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Bunkers in Albania

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Bunkers in Albania
Bunkerët në Shqipëri
 Albania
One of over 173,000 bunkers in Albania during the rule of Enver Hoxha
One of over 173,000 bunkers built in Albania during the rule of Enver Hoxha to protect against possible invasion from foreign powers.
Site information
ConditionNot in use
Site history
Built1967 (1967)–1986 (1986)
Built byPeople's Socialist Republic of Albania
In use1967–1991
MaterialsConcrete, steel
DemolishedPartly

The concrete bunkers of Albania are a ubiquitous sight in the country, with an average of 5.7 bunkers for every square kilometre (14.7 per square mile). The bunkers (Albanian: bunkerët) were built during the communist government of Enver Hoxha from the 1960s to the 1980s; by 1983 a total of 173,371 concrete bunkers had been constructed around the country.[1][2]

Hoxha's program of "bunkerization" (bunkerizimit) resulted in the construction of bunkers in every corner of the then People's Socialist Republic of Albania, ranging from mountain passes to city streets. They were never used for their intended purpose during the years that Hoxha governed. The cost of constructing them was a drain on Albania's resources, diverting them away from more pressing needs, such as dealing with the country's housing shortage and poor roads.

The bunkers were abandoned following the collapse of communism in 1990. Most are now derelict, though some have been reused for a variety of purposes including residential accommodation, cafés, storehouses, and shelters for animals or the homeless. A few briefly saw use in the Balkan conflicts of the 1990s.[3]

YouTube Encyclopedic

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  • The 750,000 Bunkers of Albania
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  • මරණයේ අඳුරු බංකර​ය ඒකාධිපතියකුගේ අඳුරු සෙවනැලි - the mysterious bunkers in albania

