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Battle of St Matthew's

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Battle of St Matthew's
Part of the Troubles
Date27–28 June 1970
Location54°35′57″N 5°54′22″W / 54.59917°N 5.90611°W / 54.59917; -5.90611
Result

IRA victory

  • Loyalists withdraw from area
Belligerents
Provisional IRA
Belfast Brigade
Citizens' Defence Committee
Ulster loyalists
Commanders and leaders
Billy McKee Unknown
Strength
1 active service unit (about a dozen IRA volunteers) Unknown number of gunmen, and rioters
Casualties and losses
1 killed
1+ wounded
2 killed
Unknown wounded
The location of the battle (red dot) in Belfast (pink)

The Battle of St Matthew's or Battle of Short Strand[1] was a gun battle that took place on the night of 27–28 June 1970 in Belfast, Northern Ireland. It was fought between the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA), and Ulster loyalists in the area around St Matthew's Roman Catholic church. This lies at the edge of the Short Strand, a Catholic enclave in a mainly-Protestant part of the city. Violence had erupted there, and in other parts of Belfast, following marches by the Orange Order. The battle lasted about five hours and ended at dawn when loyalists withdrew. The British Army and police were deployed nearby but did not intervene. Three people were killed and at least 26 wounded in the fighting, while another three were killed in north Belfast.

The battle was the Provisional IRA's first major action during the Troubles,[2] and a propaganda victory for the Irish nationalist organization. It presented itself as having successfully defended a vulnerable Catholic enclave from armed loyalist mobs.[3] Loyalists, however, argue that the IRA lured them into a carefully prepared trap.

