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2010 Louisiana state elections

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  • Reconstruction and 1876: Crash Course US History #22

Transcription

Episode 21: Reconstruction Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course U.S. History and huzzah! The Civil War is over! The slaves are free! Huzzah! That one hit me in the head? It’s very dangerous, Crash Course. So when you say, “Don’t aim at a person,” that includes myself? The roller coaster only goes up from here, my friends. Huzzah! Mr. Green, Mr. Green, what about the epic failure of Reconstruction? Oh, right. Stupid Reconstruction always ruining everything intro So after the Civil War ended, the United States had to reintegrate both a formerly slave population and a formerly rebellious population back into the country, which is a challenge that we might’ve met, except Abraham Lincoln was assassinated and we were left with Andrew “I am the Third Worst President Ever” Johnson. I’m sorry, Abe, but you don’t get to be in the show anymore. So, Lincoln’s whole post-war idea was to facilitate reunion and reconciliation, and Andrew Johnson’s guiding Reconstruction principle was that the South never had a right to secede in the first place. Also, because he was himself a Southerner, he resented all the elites in the South who had snubbed him, AND he was also a racist who didn’t think that blacks should have any role in Reconstruction. TRIFECTA! So between 1865 and 1867, the so-called period of Presidential Reconstruction, Johnson appointed provisional governors and ordered them to call state conventions to establish new all-white governments. And in their 100% whiteness and oppression of former slaves, those new governments looked suspiciously like the old confederate governments they had replaced. And what was changing for the former slaves? Well, in some ways, a lot. Like, Fiske and Howard universities were established, as well as many primary and secondary schools, thanks in part to The Freedman’s Bureau, which only lasted until 1870, but had the power to divide up confiscated and abandoned confederate land for former slaves. And this was very important because to most slaves, land ownership was the key to freedom, and many felt like they’d been promised land by the Union Army. Like, General Sherman’s Field Order 15, promised to distribute land in 40 acre plots to former slaves. But that didn’t happen, either through the Freedman’s Bureau or anywhere else. Instead, President Johnson ordered all land returned to its former owners. So the South remained largely agricultural with the same people owning the same land, and in the end, we ended up with sharecropping. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. The system of sharecropping replaced slavery in many places throughout the South. Landowners would provide housing to the sharecroppers--no, Thought Bubble, not quite that nice. There ya go--also tools and seed, and then the sharecroppers received, get this, a share of their crop--usually between a third and a half, with the price for that harvest often set by the landowner. Freed blacks got to control their work, and plantation owners got a steady workforce that couldn’t easily leave, because they had little opportunity to save money and make the big capital investments in, like, land or tools. By the late 1860s, poor white farmers were sharecropping as well--in fact, by the Great Depression, most sharecroppers were white. And while sharecropping certainly wasn’t slavery, it did result in a quasi-serfdom that tied workers to land they didn’t own--more or less the opposite of Jefferson’s ideal of the small, independent farmer. So, the Republicans in Congress weren’t happy that this reconstructed south looked so much like the pre-Civil War south, so they took the lead in reconstruction after 1867. Radical Republicans felt the war had been fought for equal rights and wanted to see the powers of the national government expanded. Few were as radical as Thaddeus “Tommy Lee Jones” Stephens who wanted to take away land from the Southern planters and give it to the former slaves, but rank-and-file Republicans were radical enough to pass the Civil Rights Bill, which defined persons born in the United States as citizens and established nationwide equality before the law regardless of race. Andrew Johnson immediately vetoed the law, claiming that trying to protect the rights of African Americans amounted to discrimination against white people, which so infuriated Republicans that Congress did something it had never done before in all of American history. They overrode the Presidential veto with a 2/3rds majority and the Civil Rights Act became law. So then Congress really had its dander up and decided to amend the Constitution with the 14th amendment, which defines citizenship, guarantees equal protection, and extends the rights in the Bill of Rights to all the states (sort of). The amendment had almost no Democratic support, but it also didn’t need any, because there were almost no Democrats in Congress on account of how Congress had refused to seat the representatives from the “new” all-white governments that Johnson supported. And that’s how we got the 14th amendment, arguably