Transcription

We all have bad ideas. I certainly have them all the time, as I believe this series is a testament to. And I bet that you do too. I certainly hope you think you do. Because ironically, feeling that you have bad ideas is usually a pretty clear sign of intelligence. If you're the type of person who currently does not believe that you have bad ideas or that you've never had bad ideas for that matter, chances are, you're the type of person who has more than your fair share. But imagine having an idea so bad, it's remembered fifty years later. An idea so bad that it becomes a defining feature of your nation. An idea so bad, I made a video about it. In 1967, a paranoid dictator was going to war with his own mind. Although paranoid is a bit of a loaded term here. Because are you really paranoid if everyone is actually out to get you? What if the reason that they're out to get you is you've been so antagonistic towards them? Is that still paranoia? I think it is. So I'm going to stick to the term. Enver Hoxha's forty-four year, dictatorial, Stalinesque reign over the tiny European nation of Albania is likely the most commonly known piece of this country's history. And when I say Stalinesque, I don't mean coincidentally similar to Stalin, but a genuine idolization and mimicry that I think is best described by the term 'fangirling'. And while we'll do a much more in-depth look at communism's effect in Albania in a separate video in this series, today's episode has little to do with Hoxha himself, and more to do with the downstream effects of his most famously bad idea. A little over twenty years into his reign and Hoxha had thoroughly isolated the country from virtually every friend Albania had ever had. He looked around, and all he saw were enemies. Some real, some... uh... less so. Italy were ex-fascist capitalists who'd invaded during his childhood. Enemies. Greece were historic rivals turning towards a right-wing military dictatorship. Enemies. Yugoslavia, who'd helped to put him in power, seemed like they wanted to add Albania into their federation. And then Hoxha wouldn't be a dictator anymore. Plus, Tito was no friend of Stalin. And Hoxha loved Stalin. So, enemies. And now that Khrushchev was in power in the USSR, they were no friend of Stalin either. The USSR, of all places. Koba was barely in the ground before Khrushchev said about reversing all the failed policies that Hoxha had come to treat his gospel. That rat! So the USSR? Enemies. He briefly tried befriending Mao, who he considered the last true Marxist Leninist, but after his death, China started buddying up with the United States. Unacceptable. Enemies. Which left little Albania without a single remaining ally. A nation of just under two million people, who had only felt any form of independence for a single generation out of the last 600 years, had nobody left to protect them. And I'm certain in the self-interested paranoia of Hoxha, he realized that he too had nobody left to protect him. Except for the people. The people would defend him! All he had to do was convince them that they were defending themselves. And if he could get everyone in the country to fight for him, he might just be able to cling to power when the many hornets whose nests he'd been swatting came round to sting. But they weren't coming to sting. After all, nobody really wanted Albania. It just wasn't all that tactically useful anymore. The economy was easily the worst in Europe, the population was small and mostly uneducated, resources were slim and transport logistics were poor. Anybody who took the country would find the investment required just to build it up to become economically useful would almost definitely be a net loss. With Europe still reeling from the Second World War and the Cold War splitting the planet in a First and Second world schisms, the superpowers were far too busy to concern themselves with invading a tiny nation on the periphery. But Hoxha didn't see it that way. He believed his nation to be a jewel waiting for a crown, and in the extremes of his paranoia began a process of bunkerization that would outright cripple his already weakened state. The bad idea I mentioned earlier. Over the next twenty years, Albania would aim to build around 750,000 concrete bunkers across the country. Due to the secret totalitarian nature of the dictatorship, nobody knows how many were actually completed. Yet, it must have been a ton, because they're quite literally everywhere. They aren't just on the border or in strategic locations. They're in city streets, farmer's fields, tourist beaches and in the back alleys of small towns. No matter where you go here, they're a ubiquitous part of daily life. In two short decades, they theoretically built a bunker for every four citizens. Twenty four per square kilometer. They're like Starbucks. But the bunkers didn't come cheap. Hundreds of thousands of pill boxes full of steel and concrete took a toll on the already depressed economy, and Albania had no friends to help. No foreign investment, virtually no aid, nothing but a poor nation spending its last pennies to fulfill the delusions of its paranoid dictator. Although it's hard to tell given the communist state of the economy, it's predicted that at its height over 20% of the total economic output of the nation was being spent on bunker production. It left Albania with an extreme housing shortage, unpaved roads, a weak military and a collapsed economy. Nobody benefited. It was a terrible idea. But it wasn't just an economically bad idea, it was a militarily bad idea as