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Aleksandr Dugin

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Aleksandr Gelyevich Dugin (Russian: Алекса́ндр Ге́льевич Ду́гин; born 7 January 1962) is a Russian political analyst and strategist known for his fascist views.[5][6][7][8]

He has close ties with the Kremlin and the Russian military,[9][10] having served as an advisor to State Duma speaker Gennadiy Seleznyov[11] and a leading member of the ruling United Russia party Sergei Naryshkin.[12] Dugin was the main organizer of the National Bolshevik Party, National Bolshevik Front, and Eurasia Party. He is the author of more than 30 books, among them Foundations of Geopolitics (1997) and The Fourth Political Theory (2009).

Early life and education

Dugin was born in Moscow, into the family of a colonel-general in the Soviet military intelligence and candidate of law, Geliy Alexandrovich Dugin, and his wife Galina, a doctor and candidate of medicine.[13] His father left the family when he was three, but did ensure that they had a good standard of living and helped Dugin out of trouble with the authorities on occasion.[14] He was transferred to the customs service due to his son's behaviour in 1983.[15] In 1979, Aleksandr entered the Moscow Aviation Institute, but did not graduate, and had to undertake a correspondence course at a different college.[16]

In 1980, Dugin joined the 'Yuzhinsky group', an avant-garde dissident group which dabbled in Satanism and other forms of the occult.[17][18] In the group, he was known for his embrace of Nazism.[19] He adopted an alter ego with the name of 'Hans Siever', a reference to Wolfram Sievers, a Nazi researcher of the paranormal.[20] Studying by himself, he learnt to speak Italian, German, French and English;[21] he also speaks Spanish.[22] He also discovered the writings of Julius Evola in the V. I. Lenin State Library, and adopted the beliefs of the Traditionalist School.[23]

Career and political views

Early activism

In the 1980s, Dugin was a dissident[24] and an anti-communist.[25] Dugin worked as a journalist before becoming involved in politics just before the fall of communism. In 1988, he and his friend Geydar Dzhemal joined the nationalist group Pamyat, which would later give rise to Russian fascism.[26] He helped to write the political program for the newly refounded Communist Party of the Russian Federation under the leadership of Gennady Zyuganov.[9]

Publishing career

Dugin published Foundations of Geopolitics in 1997; this work has been used as a textbook in the Academy of the General Staff of the Russian military, and alarms political scientists in the US,[27] sometimes referenced by them as "Russia's Manifest Destiny".[28] Also in 1997, his article, "Fascism – Borderless and Red", proclaimed the arrival of a "genuine, true, radically revolutionary and consistent, fascist fascism" in Russia. He believes that it was "by no means the racist and chauvinist aspects of National Socialism that determined the nature of its ideology. The excesses of this ideology in Germany are a matter exclusively of the Germans ... while Russian fascism is a combination of natural national conservatism with a passionate desire for true changes."[29] "Waffen-SS and especially the scientific sector of this organization, Ahnenerbe," was "an intellectual oasis in the framework of the National Socialist regime", according to him."[29]

Dugin soon began publishing his own journal entitled Elementy, which initially began by praising Franco-Belgian Jean-François Thiriart, belatedly a supporter of a "Euro-Soviet empire which would stretch from Dublin to Vladivostok and would also need to expand to the south, since it require(s) a port on the Indian Ocean."[30] Consistently glorifying both Tsarist and Stalinist Russia, Elementy also indicated his admiration for Julius Evola. Dugin also collaborated with the weekly journal Den (The Day), previously directed by Alexander Prokhanov.[9]

Ideology

Dugin disapproves of liberalism and the West, particularly US hegemony.[31] He asserts that "We are on the side of Stalin and the Soviet Union".[32] He calls himself a conservative: "We, conservatives, want a strong, solid State, want order and healthy family, positive values, the reinforcing of the importance of religion and the Church in society". He adds: "We want patriotic radio, TV, patriotic experts, patriotic clubs. We want the media that expresses national interests".[33] According to Marlene Laruelle, the thinking of Dugin, main manufacturer of a fascism à-la-russe, could be described as a series of concentric circles, with far-right ideologies underpinned by different political and philosophical traditions (Esoteric Nazism, Traditionalism/Perennialism, the German Conservative Revolution and the European New Right) at its backbone.[34]

Dugin supports Martin Heidegger's thought, notably the geo–philosophical concept of Dasein.[35] According to Dugin, the forces of liberal and capitalist Western civilization represent what the ancient Greeks called ὕβρις (hubris), "the essential form of titanism" (the anti-ideal form), which opposes Heaven ("the ideal form—in terms of space, time, being"). In other words, the West would summarize "the revolt of the Earth against Heaven". To what he calls the West's "atomizing" universalism, Dugin contrasts an apophatic universalism, expressed in the political idea of "empire".[35] Values of democracy, human rights, individualism, etc are considered by him not to be universal but uniquely Western.[36]

In 2019, Dugin engaged in a debate with French intellectual Bernard-Henri Lévy on the theme of what has been called "the crisis of capitalism" and the insurrection of nationalist populisms.[37]

Eurasianism, fascism, and views on geopolitics

Dugin has espoused fascist views,[38][39][40][41] and has theorized the foundation of a "Euro-Asian empire" capable of fighting the US-led Western world.[38][39][42] In this regard, he was the organizer and the first leader of the National Bolshevik Party from 1993 to 1998 (along Eduard Limonov) and, subsequently, of the National Bolshevik Front and of the Eurasia Party, which then became a non-governmental association. Dugin's Eurasitic ideology therefore aims at the unification of all Russian-speaking peoples in a single country through the forced territorial dismemberment of the former republics of the Soviet Union.[43][44]

In the early 1990s Dugin's work at the National Bolshevik Front included research into the roots of national movements and the activities of supporting esoteric groups in the first half of the 20th century. Partnering Christian Bouchet,[45][46] a then-member of the French OTO, and building on the national-fascist and migratory-integrative interest groups in Asia and Europe, they contribute in bringing international politics closer to Russia's Eurasian geopolitical concept.