the most important in the whole Constitution. Thanks, Thought Bubble. Oh, straight to the mystery document today? Alright. The rules here are simple. I guess the author of the Mystery Document and try not to get shocked. Alright let’s see what we’ve got today. Sec. 1. Be it ordained by the police jury of the parish of St. Landry, That no negro shall be allowed to pass within the limits of said parish without special permit in writing from his employer. Sec. 4. . . . Every negro is required to be in the regular service of some white person, or former owner, who shall be held responsible for the conduct of said negro.. Sec. 6. . . . No negro shall be permitted to preach, exhort, or otherwise declaim to congregations of colored people, without a special permission in writing from the president of the police jury. . . . Gee, Stan, I wonder if the President of the Police Jury was white. I actually know this one. It is a Black Code, which was basically legal codes where they just replaced the word “slave” with the word “negro.” And this code shows just how unwilling white governments were to ensure the rights of new, free citizens. I would celebrate not getting shocked, but now I am depressed. So, okay, in 1867, again over Johnson’s veto, Congress passed the Reconstruction Act, which divided the south into 5 military districts and required each state to create a new government, one that included participation of black men. Those new governments had to ratify the 14th amendment if they wanted to get back into the union. Radical Reconstruction had begun. So, in 1868, Andrew Johnson was about as electable in the U.S. as Jefferson Davis, and sure enough he didn’t win. Instead, the 1868 election was won by Republican and former Union general Ulysses S. Grant. But Grant’s margin of victory was small enough that Republicans were like, “Man, we would sure win more elections if black people could vote.” Which is something you hear Republicans say all the time these days. So Congressional Republicans pushed the 15th Amendment, which prohibited states from denying men the right to vote based on race, but not based on gender or literacy or whether your grandfather could vote. So states ended up with a lot of leeway when it came to denying the franchise to African Americans, which of course they did. So here we have the federal government dictating who can vote, and who is and isn’t a citizen of a state, and establishing equality under the law--even local laws. And this is a really big deal in American history, because the national government became, rather than a threat to individual liberty, “the custodian of freedom,” as Radical Republican Charles Sumner put it. So but with this legal protection, former slaves began to exercise their rights. They participated in the political process by direct action, such as staging sit-ins to integrate street-cars, by voting in elections, and by holding office. Most African Americans were Republicans at the time, and because they could vote and were a large part of the population, the Republican party came to dominate politics in the South, just like today, except totally different. Now, Southern mythology about the age of radical Reconstruction is exemplified by Gone with the Wind, which of course tells the story of northern Republican dominance and corruption by southern Republicans. Fortune seeking northern carpetbaggers, seen here, as well as southern turncoat scalawags dominated politics and all of the African American elected leaders were either corrupt or puppets or both. Yeah, well, like the rest of Gone with the Wind, that’s a bit of an oversimplification. There were about 2,000 African Americans who held office during Reconstruction, and the vast majority of them were not corrupt. Consider for example the not-corrupt and amazingly-named Pinckney B.S. Pinchback, who from 1872 to 1873 served very briefly in Louisiana as America’s first black governor. And went on to be a senator and a member of the House of Representatives. By the way, America’s second African American governor, Douglas Wilder of Virginia was elected in 1989. Having African American officeholders was a huge step forward in term of ensuring the rights of African Americans because it meant that there would be black juries and less discrimination in state and local governments when it came to providing basic services. But in the end, Republican governments failed in the South. There were important achievements, especially a school system that, while segregated, did attempt to educate both black and white children. And even more importantly, they created a functioning government where both white and African American citizens could participate. According to one white South Carolina lawyer, “We have gone through one of the most remarkable changes in our relations to each other that has been known, perhaps, in the history of the world.” That’s a little hyperbolic, but we are America after all. (libertage) It’s true that corruption was widespread, but it was in the North, too. I mean, we’re talking about governments. And that’s not why Reconstruction really ended: It ended because 1. things like schools and road repair cost money, which meant taxes, which made Republican governments very unpopular because