He failed to be elected, increasingly his vote only marginally.[16]

On the death of Eales, Simmons also unsuccessfully contested the 1936 by-election, which was to be the last contest until 1945, owing to the Second World War. Simmons found work as a political journalist, editing the Town Crier, the journal of the Birmingham Trades Council, from 1940–1945.[2]

Member of parliament for Birmingham West

Simmons was nominated as Labour candidate for Birmingham West at the 1945 general election, in opposition to the sitting Conservative MP Walter Higgs.[17] There was a landslide to Labour, and he won the seat comfortably.[18] He was a member of the Labour Government 1945-1951 as a Lord of the Treasury from 30 March 1946 to 1 February 1949, after which he served as Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Pensions.[19]

Member of parliament for Brierley Hill

Following boundary changes, Simmons became MP for the new Black Country constituency of Brierley Hill from the 1950 general election.[20][21] He held the seat at the 1955 election, but was unexpectedly defeated by his Conservative opponent at the 1959 general election.[22] Simmons was a strong advocate of the Temperance movement, and campaigned for fourteen-year-old children to be banned from the bars of clubs. His defeat in 1959 was believed to have been partly attributable to the opposition of brewery interests.[2]

He published his autobiography Soap-Box Evangelist in 1972. He died in 1975 aged 82, survived by his four sons and second wife.[2]

References

  1. ^ David Howell ‘Simmons, Charles James “Jim”’. In Dictionary of Labour Biography, edited by Keith Gildart and David Howell, Vol. 13, pp. 339–52 (2010) Palgrave Macmillan.
  2. ^ a b c d e "Mr C. J. Simmons". The Times. 19 August 1975. p. 19.
  3. ^ Jim Simmons, Soap-Box Evangelist (1972) Janay Publishing
  4. ^ "Ex-Private Simmons". Rochdale Observer. 30 March 1918. p. 5.
  5. ^ George Barnsby, Socialism in Birmingham and the Black Country 1850–1939 (1998) Integrated Publishing Services
  6. ^ Graham Wootton, Politics of Influence (1963) Routledge & Kegan Paul.
  7. ^ George Barnsby, Socialism in Birmingham and the Black Country 1850–1939 (1998) Integrated Publishing Services
  8. ^ "The General Election. First List Of Candidates, Choice Of The Parties". 15 October 1924. p. 7.
  9. ^ "The General Election. First Returns, Polling In The Boroughs". The Times. 30 October 1924. p. 6.
  10. ^ "Declarations To-Night. 200 Results Expected". 30 May 1929. p. 10.
  11. ^ "The General Election. First Returns, Polling In The Boroughs". The Times. 31 May 1929. p. 6.
  12. ^ "Political Notes Labour M.P.'S Apology To Ex-Minister". The Times. 25 October 1929. p. 16.
  13. ^ "The General Election: "The Times" List Of Candidates". The Times. 10 October 1931. p. 6.
  14. ^ "The General Election First Returns, Polling In The Boroughs". The Times. 28 October 1931. p. 6.
  15. ^ "The General Election: List Of Nominations". The Times. 5 November 1935. p. 8.
  16. ^ "The General Election First Returns, Polling In The Boroughs". The Times. 15 November 1935. p. 8.
  17. ^ "The General Election: List Of Nominations". The Times. 26 June 1945. p. 6.
  18. ^ "General Election Results 1945". The Times. 27 July 1945. p. 9.
  19. ^ "New Junior Ministers". The Times. 2 February 1949. p. 4.
  20. ^ "The General Election: "The Times" List Of Candidates". The Times. 11 January 1950. p. 3.
  21. ^ "General Election Results". The Times. 25 February 1950. p. 19.
  22. ^ "Continuing Red With A Few Blue Spots. Staffordshire Set Fair For Labour". The Times. 24 September 1959. p. 16.

External links

Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by C J Simmons Leigh Rayment's Historical List of MPs  


Parliament of the United Kingdom
Preceded by Member of Parliament for Birmingham Erdington
19291931
Succeeded by
Preceded by Member of Parliament for Birmingham West
19451950
Constituency abolished
New constituency Member of Parliament for Brierley Hill
19501959
Succeeded by
Party political offices
Preceded by Midlands Division representative on the National Administrative Council of the Independent Labour Party
1922–1923
Succeeded by
This page was last edited on 27 July 2023, at 17:18
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