Dugin spent two years studying the geopolitical, semiotic and esoteric theories of the controversial German scholar Herman Wirth (1885-1981), one of the founders of the German Ahnenerbe. This resulted in book Hyperborean Theory (1993), in which Dugin largely endorsed Wirths ideas as a possible foundation for his Eurasianism.[47] Apparently, this is "one of the most extensive summaries and treatments of Wirth in any language".[48] According to the Moldavian anthropologist Leonid Mosionjnik Wirths overtly wild ideas fitted perfectly well in the ideological void after the demise of communism, liberalism and democracy.[49] Dugin also promoted the legend that Wirth had written an important book on the history of the Jewish People and the Old Testament, the so-called Palestinabuch, which could have changed the world had it not been stolen.[50]

Dugin's ideas, particularly those on "a Turkic-Slavic alliance in the Eurasian sphere" have begun to receive attention among certain nationalistic circles in Turkey, most notably among alleged members of the Ergenekon network, which is the subject of a high-profile trial (on charges of conspiracy).[citation needed] Dugin's Eurasianist ideology has also been linked to his adherence to the doctrines of the Traditionalist School. (Dugin's Traditionalist beliefs are the subject of a book length study by J. Heiser, The American Empire Should Be Destroyed—Aleksandr Dugin and the Perils of Immanentized Eschatology.[51]) Dugin also advocates for a Russo-Arab alliance.[52]

In principle, Eurasia and our space, the heartland Russia, remain the staging area of a new anti-bourgeois, anti-American revolution ... The new Eurasian empire will be constructed on the fundamental principle of the common enemy: the rejection of Atlanticism, strategic control of the USA, and the refusal to allow liberal values to dominate us. This common civilizational impulse will be the basis of a political and strategic union.

The reborn Russia, according to Dugin's concept, is said by Charles Clover of the Financial Times to be a slightly remade version of the Soviet Union with echoes of Nineteen Eighty-Four by George Orwell, where Eurasia was one of three continent-sized super states including Eastasia and Oceania as the other two and was participating in endless war between them.[24] In the Eurasian public discourse sphere, the totalitarian communist policy deployed in over three decades of works by various international groups that are part of the movement, is "a version of reintegration of the post-Soviet space into a "Eurasian" sphere of influence for Russia".[53] The North American program "works with a wide range of partners from all sectors of civil society" and "is advanced through grant making, advocacy and research, regional initiatives, and close engagement".[54]

Russian Orthodoxy and Rodnovery

Dugin was baptized at the age of six in the Russian Orthodox church of Michurinsk by his great-grandmother Elena Mikhailovna Kargaltseva. Since 1999, he formally embraced a branch of the Old Believers, a Russian religious movement which rejected the 1652–1666 reforms of the official Russian Orthodox Church.[55] Dugin's Eurasian philosophy owes much to Traditional Integralism and Nouvelle Droite movements, and as such it resonates with Neopaganism,[56] a category which in this context means the movement of Slavic Native Faith (Rodnovery), especially in the forms of Anastasianism and Ynglism. Dugin's Eurasianism is often cited as belonging to the same spectrum of these movements,[57] as well as also having influences from Hermetic, Gnostic and Eastern traditions.[58] He himself calls to rely upon "Eastern theology and mystical currents" for the development of the Fourth Political Theory.[59]

According to Marlene Laruelle, Dugin's adherence to the Old Believers allows him to stand between Paganism and Orthodox Christianity without formally adopting either of them. His choice is not paradoxical, since, according to him—in the wake of René Guénon—Russian Orthodoxy and especially the Old Believers have preserved an esoteric and initiatory character which was utterly lost in Western Christianity. As such, the Russian Orthodox tradition may be merged with Neopaganism and may host "Neopaganism's nationalist force, which anchors it in the Russian soil, and separates it from the two other Christian confessions".[55]

Political parties

Eurasia Party

The Eurasia Party, which advances neo-Eurasianist ideas, was launched in April 2001. Dugin was reported as the group's founder. He said the movement would stress cultural diversity in Russian politics, and oppose "American style globalisation, and would also resist a return to communism and nationalism." It was officially recognized by the Ministry of Justice on 31 May 2001.[9] The Eurasia Party claims support in some military circles and by leaders of the Orthodox Christian faith in Russia, and the party hopes to play a key role in attempts to resolve the Chechen problem, with the objective of setting the stage for Dugin's objective of a Russian strategic alliance with European and Middle Eastern states, primarily Iran.