well. It was a little more than an expanded Maginot line, and look how well that did. Because even though every citizen was trained to shoot from the age of twelve and were all considered reservists in the army, how long can one bunker filled with four civilian soldiers really hold out? How do they get their bullets? How do they get their food? What are the supply lines like to these bunkers? Who organizes their activity to make sure they work in unison? Nobody, that's who. In building them, Hoxha was both imagining, and in turn virtually guaranteeing that any invasion would have to be fought off in 1930's guerilla style warfare. And given that's how he came to power, it isn't all too surprising that in times of fear, he fell back on what he knew. But the world had moved on. Guerrillas were certainly doing their part around the world to expose the weaknesses of superpowers, but not the way he was going about it. They wouldn't be like the Vietcong. The Vietcong were organized. They wouldn't be like the Afghani, the Afghani were mobile, doing hit-and-run attacks from the mountains. No, they'd be crushed. Static, non-moving civilian targets waiting in a hole to be killed. If only anyone cared to invade. But of course, nobody did. The lasting effect of these bunkers had little to do with war, and far more to do with psychology. Because by putting these babies virtually everywhere around this country, he'd convinced the people to be paranoid. Just like their dictator. For an isolationist nation with no friends and a plethora of imagined enemies, having a physical reminder of that isolation only helped to stoke their fears and increase Hoxha's control. Like any group who falsely imagine themselves as being threatened, the further the bad idea was followed the more the bad idea made sense. After all, if they weren't under threat why were there so many bunkers? But, eventually, all bad things come to an end and in 1985, eight days before yours truly was born on a military base in Northern Alberta, Hoxha died. Not sure the two are connected. Though it would take another two years, his bunkerization policy would die with him. The world was changing. And as the USSR came to a close, so too did Communist Albania. The dictator was dead. It was time for capitalism to have a go. And oh my God did it go poorly here, but we'll be covering that in a different episode. However, even though Hoxha's plans were dust, the bunkers weren't. There were still hundreds of thousands of pillboxes just randomly strewn about the country. Farmers had to plow around them. Apartments and roads had to be built to avoid them. But beyond that, they reminded people of the dictatorship. It's hard to feel like you're living in a brave new world when the most important symbol of that fearful past is still on every street corner staring back at you with its cycloptic concrete eye. Yet the bunkers remain a defining feature of Albanian life to this day. As the country has changed and slowly opened to the outside world, they've changed alongside it. Their fates are strangely symbolic of the fates of the people. While thousands were destroyed in an act of revolutionary defiance and thousands more were dug up and scrapped for their steel, many of the remaining bunkers have slowly found themselves as part of the new economy. Cafes have set up shop in their crumbling shells. Houses have been retrofitted in areas where poverty reaches into the extreme. They've been turned into apiaries, restaurants, museums, hostels, art installations, beach huts, souvenirs for tourists, photo galleries, Kosovar refugee camps and even mushroom farms. Virtually any way to turn a small dark space into a profitable venture has been tried. And while they're certainly no longer as ubiquitous as they once were, and no longer hold the imagination of the people in their dark hearts, there's no denying that they've become a visible part of the modern economy. Which is why I think they make such a great symbol for the country. They're a poignant introduction to foreigners into the last fifty years of this nation's history. And while certainly no tourists are coming here to see the bunkers alone, they're the first thing on their lips when they get home. They pass it around like it's a secret. As if they're the first to come across this hidden oddity. Because once you discount the history that put them here, the bunkers feel kind of fun. They're unique. Special, even. As more tourists come to create the standard image of how this newly opened country will be pitched to future travelers, the bunkers have become a defining feature. Something you can only find here. And the history that they contain within their walls is the evolution of modern Albania. So I wonder just how far these bunkers can actually be considered a bad idea. In hindsight, I mean. Because certainly, when they were built, they were terrible. But now, as the world has changed and Albania looks for something to set itself apart, new life has been breathed into these crumbling shells. They've found a way to make a bad idea good. But that said, the successes of modern adaptations have less to do with Hoxha's policies and more to do with humanity's undying resilience and ingenuity. Once a symbol of fear, they're becoming a symbol of hope. Day by day, the dark past is becoming a bright future. Because while the moral arc of the universe is long, it leans towards a mushroom farm. This is Rare Earth. Because the real effect of putting these babies everywhere was... I was laughing in my own head about babies. I can't even think.