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Transcription

Hi I’m John Green, this is Crash Course World History and today we’re going to talk about Nationalism, the most important global phenomenon of the 19th century and also the phenomenon responsible for one of the most commented upon aspects of Crash Course: my globes being out of date. USSR: not a country. Rhodesia? South Vietnam? Sudan with no South Sudan? Yugoslavia? Okay, no more inaccuracies with the globes. Ugh, the little globes! This one doesn’t know about Slovakia. This one has East frakking Pakistan. And this one identifies Lithuania as part of Asia. Okay, no more globe inaccuracies. Actually, bring back my globes. I feel naked without them. [many people find comfort in inaccuracy] [Intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] So, if you’re into European history, you’re probably somewhat familiar with nationalism and the names and countries associated with it. Bismarck in Germany, Mazzini and Garibaldi in Italy, a nd Mustafa Kemal (aka Ataturk) in Turkey. But nationalism was a global phenomenon, and it included a lot of people you may not associate with it, like Muhammad Ali in Egypt and also this guy. Nationalism was seen in the British Dominions, as Canada, Australia and New Zealand became federated states between 1860 and 1901. I would say independent states instead of federated states, but you guys still have a queen. [and royal Corgies] It’s also seen in the Balkans, where Greece gained its independence in 1832 and Christian principalities fought a war against the Ottomans in 1878, [Christians hate foot wrests? in India where a political party, the Indian National Congress, was founded in 1885, and even in China, where nationalism ran up against the dynastic system that had lasted more than 2000 years. And then of course there are these guys, who in many ways represent the worst of nationalism, the nationalism that tries to deny or eliminate difference in the efforts to create a homogeneous mythologized unitary polity. We’ll get to them later, but it’s helpful to bring them up now just so we don’t get too excited about nationalism. Okay, so, before we launch into the history, let’s define the modern nation state. Definitions are slippery but for our purposes, a nation state involves a centralized government that can claim and exercise authority over a distinctive territory. That’s the state part. It also involves a certain degree of linguistic and cultural homogeneity. That’s the nation part. Mr. Green, Mr. Green! By that definition, wouldn’t China have been nation state as early as, like, the Han dynasty? Dude, Me from the Past, you’re getting smart. Yeah, it could be, and some historians argue that it was. Nationhood is really hard to define. Like, in James Joyce’s Ulysses, the character Bloom famously says that a nation is the same people living in the same place. But, then, he remembers the Irish and Jewish diasporas, and adds, or also living in different places. But let’s ignore diasporas for the moment and focus on territorially bound groups with a common heritage. Same people, same place. So how do you become a nation? Well, some argue it’s an organic process involving culturally similar people wanting to formalize their connections. Others argue that nationalism is constructed by governments, building a sense of patriotism through compulsory military service and statues of national heroes. Public education is often seen as part of this nationalizing project. Schools and textbooks allow countries to share their nationalizing narratives. Which is why the once and possibly future independent nation of Texas issues textbooks literally whitewashing early American history. Still other historians argue that nationalism was an outgrowth of urbanization and industrialization, since new urbanites were the most likely people to want to see themselves as part of a nation. For instance, Prague’s population rose from 157,000 to 514,000 between 1850 and 1900, at the same time that the Czechs were beginning to see themselves as separate from the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Which is a cool idea, but it doesn’t explain why other, less industrialized places like India also saw a lot of nationalism. The actual business of nationalization involves creating bureaucracies, new systems of education, building a large military, and, often, using that military to fight other nation states, since nations often construct themselves in opposition to an idea of otherness. A big part of being Irish, for instance, is not being English. So emerging nations had a lot of conflicts, including: The Napoleonic wars, which helped the French become the French. The Indian Rebellion of 1857, which helped Indians to identify themselves as a homogeneous people. The American Civil War. I mean, before the Civil War, many Americans thought of themselves not as Americans but as Virginians or New Yorkers or Pennsylvanians. I mean, our antebellum nation was usually called “these united states,” after it became “the United States.” So, in the US, nationalism pulled a nation together, but often, nationalism was a destabilizing force for multi-ethnic land-based empires. This was especially the case in the Ottoman empire, which started falling apart in the 19th century as first the Greeks, then the Serbs, Romanians and Bulgarians, all predominantly Christian people, began clamoring for and, in some cases, winning independence. Egypt is another good example of nationalism serving both to create a new state and to weaken an empire. Muhammad Ali [nope, not that one] (who was actually Albanian and spoke Turkish, not Egyptian Arabic) and his ruling family encouraged the Egyptian people to imagine themselves as a separate nationality. But okay, so nationalism was a global phenomenon in the 19th century and we can’t talk about it everywhere. So, instead, we’re going to focus on one case study. Japan. You thought I was going to say Germany, didn’t you? Nope. You can bite me, Bismarck. [fingers crossed for Freedonia, actually] Japan had been fragmented and feudal until the late 16th century, when a series of warrior landowners managed to consolidate power. Eventually power came to the Tokugawa family who created a military government or bakufu. [gesundheit] The first Tokugawa to take power was Iyeasu, who took over after the death of one of the main unifiers of Japan, Tyotomi Hideyoshi, sometimes known as “the monkey,” although his wife called him, and this is true, “the bald rat.” [could've been worse, certainly] In 1603 Ieyasu convinced the emperor, who was something of a figurehead, to grant him the title of “shogun.” And for the next 260 years or so, the Tokugawa bakufu was the main government of Japan. The primary virtue of this government was not necessarily its efficiency or its forward thinking policies, but its stability. Stability: Most underrated of governmental virtues. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. The Tokugawa bakufu wasn’t much for centralization, as power was mainly in the hands of local lords called daimyo. One odd feature of the Tokugawa era was the presence of a class of warriors who by the 19th century had become mostly bureaucrats. You may have heard of them, the samurai. [kinda like John McCain, John Kerry and my favorite, Daniel Inouye, etc.] One of the things that made this hereditary class so interesting was that each samurai was entitled to an annual salary from the daimyo called a stipend. This privilege basically paid them off and assured that they didn’t become restless warriors plaguing the countryside —that is, bandits. We tend to think of samurai as noble and honorable, [or as John Belushi on old skool SNL] but urban samurai, according to Andrew Gordon’s book A Modern History of Japan, "were a rough-and-tumble lot. Samurai gang wars – a West Side Story in the shadows of Edo castle – were frequent in the early 1600s.” And you still say that history books are boring. As with kings and lesser nobles anywhere, the central bakufu had trouble controlling the more powerful daimyo, who were able to build up their own strength because of their control over local resources. [like on the Sopranos?] This poor control also made it really difficult to collect taxes, so the Tokugawa were already a bit on the ropes when two foreign events rocked Japan. First was China’s humiliating defeat in the Opium Wars, after which Western nations forced China to give Europeans special trade privileges. It was a wake up call to see the dominant power in the region so humbled. [like when Andre the Giant was sadly bested by Hulk Hogan] But even worse for the Tokugawa was the arrival of Matthew Perry. No, Thought Bubble. Matthew Perry. Yes. That one. The tokugawa are somewhat famous for their not-so-friendly policy toward foreigners— especially western, Christian ones— for whom the penalty for stepping foot on Japanese soil was death. The tokugawa saw Christianity in much the same way that the Romans had: as an unsettling threat to stability. And in the case of Matthew Perry, they had reason to be worried. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So the American naval commodore arrived in Japan in 1853 with a flotilla of ships and a determination to open Japan’s markets. Just the threat of American steam-powered warships was enough to convince the bakufu to sign some humiliating trade treaties that weren’t unlike the ones that China had signed after losing the Opium Wars. And, this only further motivated the daimyo and the samurai who were ready to give the Tokugawa the boot. Within a few years, they would. So what does have to do with nationalism? Well, plenty. First off, even though the Americans and the Japanese didn’t go to war (yet), the perceived threat provided an impetus for Japanese to start thinking about itself differently. It also resulted in the Japanese being convinced that if they wanted to maintain their independence, they would have to re-constitute their country as a modern nation state. This looks a lot like what was happening in Egypt or even in Germany, with external pressures leading to calls for greater national consolidation. So, the Tokugawa didn’t give up w ithout a fight, but the civil war between the stronger daimyo and the bakufu eventually led to the end of the shogunate. And in 1868, the rebels got the newly enthroned Emperor Meiji to abolish the bakufu and proclaim a restoration of the imperial throne. Now, the Emperor didn’t have much real power, but he became a symbolic figure, a representative of a mythical past around whom modernizers could build a sense of national pride. And in place of bakufu, Japan created one of the most modern nation states in the world. After some trial and error, the Meiji leaders created a European style cabinet system of government with a prime minister and, in 1889, promulgated a constitution that even contained a deliberative assembly, the Diet, although the cabinet ministers weren’t responsible to it. Samurai were incorporated into this system as bureaucrats and their stipends were gradually taken away. And soon, the Japanese government developed into, like, something of a meritocracy. Japan also created a new conscript army. Beginning in 1873, all Japanese men were required to spend 3 years in the military. The program was initially very unpopular— [shocker] there were more than a dozen riots in 1873 and 1874 in which crowds attacked military registration centers. But eventually, serving in the army created a patriotic spirit and a loyalty to the Japanese emperor. The Meiji leaders also instituted compulsory education in 1872, requiring both boys and girls to attend four years of elementary school. Oh, it’s time for the Open Letter? [Apparently the chair's back. Replaced it with an evil twin, did you, Stan?] An Open Letter to Public Education. But first, let’s see what’s in the secret compartment today. Oh, it’s a graduation hat. Thanks, Meredith the Intern, for letting me borrow your graduation hat. Dear Public Education, When you were introduced in Japan, you were very unpopular because you were funded by a new property tax. In fact, you were so unpopular that at least 2,000 schools were destroyed by rioters, primarily through arson. Stan, it doesn’t look good when you bring it in close like that. I look like a 90-year-old swimmer. [you do call speedos 'casual wear' @ work] And even though public education has proved extremely successful, lots of people still complain about having to pay taxes for it, so let me explain something. [time to fuel an internet flame war…] Public education does not exist for the benefit of students or for the benefit of their parents. It exists for the benefit of the social order. We have discovered as a species that it is useful to have an educated population. You do not need to be a student or have a child who is a student to benefit from public education. Every second of every day of your life, you benefit from public education. So, let me explain why I like to pay taxes for schools even though I don’t personally have a kid in school. It’s because I don’t like living in a country with a bunch of stupid people. [and that's Jenga] Best Wishes, John Green In Japan, nationalism meant modernization, largely inspired by and in competition with the West. So the Meiji government established a functioning tax system, they built public infrastructure like harbors and telegraph lines, invested heavily in railroads, and created a uniform national currency. But the dark side of nationalism began to appear early on. In 1869, the Meiji rulers expanded Japan’s borders to include the island of Hokkaido. [you know, where the transport apparatus was built in "Contact"] And in 1879, they acquired Okinawa after forcing its king to abdicate. In 1874, Japan even invaded Taiwan with an eye towards colonizing it, although they weren’t successful. And, in these early actions we already see that nationalism has a habit of thriving on conflict. And often the project of creating a nation state goes hand in hand with preventing o thers from doing the same. This failure to imagine the other complexly [i see what you did there] isn’t new, but it’s about to get a lot more problematic as we’ll see next week when we discuss European imperialism. Thanks for watching. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller, our script supervisor is [danica johnson] We’re ably interned by Meredith Danko, and our graphics team is Thought Bubble Also, the show was written by my high school history student John Green and myself, Raoul Meyer. [the man, the myth, the educator] Last week’s phrase of the week was "Bearded Marxist" If you’d like to guess at this week’s phrase of the week or suggest future ones, you can do so in comments, where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thanks for watching Crash Course, and as we say in my hometown, Don’t Forget to Break up with your fake high school girlfriend. [outro] [outro]