Aleksandr Dugin is seen at the International Conference "New Horizon" in May 2018 in Mashhad, Iran
Aleksandr Dugin is seen at the International Conference "New Horizon" in May 2018 in Mashhad, Iran

In 2005, Dugin founded the Eurasian Youth Union of Russia as the youth wing of the International Eurasia Movement.[60]

National Bolshevik Party

In 1992, Eduard Limonov founded the National Bolshevik Front (NBF) as an amalgamation of six minor groups.[61] Aleksandr Dugin was among the earliest members and was instrumental in convincing Limonov to enter politics, and signed the a declaration of the founding of the party in 1993.[62] The party first attracted attention in 1992 when two members were arrested for possessing grenades. The incident gave the NBP publicity for a boycott campaign they were organizing against Western goods.[63] The NBF joined forces with the National Salvation Front (a broad coalition of Russian communists and nationalists).[64] In 1998, Dugin left the NBP as a result of a conflict with other members of the party.[65] This led to the party moving further left in Russia's political spectrum, and lead to members of the party denouncing Dugin and his group as fascists.[66]

Stance on Ukraine and role in Russian politics

Dugin supports Putin and his foreign policies but has opposed the Russian government's economic policies. His 2007 quote, "There are no more opponents of Putin's course and, if there are, they are mentally ill and need to be sent off for clinical examination. Putin is everywhere, Putin is everything, Putin is absolute, and Putin is indispensable" – was voted number two in flattery by readers of Kommersant.[67]

In the Kremlin, Dugin represents the "war party", a division within the leadership over Ukraine.[68] Dugin is an author of Putin's initiative for the annexation of Crimea by Russia.[69] He considered the war between Russia and Ukraine to be inevitable and appealed for Putin to start military intervention in eastern Ukraine.[69] Dugin said: "The Russian Renaissance can only stop by Kiev."[70] During the 2014 pro-Russian conflict in Ukraine, Dugin was in regular contact with pro-Russian separatist insurgents.[71] He described his position as "unconditionally pro-DPR and pro-LPR".[72] A Skype video call posted on YouTube showed Dugin providing instructions to separatists of South and Eastern Ukraine as well as advising Ekaterina Gubareva, whose husband Pavel Gubarev declared himself a local governor and after that was arrested by the Security Service of Ukraine.[60] On 31 March 2014, Oleg Bahtiyarov, a member of the Eurasia Youth Union of Russia founded by Dugin, was arrested.[60] He had trained a group of about 200 people to seize parliament and another government building, according to the Security Service of Ukraine.[60]

Dugin stated he was disappointed in Russian President Vladimir Putin, saying that Putin did not aid the pro-Russian insurgents in Ukraine after the Ukrainian Army's early July 2014 offensive.[71] In August 2014, Dugin called for a "genocide" of Ukrainians.[73]

Halya Coynash of the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group said that the influence of Dugin's "Eurasian ideology" on events in eastern Ukraine and on Russia's invasion of the Crimea was beyond any doubt.[74] According to Vincent Jauvert, Dugin's radical ideology today became the basis for the internal and foreign policy of the Russian authorities.[75] "So Dugin is worth listening to, in order to understand to which fate the Kremlin is leading its country and the whole of Europe."[75]

He has criticized the "Euro-Atlantic involvement" in the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election as a scheme to create a "cordon sanitaire" around Russia, much like the French and British attempt post-World War I.[citation needed]

Ukraine gave Dugin a five-year entry ban, starting in June 2006,[76] and Kiev declared him a persona non grata in 2007.[77] His Eurasian Youth Union was banned in Ukraine.[76] In 2007, the Security Service of Ukraine identified persons of the Eurasian Youth Union who committed vandalism on Hoverla in 2007: they climbed up the mountain of Hoverla, imitated sawing down the details of the construction in the form of the small coat of arms of Ukraine by tools brought with them and painted the emblem of the Eurasian Youth Union on the memorial symbol of the Constitution of Ukraine.[76] He was deported back to Russia when he arrived at Simferopol International Airport in June 2007.[78]

Before war broke out between Russia and Georgia in 2008, Dugin visited South Ossetia and predicted, "Our troops will occupy the Georgian capital Tbilisi, the entire country, and perhaps even Ukraine and the Crimean Peninsula, which is historically part of Russia, anyway."[79] Afterwards he said Russia should "not stop at liberating South Ossetia but should move further," and "we have to do something similar in Ukraine."[80] In 2008, Dugin stated that Russia should repeat the Georgian scenario in Ukraine, namely attack it.[81] In September 2008, after the Russian-Georgian war, he did not hide his anger towards Putin, who "dared not drop the other shoe" and "restore the Empire."[75]

On 10 October 2014, Dugin said, "Only after restoring the Greater Russia that is the Eurasian Union, we can become a credible global player. Now these processes slowed down very much. The Ukrainian maidan was the response of the West to the advance of the Russian integration."[82] He described the Euromaidan as a coup d'état carried out not by the Ukrainians but by the United States: "America wishes to wage the war against Russia not by its own hands but by the hands of the Ukrainians. Promising to wink at up to 10 thousand victims among the peaceful population of Ukraine and actually demanding the victims, the United States led to this war. The United States carried out the coup d'état during the maidan for the purpose of this war. The United States raised neo-Nazis Russophobes to the power for the purpose of this war."[83] Dugin said Russia is the major driving force for the current events in Ukraine, "Russia insists on its sovereignty, its liberty, responds to challenges thrown down to it, for example, in Ukraine. Russia is attempting to integrate the post-Soviet space ..."[82] As Israeli political scientist Vyacheslav Likhachov states, "If one seriously takes the fact that such a person as Alexander Dugin is the ideologist of the imperial dash for the West, then one can establish that Russia is not going to stop as far as the Atlantic Ocean."[84]