Americans hate taxes, and 2. White southerners could not accept African Americans exercising basic civil rights, holding office or voting. And for many, the best way to return things to the way they were before reconstruction was through violence. Especially after 1867, much of the violence directed toward African Americans in the South was politically motivated. The Ku Klux Klan was founded in 1866 and it quickly became a terrorist organization, targeting Republicans, both black and white, beating and murdering men and women in order to intimidate them and keep them from voting. The worst act of violence was probably the massacre at Colfax, Louisiana where hundreds of former slaves were murdered. And between intimidation and emerging discriminatory voting laws, fewer black men voted, which allowed white Democrats to take control of state governments in the south, and returned white Democratic congressional delegations to Washington. These white southern politicians called themselves “Redeemers” because they claimed to have redeemed the south from northern republican corruption and black rule. Now, it’s likely that the South would have fallen back into Democratic hands eventually, but the process was aided by Northern Republicans losing interest in Reconstruction. In 1873, the U.S. fell into yet another not-quite-Great economic depression and northerners lost the stomach to fight for the rights of black people in the south, which in addition to being hard was expensive. So by 1876 the supporters of reconstruction were in full retreat and the Democrats were resurgent, especially in the south. And this set up one of the most contentious elections in American history. The Democrats nominated New York Governor (and NYU Law School graduate) Samuel Tilden. The Republicans chose Ohio governor (and Kenyon College alumnus) Rutherford B. Hayes. One man who’d gone to Crash Course writer Raoul Meyer’s law school. And another who’d gone to my college, Kenyon. Now, if the election had been based on facial hair, as elections should be, there would’ve been no controversy, but sadly we have an electoral college here in the United States, and in 1876 there were disputed electoral votes in South Carolina, Louisiana, and, of course, Florida. Now you might remember that in these situations, there is a constitutional provision that says Congress should decide the winner, but Congress, shockingly, proved unable to accomplish something. So they appointed a 15 man Electoral Commission--a Super-Committee, if you will. And there were 8 Republicans on that committee and 7 Democrats, so you will never guess who won. Kenyon College’s own Rutherford B. Hayes. Go Lords and Ladies! And yes, that is our mascot. Shut up. Anyway in order to get the Presidency and win the support of the supercommittee, Hayes’ people agreed to cede control of the South to the Democrats and to stop meddling in Southern affairs and also to build a transcontinental railroad through Texas. This is called the Bargain of 1877 because historians are so good at naming things and it basically killed Reconstruction. Without any more federal troops in Southern states and with control of Southern legislatures firmly in the hands of white democrats the states were free to go back to restricting the freedom of black people, which they did. Legislatures passed Jim Crow laws that limited African American’s access to public accommodations and legal protections. States passed laws that took away black people’s right to vote and social and economic mobility among African Americans in the south declined precipitously. However, for a brief moment, the United States was more democratic than it had ever been before. And an entire segment of the population that had no impact on politics before was now allowed to participate. And for the freedmen who lived through it, that was a monumental change, and it would echo down to the Civil Rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s, sometimes called the second reconstruction. But we’re gonna end this episode on a downer, as we are wont to do here at Crash Course US History because I want to point out a lesser-known legacy of Reconstruction. The Reconstruction amendments and laws that were passed granted former slaves political freedom and rights, especially the vote, and that was critical. But to give them what they really wanted and needed, plots of land that would make them economically independent, would have required confiscation, and that violation of property rights was too much for all but the most radical Republicans. And that question of what it really means to be “free” in a system of free market capitalism has proven very complicated indeed. I’ll see you next week. Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Meredith Danko. The associate producer is Danica Johnson. The show is written by my high school history teacher, Raoul Meyer, and myself. And our graphics team is Thought Café. Every week there’s a new caption for the libertage. You can suggest those in comments where you can also ask questions about today’s video that will be answered by our team of historians. Thank you for watching Crash Course. Don’t forget to subscribe. And as we say in my hometown, don’t forget to be awesome. reconstruction -