Background

During the Northern Ireland riots of August 1969 in Belfast, Catholic Irish republicans clashed with Protestant Ulster loyalists and the mainly-Protestant Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), Northern Ireland's police force. Catholics believed that they were about to become "victims of a Protestant pogrom" and Protestants believed they were on the "eve of an IRA insurrection".[4] Hundreds of Catholic homes and businesses were burnt out and more than 1,000 families, mostly Catholic, were forced to flee.[5] The Irish Republican Army (IRA) had few weapons or members and was unable to adequately defend the Catholic areas. The rioting ended with the deployment of British troops. In December 1969, the IRA split into the 'Official' IRA and 'Provisional' IRA—with the Provisionals vowing to defend Catholic areas in future.

The Short Strand is a Catholic/nationalist enclave in East Belfast, a mainly Protestant/Ulster unionist part of the city.[2][6][7][8][9] In the early years of the Troubles, Catholics in Short Strand numbered about 6,000, while their Protestant neighbours totalled about 60,000.[1][10]

Preceding violence

On Saturday 27 June 1970, a large march by the Orange Order took place in west Belfast, which was joined by loyalist bands from other parts of the city. Violence broke out as the march entered the Catholic Springfield Road area on its way to Whiterock Orange Hall. Missiles were thrown by both sides, a bakery was set ablaze, and the British Army fired CS gas to disperse crowds.[11] The riot sparked violence in other parts of Belfast.[12]

In north Belfast, another Orange march went along the Crumlin Road, the boundary between the Catholic Ardoyne and the Protestant Shankill areas. According to Crown prosecutors, a crowd emerged from Ardoyne throwing bottles and stones. As the riot descended into a gun battle, the IRA—who according to Gerry Adams were "ready and waiting"—killed three Protestants: William Kincaid (28), Daniel Loughins (32) and Alexander Gould (18).[2][12] Others were wounded, including a Royal Navy petty officer who was shot in the jaw while driving a field ambulance.[12] Earlier in the month, British troops had diverted an Orange march away from Ardoyne, leading to serious rioting by Protestants in the Shankill.[13]

In the predominantly Protestant east of the city, an Orange parade had also taken place along the Newtownards Road. At the bottom of the road is the Catholic enclave of the Short Strand, and here there would be a gun battle between the IRA and Protestants, though the cause of it was disputed by both sides.[12]

Battle

Violence erupted at St Matthew's Catholic church on the evening of 27 June. It began after a loyalist band and supporters marched through the area on their return from the main parade. Rival groups gathered, taunting led to stone-throwing, and eventually, shots were fired.[14]