Contents

Background

From the end of World War II to his death in April 1985, Enver Hoxha pursued a style of politics informed by hardline Stalinism as well as elements of Maoism. He broke with the Soviet Union after Nikita Khrushchev embarked on his reformist Khrushchev Thaw, withdrew Albania from the Warsaw Pact in 1968 in protest of the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, and broke with China after U.S. President Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China.[4]

His regime was also hostile towards the country's immediate neighbours. Albania did not end its state of war with Greece, left over from the Second World War, until as late as 1987 – two years after Hoxha's death – due to suspicions about Greek territorial ambitions in southern Albania (known to Greeks as Northern Epirus) as well as Greece's status as a NATO member state.[5]

Hoxha was virulently hostile towards the more moderate communist government of Josip Broz Tito in Yugoslavia, accusing Tito's government of maintaining "an anti-Marxist and chauvinistic attitude towards our Party, our State, and our people". He asserted that Tito intended to take over Albania and make it into the seventh republic of Yugoslavia, and castigated the Yugoslav government's treatment of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, claiming that "Yugoslav leaders are pursuing a policy of extermination there."[6]

Albania still maintained some links with the outside world at this time, trading with neutral countries such as Austria and Sweden, and establishing links across the Adriatic Sea with its former invader Italy. However, a modest relaxation of domestic controls was curtailed by Hoxha in 1973 with a renewed wave of repression and purges directed against individuals, the young and the military, whom he feared might threaten his hold on the country. A new constitution was introduced in 1976 that increased the Labor Party's control of the country, limited private property, and forbade foreign loans.[7] The country sank into a decade of paranoid isolation and economic stagnation, virtually cut off from the outside world.[8]

Military doctrine

A bunker on a city street in Shkodër. The street's inhabitants would have been expected to defend it.
A bunker on a city street in Shkodër. The street's inhabitants would have been expected to defend it.
Bunkers were built in almost any place that could be defended—even in graveyards
Bunkers were built in almost any place that could be defended—even in graveyards

Starting in 1967 and continuing until 1986, the Albanian government carried out a policy of "bunkerization" that saw the construction of hundreds of thousands of bunkers across the country.[8] They were built in every possible location, ranging from "beaches and mountains, in vineyards and pastures, in villages and towns, even on the manicured lawns of Albania's best hotel".[9] Hoxha envisaged Albania fighting a two-front war against an attack mounted by Yugoslavia, NATO or the Warsaw Pact involving a simultaneous incursion by up to eleven enemy airborne divisions. As he put it, "If we slackened our vigilance even for a moment or toned down our struggle against our enemies in the least, they would strike immediately like the snake that bites you and injects its poison before you are aware of it."[10]

Albania's military doctrine was based on a concept of "people's war" drawing on the experience of the Albanian resistance during World War II, which Hoxha had led.[11] It was the only European country to have managed to liberate itself without the intervention of foreign troops (though the Partisans benefited from great quantities of supplies and weapons provided by the Allies).[12] The Partisans' victory was mythologized on a massive scale by the Hoxha regime, which used its wartime successes to legitimise its rule. The armed forces were based on the Partisan model and built around infantry units; 75 percent of the regular forces and 97 percent of reservists were employed in infantry roles.[13]

The Partisans' strategy was based around mountain-based guerrilla warfare, in which they took refuge in the mountains and launched raids into the less defensible lowlands. By contrast, Hoxha aimed to defend Albania's national integrity and sovereignty "at all costs",[14] which necessitated defending the lowlands as well. The bunkers were therefore intended to establish defensive positions across the entirety of the country. Smaller ones were laid out in lines radiating out within sight of a large command bunker, which was permanently manned. The commanders of the large bunkers would communicate with their superiors by radio and with the occupants of the smaller bunkers by making visual signals that could be seen through slits.[15]

The regime also sought intensively to militarize civilians. 800,000 people out of a population of about three million served in defence in some way, ranging from the regular armed forces and reserves to civil defence and student armed youth units. Many sectors of the government, state-owned businesses and the public service were also given roles in defence, meaning that almost the entire population was brought in one way or another into the scope of state defence planning.[16] From the age of three, Albanians were taught that they had to be "vigilant for the enemy within and without" and propaganda slogans constantly emphasised the need for watchfulness.[17]

Citizens were trained from the age of 12 to station themselves in the nearest bunker to repel invaders.[9] Local Party cells organised families to clean and maintain their local bunkers,[10] and civil defence drills were held at least twice a month, lasting for up to three days, in which civilians of military age of both sexes were issued with rifles (but no ammunition).[18]

Members of the Young Pioneers, the Communist youth movement, were trained to defend against airborne invasion by fixing pointed spikes to treetops to impale descending foreign parachutists.[19] Despite the militarization of the population, the Albanian defence system was massively inefficient and took little account of the country's real defence needs; training was minimal, fuel and ammunition were scarce, uniforms and equipment were of poor quality, weapons were antiquated and the military lacked a proper command and control system.[11]