Federal

Elections for Federal offices, as in the rest of the country, occurred on November 2. The Primaries were held on August 28 with a runoff for the Republican U.S. House nomination occurring on October 2 in Louisiana's 3rd congressional district (no other primaries went to a runoff).

United States Congress

Louisiana's Class III U.S. Senate seat and all seven U.S. House seats were up for election.

United States Senate

Senator David Vitter (R) sought re-election. Vitter overcame intraparty opposition in the August primary and was opposed in the General election by U.S. Representative Charlie Melancon (D).

United States House of Representatives

Six of the seven members of Louisiana's House delegation sought re-election. Both before and after the elections, Republicans held six of Louisiana's U.S. House seats while Democrats held one seat, but the lone Democratic seat changed from the Louisiana's 2nd congressional district to the 3rd. Many political prognosticators regarded the races in the Second and Third districts as the most competitive.

State

The State of Louisiana usually holds its general elections for state offices in post-midterm off-years. Elections for state and local offices, unlike federal elections, are conducted under the jungle primary (also known as nonpartisan blanket primary) format and are usually held in mid-October.[1]

State Executive Officers

Besides various local elections and special elections legislative seats and other positions, ballots in Louisiana during 2010 concerned a special election for lieutenant governor, for the judiciary, and for certain referendums (including amendments to the state constitution) and other measures.

Lieutenant governor

Lt. Governor Mitch Landrieu's (D) election as Mayor of New Orleans created a vacancy, thus necessitating a special election. Scott Angelle (D) was appointed by Governor Bobby Jindal (R) in May to fill the vacancy until the conclusion of the special election. Angelle agreed to do the job only until it was filled via the special election for the remainder of the term to which Landrieu had been elected; thus Angelle did not qualify for that election.[2]

The special election cycle began with the 2010 October 2 jungle primary, which pitted Republicans Jay Dardenne, Kevin Davis, Sammy Kershaw, Melanie J. McKnight, and Roger Villere and Democrats James "Jim" Crowley, Caroline Fayard, and Butch Gautreaux. Dardenne and Fayard advanced to the general election.

Throughout the campaign leading up to the primary election, Villere had been especially critical of Dardenne. Thus Villere's subsequent endorsement of Dardenne was met with incredulous statements like those of political scientist Pearson Cross of the University of Louisiana at Lafayette:

Maybe he thinks that you can at the end of the day say, "Well, we just need to all come together." It just seems odd.[3]

Subsequently, Louisiana Republican Party officials declined to give state party funds to Dardenne's campaign, even as the Louisiana Democratic Party paid $209,936 for a television commercial as an "in-kind donation" supporting Fayard.[4] The Louisiana Republican Party continued to ignore Dardenne's campaign even as the Louisiana Democratic Party raised its support of Fayard to $423,000.[5] Between the primary and the general election Fayard exceeded Dardenne in both fundraising and spending, a situation fostered significantly by the Louisiana Democratic Party's donations in support of Fayard while the Louisiana Republican Party declined to open its pursestrings for Dardenne.[6] Ultimately the Louisiana Democratic Party spent $770,000 on Fayard's campaign.[7] Louisiana's Republican governor Bobby Jindal also declined to involve himself in either the election for lieutenant governor or the election for U.S. Senator between Republican incumbent David Vitter and the challenging Democrat, U.S. Representative Charlie Melancon.[8]

Among other discussions, Dardenne and Fayard appeared on the October 15 Louisiana: The State We're In magazine televised by Louisiana Public Broadcasting and on an October 22 forum sponsored by the Baton Rouge League of Women Voters.[9]

The runoff campaigns for the general election on November 2 between Dardenne and Fayard, soon turned vitriolic, with Dardenne describing Fayard as a supporter of U.S. President Barack Obama and same-sex marriage and an opponent of the death penalty, while Fayard, who was 32 years of age and had never held political office, attempted to deflect the Republican tide by claiming that Dardenne represented the legacy of Louisiana politics.[10] Times-Picayune columnist Stephanie Grace opined that