In the 2014 article by Dmitry Bykov "Why TV, Alexander Dugin and Galina Pyshnyak crucified a boy", Channel One Russia's use of the aired story by Dugin and Pyshnyak about the allegedly crucified boy as a pretext for escalating the conflict was compared to the case of Beilis.[85] On 9 July 2014, Dugin on his Facebook account wrote a story that a 6-year-old child was allegedly nailed down to an advertisement board and shot to death before his father's eyes.[86] On 16 July 2014, Novaya Gazeta provided a videotape of its correspondent Eugen Feldman walking along the main square in Sloviansk, asking local old women if they had heard of the murder of the child. They said such an event did not take place.[86] The website Change.org hosted a petition of citizens who demanded "a comprehensive investigation with identification for all persons involved in the fabrication of the plot."[86]

On 2 October 2014, Dugin described the situation in Donbass: "The humanitarian crisis has long since been raging on the territory of Novorossiya. Already up to a million, if not more, refugees are in the Russian Federation. A large part of the inhabitants of the DPR and the LPR simply moved abroad."[87] In the end of October 2014, Dugin advised the separatists to establish dictatorship in Novorossiya until they win in the confrontation.[88]

Relationships with radical groups in other countries

Dugin made contact with the French far-right thinker Alain de Benoist in 1990.[89] Around the same time he also met the Belgian Jean-François Thiriart and Yves Lacoste.[90] In 1992 he invited some of the European far-right figures he had met into Russia.[91] He has also has brought members of Jobbik and Golden Dawn to Russia in order to strengthen their ties to the country.[92] According to the book War for Eternity by Benjamin R. Teitelbaum, Dugin met Steve Bannon in Rome in 2018 to discuss Russia's geopolitical relationships with the United States and China, as well as Traditionalist philosophy.[93] Dugin also developed links with far-right and far-left political parties in the European Union, including Syriza in Greece, Ataka in Bulgaria, the Freedom Party of Austria, and Front National in France, to influence EU policy on Ukraine and Russia.[73][94][95][96] Dugin is also closely aligned with Israeli journalist Avigdor Eskin, who previously served on the board of Dugin's Eurasia Party.[97]

Fifth column

The typical rhetoric about the fifth column as foreign agents is used by Dugin for political accusations in many publications. In his 2014 interview published by Vzglyad and Komsomolskaya Pravda, he says, "A huge struggle is being conducted. And, of course, Europe has its own fifth column, its own Bolotnaya Square-minded people. And if we have them sitting idly and doing nasty things on Dozhd, Europe is indeed dominated and ruled by the fifth column in full swing. This is the same American riffraff."[98][99] He sees the United States standing behind all the scenes, including the Russian fifth column, according to his statement, "The danger of our fifth column is not that they are strong, they are absolutely paltry, but that they are hired by the greatest 'godfather' of the modern world—by the United States. That is why they are effective, they work, they are listened to, they get away with anything because they have the world power standing behind them."[98][99] He sees the US embassy as the center for funding and guiding the fifth column and asserts, "We know that the fifth column receives money and instructions from the American embassy."[87]

According to Dugin, the fifth column promoted the breakup of the Soviet Union as a land continental construction, seized power under Boris Yeltsin, and headed Russia as the ruling politico-economic and cultural elite until the 2000s; the fifth column is the regime of liberal reformers of the 1990s and includes former Russian oligarchs Vladimir Gusinsky, Boris Berezovsky, former government officials Mikhail Kasyanov, Boris Nemtsov, Vladimir Ryzhkov, artistic, cultural, and media workers,[100] the Echo of Moscow, the Russian State University for the Humanities, the highest ranks of the National Research University Higher School of Economics, a significant part of teachers of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, and a minority part of teachers of the Moscow State University.[101] Dugin proposes to deprive the fifth column of Russian citizenship and deport the group from Russia: "I believe it is necessary to deport the fifth column and deprive them of their citizenship."[102] However, in 2007, Dugin argued, "There are no longer opponents of Putin's policy, and if there are, they are mentally ill and should be sent to prophylactic health examination."[103][104] In 2014, Dugin in an interview to Der Spiegel confirmed that he considers the opponents of Putin to be mentally ill.[25]

In one of his publications, Dugin introduced the term the sixth column and defined it as "the fifth column which just pretends to be something different",[100] those who are in favor of Putin, but demand that he stand for liberal values (as opposed to the liberal fifth column, which is specifically against Putin). During the 2014 Russian military intervention in Ukraine, Dugin said that all the Russian sixth column stood up staunchly for Ukrainian oligarch Rinat Akhmetov.[70] As he asserts, "We need to struggle against the fifth and sixth columns."[82]