Construction

The bunkers were constructed of concrete, steel and iron and ranged in size from one- or two-person pillboxes with gun slits[9] to large underground nuclear bomb shelters intended for use by the Party leadership and bureaucrats.[20] The most common type of bunker is a small concrete dome set into the ground with a circular bottom extending downwards, just large enough for one or two people to stand inside. Known as Qender Zjarri ("firing position") or QZ bunkers, they were prefabricated and transported to their final positions, where they were assembled. They consist of three main elements: a 3 m (9.8 ft) diameter hemispherical concrete dome with a firing slit, a hollow cylinder to support the dome and an outer wall with a radius 60 cm (24 in) larger than the cylinder. The gap between the cylinder and outer wall is filled with earth.[21]

At various places along the coast, large numbers of QZ bunkers were built in groups of three, linked to each other by a prefabricated concrete tunnel. Elsewhere bunkers were constructed in groupings around strategic points across the country, or in lines across swathes of territory.[22] Tirana was particularly heavily defended, with thousands of bunkers radiating out in fifty concentric circles around the city.[23]

The QZ bunker was designed by military engineer Josif Zagali, who served with the Partisans during World War II and trained in the Soviet Union after the war.[24] He observed how dome-shaped fortifications were virtually impervious to artillery fire and bombs, which simply ricocheted off the dome.[9] He used his knowledge to design the subsequently ubiquitous dome-shaped bunkers. Hoxha was initially delighted with the design and had many thousands of Zagali's bunkers constructed;[9]

Zagali himself was promoted to the rank of colonel and became chief engineer of the Albanian Ministry of Defence. However, Hoxha's paranoia led to Zagali being purged in 1974 and imprisoned for eight years on bogus charges of "sabotage" as a "foreign agent". His wife went insane, his family was shunned by friends and acquaintances, and his daughter died of breast cancer. Zagali later said that it was "a painful and tragic fate not only for me and my family but for thousands and thousands of such families in Albania who have experienced the dictatorship of Enver Hoxha".[24] His experiences were later used as the basis of Kolonel Bunker, a film by Albanian director Kujtim Çashku.[10]

Command and control bunkers

The command-and-control bunkers, known as Pike Zjarri ("firing point") or PZ bunkers, were also prefabricated and assembled on site. They are far larger and heavier than the QZ bunkers, with a diameter of 8 metres (26 ft). They are made from a series of concrete slices, each weighing eight or nine tons, which were concreted together on site to form an interlocking dome. Fully assembled, they weigh between 350–400 tons.[25]

Large bunkers and tunnels

There was also a third category of larger "special structures" for strategic purposes.[26] The largest were bunker complexes tunnelled into mountains. At Linza near the capital, Tirana, a network of tunnels some 2 kilometres (1.2 mi) long was built to protect members of the Interior Ministry and the Sigurimi (the secret police) from nuclear attack.[20] Elsewhere, thousands of kilometres of tunnels were built to house political, military and industrial assets. Albania is said to have become the most tunnelled country in the world after North Korea.[24] The tunnels were built in conditions of great secrecy. Engineering teams were not allowed to see construction through to completion but were rotated from site to site on a monthly basis.[20]

Impact

A line of bunkers in a field in Vermosh
A line of bunkers in a field in Vermosh

The bunkerisation programme was a massive drain on Albania's weak economy. The construction of prefabricated bunkers alone cost an estimated two percent of net material product,[10] and in total the bunkers cost more than twice as much as the Maginot Line in France, consuming three times as much concrete.[27] The programme diverted resources away from other forms of development, such as roads and residential buildings. On average, they are said to have each cost the equivalent of a two-room apartment and the resources used to build them could easily have resolved Albania's chronic shortage of housing.[28] According to Josif Zagali, building twenty smaller bunkers cost as much as constructing a kilometre of road. It also had a human cost; 70–100 people a year died constructing the bunkers.[24] In addition, the bunkers occupied and obstructed a significant area of arable land.[28]

A line of bunkers along the Albanian Riviera
A line of bunkers along the Albanian Riviera