Washington-style partisanship so dominates the mood this season that it's even bleeding into the contest for lieutenant governor.[11]

Besides contributions to Clinton, Kerry, former state senator Cleo Fields, and former U.S. Representative William J. Jefferson, a Dardenne commercial criticized Fayard's previous employment by Goldman Sachs, which later received a federal bailout: "Analysts like Fayard got rich but cost us billions." Fayard countered: We have been hit hard by hurricanes, and BP and the moratorium. Our people are tired of being ignored." Fayard's commercial ended with an assertion that Fayard, merely somewhat more than half Dardenne's age, was not part of "the same old crowd" of Louisiana politics.[12] Fayard came after Dardenne for "earning outside income" by maintaining a law practice, which Dardenne said was only for "some limited legal work for longtime clients and some mediation work, but not on state time." When Fayard pledged to spend "110 percent" of her time as lieutenant governor, Dardenne called Fayard's pledge "a cheap political stunt."[13]

In the October 22 forum sponsored by the Baton Rouge League of Women Voters, Fayard continued to knock Dardenne's outside income, and Dardenne responded that Fayard had voted in just seven of the previous 14 elections.[14] In response to Dardenne's question on where the money came from when she lent her campaign over $400,000 but had indicated her 2009 income as less than $80,000, Fayard responded that she had followed "every ethical rule" and that the money came from "success."[15]

Television commercials by the two candidates intensified in number and acrimony during the week before the runoff.[16] A Darden commercial criticized Fayard's assigning, in response to a forum question, a grade of "B+" to President Barack Obama's performance while "F" was the grade assigned by Dardenne.[17]

Dardenne won the November 2 election. Darden's elevation to lieutenant governor was delayed formally and officially to 2010 November 22 to obviate a statutory requirement to hold a special election to fill the position of secretary of state. Thus on November 22 Darden's chief deputy Tom Schedler became secretary of state.[18]

In the backdrop of Dardenne's high name recognition and established reputation and the uphill battle many Democrats were facing around the country in the 2010 elections, the Think Tank with Garland Robinette talk radio program speculated that Fayard, as a savvy candidate, had little or nothing to lose in the lieutenant governor race and that she might prove to be the most effective candidate the Louisiana Democratic Party could offer in 2011 as an alternative to Republican governor Bobby Jindal. The discussion cited Jindal's high approval ratings and already in-the-bank $7 million campaign fund as unapproachable assets for Democrats other than Fayard.[19] Fayard did not run, and the leading Democrat in the 2011 race was Tara Hollis of Thibodaux with 17% of the vote.

Results

2010 Louisiana lieutenant gubernatorial election

← 2007 October 2, 2010 (first round)
November 2, 2010 (runoff)
2011 →
 
Nominee Jay Dardenne Caroline Fayard Sammy Kershaw
Party Republican Democratic Republican
First round 180,944
27.61%
159,507
24.34%
126,166
19.25%
Runoff 719,271
57.09%
540,649
42.91%
Eliminated

 
Nominee Kevin Davis Jim Crowley Roger Villere
Party Republican Democratic Republican
First round 51,542
7.86%
51,461
7.85%
44,096
6.73%
Runoff Eliminated Eliminated Eliminated

Dardenne:      20–30%      30–40%      40–50%      50–60%      60–70%      70–80%
Fayard:      20–30%      30–40%      40–50%      50–60%      60–70%      70–80%
Kershaw:      20–30%      30–40%      40–50%      50–60%
Davis:      20–30%      30–40%      40–50%
Crowley:      20–30%

Lieutenant Governor before election

Scott Angelle
Democratic

Elected Lieutenant Governor

Jay Dardenne
Republican

Louisiana Lt. Governor primary election, 2010
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Republican Jay Dardenne 180,944 27.61
Democratic Caroline Fayard 159,507 24.34
Republican Sammy Kershaw 126,166 19.25
Republican Kevin Davis 51,542 7.86
Democratic Jim Crowley 51,461 7.85
Republican Roger Villere 44,096 6.73
Democratic Butch Gautreaux 25,289 3.86
Republican Melanie McKnight 16,411 2.50
Turnout 655,416
Louisiana Lt. Governor runoff election, 2010
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Republican Jay Dardenne 719,271 57.09
Democratic Caroline Fayard 540,649 42.91
Turnout 1,259,920