Russian-American artist Mihail Chemiakin says Dugin is inventing "the sixth column". "Soon, probably, there would already be the seventh one as well. "The fifth column" is understandable. That is we, intelligentsia, lousy, dirty, who read Camus. And "the sixth column", in his opinion, is more dangerous, because that is the personal entourage of Vladimir Putin. But he is naive and understands nothing. And as for Dugin, he can tell him who to shoot to death and who to imprison. Maybe, Kudrin and maybe, Medvedev ..."[105]

According to Dugin, the whole Internet should be banned: "I think that Internet as such, as a phenomenon is worth prohibiting because it gives nobody anything good."[106] In June 2012, Dugin said in a lecture that chemistry and physics are demonic sciences, and that all Orthodox Russians need to unite around the president of Russia in the last battle between good and evil, following the example of Iran and North Korea.[107] He added: "If we want to liberate ourselves from the West, it is needed to liberate ourselves from textbooks on physics and chemistry."[107]

Dugin has characterized his position on the Ukrainian conflict as "firm opposition to the Junta and Ukrainian Nazism that are annihilating peaceful civilians" as well as rejection of liberalism and US hegemony.[72]

Loss of departmental headship

[clarification needed]

During the conflict in Ukraine, Dugin also lost the offered post Head of the Department of Sociology of International Relations of the Faculty of Sociology of the Moscow State University (while being Deputy Head since 2009).[71][108] In 2014, a petition entitled "We demand the dismissal of MSU Faculty of Sociology Professor A. G. Dugin!" was signed by over 10,000 people and sent to the MSU rector Viktor Sadovnichiy.[109] The petition was started after Dugin's interview in which he said in relation to pro-Russian activists burned in a building in Odessa on May 2, 2014: ("But what we see on May 2nd is beyond any limits. Kill them, kill them, kill them. There should not be any more conversations. As a professor, I consider it so.". While he was talking about "those who perpetrated lawlessness on May 2nd",[110] media interpreted this as a call to kill Ukrainians.[111] Dugin claimed to have been fired from this post; the university claimed the offer of the position of the department head resulted from a technical error and therefore cancelled, and that he would remain a professor and deputy department head under contract until September 2014.[71] Dugin wrote the statement of resignation from the faculty staff to be reappointed to the Moscow State University staff due to the offered position of department head, but since the appointment was cancelled he was no longer a staff member of the faculty nor a staff member of the Moscow State University (the two staff memberships are formally different at the MSU).[31]

Chief Editorship of Tsargrad TV

Dugin was named Chief Editor of Tsargrad TV by Konstantin Malofeev soon after the TV station's founding.[112]

Sanctions

On 11 March 2015, the United States Department of the Treasury added Dugin to its list of Russian citizens who are sanctioned as a result of their involvement in the Ukrainian crisis; his Eurasian Youth Union was targeted too.[113] In June 2015, Canada added Dugin to its list of sanctioned individuals.[114]

Dugin's works

Several of Dugin's books have been published by the publishing house Arktos Media, an English-language publisher for Traditionalist and New Right books.[115][116]

  • Political Platonism, Arktos (2019)
  • Ethnos and Society, Arktos (2018)
  • Konflikte der Zukunft - Die Rückkehr der Geopolitik, Bonus (2015)
  • Noomahia: voiny uma. Tri Logosa: Apollon, Dionis, Kibela, Akademicheskii proekt (2014)
  • Yetnosociologiya, Akademicheskii proekt (2014)
    • Ethnosociology, Arktos (2019)
  • Martin Hajdegger: filosofija drugogo Nachala, Akademicheskii proekt (2013)
    • Martin Heidegger: The Philosophy of Another Beginning, Washington Summit (2014)
  • V poiskah tiomnogo Logosa, Akademicheskii proekt (2013)
  • Geopolitika Rossii, Gaudeamus (2012)
    • Last War of the World-Island: The Geopolitics of Contemporary Russia, Arktos (2015)
  • Putin protiv Putina, Yauza (2012)
    • Putin vs Putin, Arktos (2014)
  • The United States and the New World Order (debate with Olavo de Carvalho), VIDE Editorial (2012)
  • Chetvertaya Politicheskaya Teoriya, Amfora (2009)
  • Evrazijskaja missija, Eurasia (2005)
    • Eurasian Mission: An Introduction to Neo-Eurasianism, Arktos (2014)
  • Pop-kultura i znaki vremeni, Amphora (2005)
  • Filosofiya voiny, Yauza (2004)
  • Absoliutnaia rodina, Arktogeia-tsentr (1999)
  • Tampliery proletariata: natsional-bol'shevizm i initsiatsiia, Arktogeia (1997)
  • Osnovy geopolitiki: geopoliticheskoe budushchee Rossii, Arktogeia (1997)
  • Metafizika blagoi vesti: Pravoslavnyi ezoterizm, Arktogeia (1996)
  • Misterii Evrazii, Arktogeia (1996)
  • Konservativnaia revoliutsiia, Arktogeia (1994)
  • Konspirologiya (1993)