The bunkerization of the country had effects that went beyond their ubiquitous physical impact on the landscape. The bunkers were presented by the Party as both a symbol and a practical means of preventing Albania's subjugation by foreign powers, but some viewed them as a concrete expression of Hoxha's policy of isolationism – keeping the outside world at bay. Some Albanians saw them as an oppressive symbol of intimidation and control. Ismail Kadare used the bunkers in his 1996 novel The Pyramid to symbolize the Hoxha regime's brutality and control, while Çashku has characterised the bunkers as "a symbol of totalitarianism" because of the "isolation psychology" that they represented.[10] It has been argued that the bunkerization programme was a form of "patterned large-scale construction" that "has a disciplinary potential as a means of familiarizing a population with a given order of rule". The regime's xenophobia had the effect of creating a siege mentality and a sense of constant emergency.[10]

Hoxha's strategy of "people's war" also caused friction with the Albanian Army. The bunkers had little military value compared with a conventionally equipped and organised professional army. As one commentator has put it, "How long could one man in each bunker hold out? How would you resupply each individual bunker? How would they communicate with each other?"[29] General Beqir Balluku, the Defense Minister and a member of the Politburo, publicly criticized the bunker system in a 1974 speech and disputed Hoxha's line that Albania was under equal threat from the United States and the Soviet Union.[30] He argued that Albania needed a modern, well-equipped professional army rather than a poorly trained and equipped civilian militia. Hoxha responded by having Ballaku arrested, accusing him of being an agent of the Chinese and of working to bring about a military coup. Dubbed "the arch-traitor Ballaku", the general and his associates were convicted and punished according to "the laws of the dictatorship of the proletariat" – meaning that they were executed.[30]

Many other military figures, such as bunker designer Josif Zagali, were also caught up in the 1974 purges.[24] The introduction of a new constitution two years later sealed Hoxha's absolute control of the military by appointing him as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and Chairman of the Defence Council.[31]

Today

A Pike Zjarri bunker being used as a house in 1994
A Pike Zjarri bunker being used as a house in 1994
Checkpoint memorial in Tirana near the former secluded area of Blloku. It features a bunker, pillars from Spac prison, and a Berlin Wall fragment.
Checkpoint memorial in Tirana near the former secluded area of Blloku. It features a bunker, pillars from Spac prison, and a Berlin Wall fragment.
An uprooted bunker in Valbonë, 2009
An uprooted bunker in Valbonë, 2009

The bunkerization programme was stopped soon after Hoxha's death in 1985, leaving Albania's towns and countryside dotted with vast numbers of defensive bunkers.[9] They still dominate the Albanian landscape. A BBC reporter described in 1998 how they were ubiquitous on the road between Tirana and the city's airport, "looking down from every hillside, sprouting out of every bank".[27] Their solidity has made it difficult to get rid of them. Some have been removed, particularly in cities, but in the countryside most bunkers have simply been abandoned. Some have been reused as housing for animals or as storehouses; others have been abandoned to lie derelict due to the cost of removing them.[32]

The extreme secrecy of the Communist regime meant that Albania's post-communist governments lacked information on how the bunkers had been used, or even how many had been built. In 2004 Albanian officials discovered a forgotten stockpile of 16 tons of mustard gas and other chemical weapons in an unguarded bunker only 40 kilometres (25 mi) from Tirana. The United States government gave Albania $20 million to destroy the weapons.[33] In other places, abandoned bunkers have become a lethal danger. In 2008 alone, at least five holiday-makers drowned when they were caught in whirlpools created by water currents around bunkers that had subsided into the sea. The Albanian army has carried out bunker removal programmes along the coastline, dragging them out of the ground with modified Type 59 tanks.[34][35]

Although the bunkers were never used in a real conflict during Hoxha's rule, some found use in conflicts that broke out in the 1990s. During the Albanian Civil War, the townspeople of Sarandë in southern Albania were reported to have taken up positions in bunkers around the town in the face of fighting between government troops and rebels.[36] After the outbreak of the Kosovo War in 1999, border villages in Albania were repeatedly shelled by Serbian artillery batteries located in nearby Kosovo and local people used the bunkers to shelter from the shelling.[37]