As the situation worsened, Catholic residents feared that the gathering crowds of loyalists would attempt to invade the Short Strand and burn them from their homes.[2] Local IRA members retrieved weapons from arms dumps. A young resident, Jim Gibney, recalled: "I saw neighbours, people I knew, coming down the street carrying rifles. I was just dumbstruck by this experience. I'd never seen such a thing before".[15]

The battle began at about 10 pm and would continue for the next five hours.[1][6][8][16] Loyalists began attacking the church and surrounding property with petrol bombs. A small house in the church grounds, where the sexton lived with his family, was set ablaze.[15] A nearby Catholic pub was also looted and burnt.[17]

A small group of IRA members and members of the Citizens' Defence Committee[1][6] took up positions in the church grounds and in adjoining streets. The IRA members were armed with M1 carbines[15] and were led by Billy McKee, commander of the IRA's Belfast Brigade.[7][8][10][16] Also present was Billy Kelly, commander of the Belfast Brigade's 3rd Battalion.[17] The IRA members fired at the loyalists, some of whom were positioned on the roofs opposite.[15] Jim Magee, a local loyalist, said he saw wounded people lying on the road and asked the police (RUC) for help. According to Magee, "[they] said 'if you have anything, get it out and protect your people'. So we got an old rifle and went into Frazer Street and started firing back".[18]

The security forces were deployed in the area at the time but did not intervene to end the fighting. Shortly after the shooting began, Stormont MP Paddy Kennedy went with Short Strand residents to the local RUC base and demanded protection for their homes.[1] Across the River Lagan, in the Markets area, other IRA members assembled and prepared to reinforce the Short Strand should it be invaded.[15] British soldiers eventually arrived in armoured vehicles and cordoned off the roads around the Short Strand, which denied the IRA "any hope of reinforcement".[17] At the time, the British Army said that its soldiers fired no shots because "owing to the confused situation, it was impossible to identify targets".[18] British Army Colonel Mike Dewar later said: "The whole incident had taken its course because the Army was so chronically overstretched that night in Belfast. The one spare platoon in the whole of west Belfast was not able to get through rioting Protestants to the Short Strand".[1][19] Journalist Tony Geraghty wrote that sometimes "The gunfire eased long enough to allow an occasional British Army personnel carrier (a 'Pig') to whine past, illuminated by the flames in a token gesture of law-and-order".[17] Another journalist who witnessed the battle, Peter Taylor, later said:

The shooting intensified but the soldiers still declined to intervene and separate the two sides – either because they felt they were not numerically strong enough or because they did not wish to get caught up in the middle of a sectarian fight, in the darkness, with shots being fired by both sides.[1]

Liz Maskey, who was a volunteer nurse that night, said that the Short Strand was surrounded by loyalists and claimed they attacked her ambulance as it tried to leave the area.[1]

The loyalists withdrew after about five hours, as dawn broke. IRA leader Billy McKee claimed that his unit had fired 800 rounds during the battle.[1][8]

Casualties

Three people were killed in the fighting. At least 26 were wounded[18]—including Billy McKee,[6][7][10] who was shot five times.[1][8]

  • Robert Neill, a 38-year-old Protestant,[20] died instantly when a shot fired from the church bounced off the pavement and hit him in the spine.[1]
  • James McCurrie, a 34-year-old Protestant, was shot dead on Beechfield Street.[20]
  • Henry McIlhone, a 33-year-old Catholic, was helping to defend Short Strand[6][10] when he was accidentally shot from the republican side.[8][20] He died on 29 June. However, McKee maintains that McIlhone was shot by loyalists.[1][6] Tírghrá, the IRA's official list of its fallen, lists McIlhone as a "volunteer" but adds "although not a member of the IRA, Henry McIlhone was included in the republican roll of honour as a mark of respect for this great Irishman by republican comrades he fought alongside".[8]

Aftermath

Republicans and loyalists disagree over who started the violence and fired the first shots. Republicans claim that the violence was started by a mob of loyalists returning from an Orange march.[16][21] They say that the loyalists tried to set the church alight[6][7][8] and invade Short Strand, with the intention of burning the residents from their homes.[16] Hence, republicans argue that they were defending the Short Strand from a loyalist attack.[1] Loyalists claim the violence was begun by republicans;[7] allegedly when the returning Orangemen and supporters were attacked on Newtownards Road.[1] They argue that republicans attacked Protestants to lure them into "a carefully prepared trap".[1][15]