See also

References

  1. ^ Борис Исаев (2005). Геополитика: Учебное пособие (in Russian). Издательский дом "Питер". p. 329. ISBN 978-5469006510.
  2. ^ Lukic, Rénéo; Brint, Michael, eds. (2001). Culture, politics, and nationalism in the age of globalization. Ashgate. p. 103. ISBN 9780754614364. Retrieved 12 October 2015. Dugin defines 'thalassocracy' as 'power exercised thanks to the sea,' opposed to 'tellurocracy' or 'power exercised thanks to the land' .... The 'thalassocracy' here is the United States and its allies; the 'tellurocracy' is Eurasia.
  3. ^ "Alexander Dugin's "The Fourth Political Theory"". 4pt.su. 24 July 2013.
  4. ^ "Dugin's Occult Fascism and the Hijacking of Left Anti-Imperialism and Muslim Anti-Salafism". 10 February 2016.
  5. ^ In a 1999 interview for a Polish "Fronda" Dugin explains: "In Russian Orthodox christianity a person is a part of the Church, part of the collective organism, just like a leg. So how can a person be responsible for himself? Can a leg be responsible for itself? Here is where the idea of state, total state originates from. Also because of this, Russians, since they are Orthodox, can be the true fascists, unlike artificial Italian fascists: of Gentile type or their Hegelians. The true Hegelianism is Ivan Peresvetov – the man who in 16th century invented the oprichnina for Ivan the Terrible. He was the true creator of Russian fascism. He created the idea that state is everything and an individual is nothing". Source: "Czekam na Iwana Groźnego" [I'm waiting for Ivan the Terrible]. 11/12 (in Polish). Fronda. 1999. p. 133. Retrieved 23 February 2015..
  6. ^ Shekhovtsov, Anton (2008). "The Palingenetic Thrust of Russian Neo-Eurasianism: Ideas of Rebirth in Aleksandr Dugin's Worldview". Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions. 9 (4): 491–506. doi:10.1080/14690760802436142. S2CID 144301027.
  7. ^ Shekhovtsov, Anton (2009). "Aleksandr Dugin's Neo-Eurasianism: The New Right à la Russe". Religion Compass: Political Religions. 3 (4): 697–716. doi:10.1111/j.1749-8171.2009.00158.x.
  8. ^ Ingram, Alan (November 2001). "Alexander Dugin: geopolitics and neo-fascism in post-Soviet Russia". Political Geography. 20 (8): 1029–1051. doi:10.1016/S0962-6298(01)00043-9.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
  9. ^ a b c d John Dunlop (January 2004). "Aleksandr Dugin's Foundations of Geopolitics". Demokratizatsiya. 12 (1): 41. Archived from the original on 11 May 2014.
  10. ^ Dawid Madejski (2009). "Mongolian Prince's kiss. Aleksander Dugin's Eurasian Imperium of Russia". Geopolityka. 1 (2): 87–100.
  11. ^ Eurasian Mission: An Introduction to Neo-Eurasianism, Arktos (2014) p.26
  12. ^ Shaun Walker (23 March 2014). "Ukraine and Crimea: what is Putin thinking?". The Guardian.
  13. ^ Доктор Дугин (in Russian). Литературная Россия. Archived from the original on 22 October 2012. Retrieved 18 March 2012.
  14. ^ Clover, Charles (26 April 2016). Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia's New Nationalism. Yale University Press. pp. 234–235. ISBN 978-0-300-22394-1. Dugin, who left Alexander's mother when his son was three. While Dugin had very little contact with the man after that, it does appear that his father loomed large in his life. Dugin has been vague in various interviews about his father's profession. He told me and others that Geli was a general in military intelligence (the GRU). But when pressed, he admitted he didn't actually know for a fact what he did. 'At the end of his life he worked for the customs police, but where he worked before that – he did not tell me. That I do not really know.' Dugin's friends, however, are adamant that his father must have been someone of rank within the Soviet system. For starters, the family had the accoutrements of prestige – a nice dacha, relatives with nice dachas, and access to opportunities. According to Dugin's close friend and collaborator Gaidar Dzhemal, Geli Dugin had, on more than one occasion, intervened from a high-ranking position in the Soviet state to get his son out of trouble.
  15. ^ Clover, Charles (26 April 2016). Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia's New Nationalism. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22394-1. Alexander, Geli was transferred to the customs service after his son's detention in 1983 by the KGB.
  16. ^ «Континент»№ 21(83)- 22(84),2002 р.
  17. ^ Teitelbaum, Benjamin R. (21 April 2020). War for Eternity: The Return of Traditionalism and the Rise of the Populist Right. Penguin Books Limited. p. 41. ISBN 978-0-14-199204-4.
  18. ^ Clover, Charles (26 April 2016). Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia's New Nationalism. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22394-1. The Yuzhinsky circle gained a reputation for Satanism, for séances, a devotion to all things esoteric – mysticism, hypnotism, Ouija boards, Sufism, trances, pentagrams and so forth
  19. ^ Clover, Charles (26 April 2016). Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia's New Nationalism. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22394-1. Dugin is very forthright about his early Nazi antics, which he says were more about his total rebellion against a stifling Soviet upbringing than any real sympathy for Hitler. Still, virtually everyone who remembers Dugin from his early years brings it up.