Kosovo Albanian refugees took to using bunkers as temporary shelters until aid agencies could move them into tent camps, while NATO troops stationed in Albania relocated dozens of bunkers to fortify their base at Kukës.[29] The Kosovo Liberation Army also used them as defensive positions during the Kosovo War,[38] though this was not without its risks; on at least one occasion bunkers along Albania's border with Kosovo were mistakenly bombed by NATO aircraft.[39]

An acute shortage of housing after the fall of the Communist regime in 1990 led some Albanians to set up homes in abandoned bunkers,[40] though the lack of running water and sanitation meant that the area around inhabited bunkers soon became contaminated and unhealthy. A few bunkers have found more creative uses. In the coastal city of Durrës one beachside bunker has been turned into the Restaurant Bunkeri,[32] and another bunker in Gjirokastër was turned into a café.[40]

There have been various suggestions for what to do with them: ideas have included pizza ovens, solar heaters, beehives, mushroom farms, projection rooms for drive-in cinemas, beach huts, flower planters, youth hostels, and kiosks.[41] Some Albanians have taken to using the bunkers for more romantic purposes. In a country where until recently cars were in short supply, they were popular places for lovers to consummate their relationships; as travel writer Tony Wheeler puts it, "Albanian virginity is lost in a Hoxha bunker as often as American virginity was once lost in the back seats of cars."[3]

In November 2014, a "five star" nuclear shelter built near Tirana for Hoxha was opened as a tourist attraction and art exhibition. The large bunker contains a museum with exhibits from World War II and the communist period.[42]

Albania's bunkers have even become a symbol of sorts for the country. Pencil holders and ashtrays in the shape of bunkers have become one of the country's most popular tourist souvenirs.[32] One such line of bunker souvenirs was promoted with a message to buyers: "Greetings to the land of the bunkers. We assumed that you could not afford to buy a big one."[43]

See also

References

  1. ^ Hapet dosja, ja harta e bunkerëve dhe tuneleve sekretë
  2. ^ "Bunkers of Albania". Atlas Obscura.
  3. ^ a b Wheeler, Tony (2007). Tony Wheeler's Bad Lands. Lonely Planet. pp. 48–49. ISBN 978-1-74179-186-0.
  4. ^ Coppa, Frank J. (2006). Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators: from Napoleon to the Present. Peter Lang. pp. 118–119. ISBN 978-0-8204-5010-0.
  5. ^ Konidaris, Gerasimos (2005). "Examining policy responses to immigration in the light of interstate relations and foreign policy objectives". In King, Russell; Mai, Nicola; Schwandner-Sievers, Stephanie. The New Albanian Migration. Sussex Academic Press. p. 69. ISBN 978-1-903900-78-9.
  6. ^ Pearson, Owen (2007). Albania as Dictatorship and Democracy: From Isolation to the Kosovo War, 1946–1998. I.B.Tauris. p. 632. ISBN 978-1-84511-105-2.
  7. ^ Crampton, R. J. (1997). Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century and After. Routledge – Taylor & Francis Group. pp. 356–357. ISBN 0-415-16423-0.
  8. ^ a b Galaty, Michael L.; Stocker, Sharon R.; Watkinson, Charles (2009). "The Snake That Bites: The Albanian Experience of Collective Trauma as Reflected in an Evolving Landscape". In Brown Golden, Kristen; Bergo, Bettina. The Trauma Controversy: Philosophical and Interdisciplinary Dialogues. SUNY Press. p. 176. ISBN 978-1-4384-2819-2.
  9. ^ a b c d e f Vrazo, Fawn (19 April 1999). "Cold-war Bunkers At The Ready In Albania: Half A Million Dot The Land. Once Laughable, They Now Are Eyed As Potential Havens". Philadelphia Inquirer. Retrieved 11 January 2012.
  10. ^ a b c d e f The Trauma Controversy, p. 177
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