The following day, loyalists expelled 500 Catholic workers from the nearby Harland and Wolff shipyard.[1][2] Shortly after, the British government's representative at Stormont[who?] said that the decision to allow Orange marches to go ahead on that day was "the greatest single miscalculation I have ever seen made in the course of my life".[1]

Many Catholics and nationalists believed that the IRA had been unable to defend them during the August 1969 riots. However, it is argued that the IRA's defence of Short Strand redeemed it in the eyes of many Catholics and nationalists.[7][9] Prior to the gun battle, the IRA had been waiting for an opportunity to portray themselves as defenders of the Catholic community.[12] Among republicans, the battle is seen as a key event in the growth of the Provisional IRA.[9]

Less than a week later, the British Army seized a large haul of Official IRA weapons during a three-day operation in west Belfast. Nationalists saw this as a confiscation of their defences.[10]

See also

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Barry McCaffrey (25 June 2010). "Battle of Short Strand". The Irish News. pp. 14–17.
  2. ^ a b c d e CAIN – Chronology of the Conflict – June 1970 (see "deaths" link for information on fatalities)
  3. ^ Harvey, Dan (2018). Soldiering Against Subversion: The Irish Defence Forces and Internal Security During the Troubles, 1969–1998. Merrion Press. ISBN 978-1-78537-187-5.
  4. ^ Patrick Bishop & Eamonn Mallie. The Provisional IRA. Corgi, 1987. p.103
  5. ^ Coogan, Tim Pat. The Troubles: Ireland's Ordeal and the Search for Peace. Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. p.91
  6. ^ a b c d e f g English, Richard (2004). Armed struggle: the history of the IRA. Oxford University Press US. pp. 134–135.
  7. ^ a b c d e f Shanahan, Timothy (2009). The Provisional Irish Republican Army and the morality of terrorism. Edinburgh University Press. pp. 24–25.
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h Liam Clarke (24 May 2009). "'Loyalist victim' was shot by IRA crossfire". The Times. London. Retrieved 17 June 2022.
  9. ^ a b c David McKittrick (5 June 2002). "Reid talks to republican and loyalist leaders in bid to stop Belfast rioting". The Independent. London. Retrieved 17 June 2022.
  10. ^ a b c d e White, Robert William (1993). Provisional Irish republicans: an oral and interpretive history. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 80.
  11. ^ Mulvenna, Gareth. Tartan Gangs and Paramilitaries: The Loyalist Backlash. Oxford University Press, 2016. pp.69-70
  12. ^ a b c d e McKittrick, David. Lost Lives: The Stories of the Men, Women and Children who Died as a Result of the Northern Ireland Troubles. Random House, 2001. pp.49, 50
  13. ^ Bardon, Jonathan. A History of Ulster. Black Staff Press, 2001. p.678. ISBN 0-85640-764-X
  14. ^ Northern Ireland: A report on the conflict by the London Sunday Times Insight Team. Penguin Books, 1972. p.209
  15. ^ a b c d e f Hennessey, Thomas. The evolution of the Troubles, 1970–72. Irish Academic Press, 2007. pp.33–35
  16. ^ a b c d "Remembering the past: the Battle of St Matthew's". An Phoblacht. 28 June 2007. Archived from the original on 30 June 2007.
  17. ^ a b c d Geraghty, Tony. The Irish War: The Hidden Conflict Between the IRA and British Intelligence. JHU Press, 1998. pp.31–32
  18. ^ a b c "Victims' families in quest for the truth". Belfast News Letter. 1 June 2010.[dead link]
  19. ^ McKittrick, p.50
  20. ^ a b c CAIN – Sutton Index of Deaths – 1970
  21. ^ Michael Norby. "Northern Ireland conflict photographer to give 'Peacelines' presentation". The Irish Emigrant. Archived from the original on 13 July 2011. Retrieved 25 June 2010.
This page was last edited on 18 November 2023, at 10:06
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