  20. ^ Clover, Charles (26 April 2016). Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia's New Nationalism. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22394-1. before. He adopted the nom de plume 'Hans Sievers', which added a hint of Teutonic severity to an already colourful and fairly camp militaristic–folklore style. The impression he created was, as his later collaborator Eduard Limonov described it, a 'picture of Oscar Wildean ambiguity'. Sievers was not just a stage name: it was a complete persona and alter ego. This was painstakingly composed of as many antisocial elements as its creator could find – a total and malevolent rebellion not just against the Soviet Union, but against convention and public taste as a whole: his namesake, Wolfram Sievers
  21. ^ Clover, Charles (26 April 2016). Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia's New Nationalism. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22394-1. In the evenings he read voraciously, learned to speak Italian, German, French and English, played the guitar and wrote songs.
  22. ^ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1VcjIyUtulc
  23. ^ Teitelbaum, Benjamin R. (21 April 2020). War for Eternity: The Return of Traditionalism and the Rise of the Populist Right. Penguin Books Limited. p. 43. ISBN 978-0-14-199204-4.
  24. ^ a b Charles Clover (5 October 2011). "Putin's grand vision and echoes of '1984'". Financial Times. In Russian: Чарльз Кловер (6 October 2011). Грандиозные планы Путина и отголоски "1984" (in Russian). inoSMI.
  25. ^ a b Christian von Neef (14 July 2014). "Jeder Westler ist ein Rassist". Der Spiegel (in German) (29). In Russian: Кристиан Нееф (16 July 2014). Дугин: На Западе все расисты (in Russian). InoSMI.
  26. ^ Clover, Charles (26 April 2016). Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia's New Nationalism. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22394-1. The KGB's goal, according to Yakovlev, was to allow the dissident movement to 'let off steam', but it quickly lost control of Pamyat. 'From Pamyat there grew a new generation of more extreme Nazi movements. In this way the KGB gave birth to Russian fascism.'
  27. ^ Dunlop, John B. (30 July 2004). "Russia's New—and Frightening—"Ism"". Hoover Institution. Retrieved 12 October 2017.
  28. ^ "The Unlikely Origins of Russia's Manifest Destiny". Foreign Policy. Retrieved 23 October 2017.
  29. ^ a b Andreas Umland (15 April 2008). "Will United Russia become a fascist party?". Hürriyet Daily News.
  30. ^ Allensworth, Wayne (1998). The Russian Question: Nationalism, Modernization and Post-Communist Russia. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. p. 251.
  31. ^ a b Дугин хочет с помощью Путина прояснить свой статус в МГУ (in Russian). BBC Russian Service. 30 June 2014.
  32. ^ Иван Зуев (31 October 2012). Александр Дугин: Уроки религии – это великая победа над русофобами (in Russian). Nakanune.ru.
  33. ^ Дугин (28 September 2012). Мы должны забрать у либералов как минимум половину медийного поля! (in Russian). Nakanune.ru.
  34. ^ Laruelle 2019, pp. 95–96.
  35. ^ a b "Ereticamente intervista Aleksandr Dugin, a cura di Eduardo Zarelli" [Ereticamente interviews Aleksandr Dugin, edited by Eduardo Zarelli]. Ereticamente.net (in Italian). 31 March 2018. Retrieved 27 April 2020.
  36. ^ "Did philosopher Alexander Dugin, aka "Putin's brain," shape the 2016 election?". 5 May 2018.
  37. ^ "Elogio di Bernard-Henri Levy, il filosofo engagé dei nostri tempi oscuri" [Praise to Bernard-Henri Levy, the committed philosopher of our dark times]. Linkiesta (in Italian). 5 November 2019. Retrieved 27 April 2020. A few weeks earlier, the confrontation with Aleksandr Dugin, Russian intellectual and theorist of the Euro-Asian empire.[...] Sometimes he [Lévy] stands as a witness, sometimes he thinks as an activist. Sometimes, and in certain periods more and more, he stands as a bulwark. Against Zemmour and for the Kurds. Against Dugin and for democracy.
  38. ^ a b Shekhovtsov, Anton (2009). "Aleksandr Dugin's Neo-Eurasianism: The New Right à la Russe". Religion Compass: Political Religions. 3 (4): 697–716. doi:10.1111/j.1749-8171.2009.00158.x.
  39. ^ a b Ingram, Alan (November 2001). "Alexander Dugin: geopolitics and neo-fascism in post-Soviet Russia". Political Geography. 20 (8): 1029–1051. doi:10.1016/S0962-6298(01)00043-9.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
  40. ^ Shekhovtsov, Anton (2008). "The Palingenetic Thrust of Russian Neo-Eurasianism: Ideas of Rebirth in Aleksandr Dugin's Worldview". Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions. 9 (4): 491–506. doi:10.1080/14690760802436142. S2CID 144301027.
  41. ^ "Aleksander Dugin: Czekam na Iwana Groźnego" [Aleksander Dugin: I am waiting for Ivan the Terrible]. Fronda (in Polish). 23 February 2015. p. 133. Retrieved 27 April 2020. In Russian Orthodox christianity a person is a part of the Church, part of the collective organism, just like a leg. So how can a person be responsible for himself? Can a leg be responsible for itself? Here is where the idea of state, total state originates from. Also because of this, Russians, since they are Orthodox, can be the true fascists, unlike artificial Italian fascists: of Gentile type or their Hegelians. The true Hegelianism is Ivan Peresvetov – the man who in 16th century invented the oprichnina for Ivan the Terrible. He was the true creator of Russian fascism. He created the idea that state is everything and an individual is nothing.
  42. ^ Stephen Shenfield (2001). Russian Fascism: Traditions, Tendencies, Movements. M. E. Sharpe. p. 195.
  43. ^ Robert Horvath (21 August 2008). "Beware the rise of Russia's new imperialism". The Age. Retrieved 27 April 2020.
  44. ^ "Вопросы к интервью – В ГОСТЯХ:Александр Дугин" [Questions for the interview – GUEST: Alexander Dugin]. Echo of Moscow (in Russian). 8 August 2008. Retrieved 27 April 2020.
  45. ^ The Ordo Templi Orientis Phenomenon. "Mega Therion and his books in the Russian tradition Archived 24 December 2018 at the Wayback Machine". Ordo Templi Orientis. Russia
  46. ^ Fr. Marsyas. "Christian Bouchet's Interview in 1993". Parareligion.ch
  47. ^ Aleksandr G. Dugin, Hyperborean Theory: The Experience of Ariosophical Research (Giperboreiskaia teoriia: Opit ariosofskogo issledovaniia), Moscow 1993. Ibidem, 'Herman Wirth and the Sacred Proto-Language of Humanity: In Search of the Holy Grail of Meanings' (transl. Jafe Arnold), in: Dugin, Philosophy of Traditionalism (Filosofiia Traditsionalizma), Moscow 2002, p. 135-167. Ibidem, 'Herman Wirth's Theory of Civilization' (transl. Jafe Arnold), in: Dugin, Noomakhia: Wars of the Mind, vol. 14: Geosophy – Horizons and Civilizations (Noomakhia: voinii uma, vol. 14: Geosofiia: gorizonti i tsivilizatsii), Moscow 2017, p. 153-157.
  48. ^ Jafe Arnold, Mysteries of Eurasia: The Esoteric Sources of Alexander Dugin and the Yuzhinsky Circle, Research Masters Thesis, Amsterdam 2019, p. 72-73. Cf. Marlene Laruelle, Russian Nationalism: Imaginaries, Doctrines, and Political Battlefields, Abington, Oxon / New York 2019, p. 95-133 (A Textbook Case of Doctrinal Entrepreneurship: Aleksandr Dugin) (download here). Ibidem, 'Alexander Dugin and Eurasianism', in: Mark Sedgwick (red.), Key Thinkers of the Radical Right: Behind the New Threat to Liberal Democracy, Oxford 2019, p. 155-169, 157, 159. Jacob Christiansen Senholt, 'Radical Politics and Political Esotericism: The Adaption of Esoteric Discourse within the Radical Right', in: Egil Asprem, Kennet Granholm (red.), Contemporary Esotericism, Abbington, Oxon / New York 2013, p. 244-264, 252-254. Jafe Arnold, 'Alexander Dugin and Western Esotericism: The Challenge of the Language of Tradition', in: Mondi: Movimenti Simbolici e Sociali dell'Uomo 2 (2019), p. 33-70.
  49. ^ Highly critical of Dugin's enthousiasm for Wirth: Leonid A. Mosionjnik, Technology of the Historical Myth (Tekhnologiya istoricheskogo mifa), Saint Petersburg 2012, p. 95-102 et passim (here for download).
  50. ^ Aleksandr G. Dugin, 'Herman Wirth: In Search of the Holy Grail of Meanings' (German Virt: v poiskakh Sviatogo Graalia smislov) (1998), in: Ibidem, Philosophy of Traditionalism (Filosofiia Traditsionalizma), Moscow 2002, p. 135-167, 162. See also Dugin, 'Runology According to Herman Wirth' (transl. Jafe Arnold), in: Absolute Homeland (Absoliutnaia Rodina), Moscow 1999, p. 489 (Ch. 9). Ibidem, 'Herman Wirth: Runes, Great Yule, and the Arctic Homeland' (transl. Jafe Arnold), Foreword to the 2nd ed. of Hyperborean Theory: Signs of the Great Nord (Znaki Velikogo Norda: Giperboreiskaia teoriia), Moscow 2008, p. 3-20, 17.
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  89. ^ Clover, Charles (26 April 2016). Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia's New Nationalism. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22394-1. Before being introduced to Alexander Dugin in June 1990, the French writer Alain de Benoist had never really gone out of his way to meet Russians, and they had never really gone out of their way to meet him.
  90. ^ Clover, Charles (26 April 2016). Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia's New Nationalism. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22394-1. Another radical Dugin courted was Jean-François Thiriart, an eccentric Belgian optician, who was a proponent of National Bolshevism and a European empire stretching from Vladivostok to Dublin. . . . Dugin also met Yves Lacoste, publisher of Hérodote , a journal devoted to geopolitics, who appears to have been an adviser to various French political figures.
  91. ^ Clover, Charles (26 April 2016). Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia's New Nationalism. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22394-1. Dugin travelled extensively in Europe. He spoke at a colloquium organized by de Benoist, and appeared on Spanish TV and at various conferences. In 1992 he would ultimately invite his new cohort of European far-rightists to Moscow, where they met some of Dugin's new patrons, who – they were surprised to realize – included quite a few military men.
  92. ^ Teitelbaum, Benjamin R. (21 April 2020). War for Eternity: The Return of Traditionalism and the Rise of the Populist Right. Penguin Books Limited. p. 58. ISBN 978-0-14-199204-4.
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Further reading

External links

This page was last edited on 24 November 2020, at 17:04
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