Judiciary

The Louisiana judicial elections of 2010 consisted of multiple dates. There were elections on February 6 (for one Louisiana District Courts seat), March 27 (three District Court seats), August 28, 2010 (political primary, no judges on ballot), and October 2 (in which one Louisiana Supreme Court seat and thirteen Louisiana Courts of Appeal seats were up for election). Judicial elections in Louisiana are conducted with the political party affiliation of the candidate indicated on the ballot.[20]

Ballot measures

Numerous measures were on the ballots on October 2 and November 2.[21]

References

  1. ^ It is "nonpartisan" only in the sense that candidates from all parties compete on the same ballot, but the ballot does indicate each candidate's partisan affiliation; the campaigns and voting patterns per se often become highly partisan. In Louisiana this system is called "open primary" even if that phrase is used with a different meaning in the election systems of states which have party-affiliated open primaries without permanent voter registration by party.
  2. ^ Governor Jindal Picks Angelle for Louisiana Lt. Governor, Archived 2010-04-29 at the Wayback Machine Bayou Buzz, 26 April 2010 (accessed 15 May 2010). An alternative scenario was that the office of lieutenant governor would be abolished, as Jindal preferred, but doing so had little traction in the Legislature.
  3. ^ Deslatte, Melinda (October 11, 2010). "Analysis: GOP leader creates division as candidate". Daily Comet. Lafourche Parish, Louisiana. Retrieved October 12, 2010.
  4. ^ Anderson, Ed; Moller, Jan (October 21, 2010). "State GOP officials holding tight to purse strings". Times-Picayune. No. Saint Tammany Edition. p. A6. Retrieved October 21, 2010.[permanent dead link]
  5. ^ Anderson, Ed (October 26, 2010). "Louisiana Democratic Party pours money into Caroline Fayard's campaign". Times-Picayune. No. Saint Tammany Edition. p. A2. Retrieved October 26, 2010.
  6. ^ Deslatte, Melinda (October 26, 2010). "Fayard outraises, outspends Dardenne". Town Talk. Alexandria, Louisiana. Retrieved October 26, 2010.
  7. ^ Including $260,000 donated to the Party by members of the Fayard family. "Demos sank $770,000 into Fayard campaign: It accounted for 70% of spending". Times-Picayune. No. Saint Tammany Edition. December 15, 2010. p. A2. Retrieved December 15, 2010.
  8. ^ Grace, Stephanie (October 26, 2010). "Jindal is hands-off in race for state's No. 2 spot". Times-Picayune. No. Saint Tammany Edition. p. B5. Retrieved October 16, 2010.
  9. ^ "Forums to feature race between Dardenne, Fayard". Times-Picayune. No. Metro Edition. October 10, 2010. p. A6. Retrieved October 10, 2010.[permanent dead link] The Louisiana Public Broadcasting forum, actually videotaped on October 8, was announced by Bob Neese; the League of Women Voters spokeswoman was Jean Armstrong.
  10. ^ DeSlatte, Melinda (October 17, 2010). "Dardenne attacks Fayard in lieutenant governor's race". Daily Star. Hammond, Louisiana. p. 6A. (not online); Anderson, Ed (October 18, 2010). "Race for state's No. 2 office heats up: Dardenne, Fayard start trading barbs". Times-Picayune. No. Metro Edition. pp. A1, A4.[permanent dead link]
  11. ^ Grace, Stephanie (October 19, 2010). "Partisan divide comes late to Louisiana". Times-Picayune. No. Saint Tammany Edition. p. B5. Retrieved October 19, 2010.
  12. ^ Anderson, Ed; Moller, Jan (October 21, 2010). "Dueling ads air in lieutenant governor race". Times-Picayune. No. Saint Tammany Edition. p. A3. Retrieved October 21, 2010.[permanent dead link]
  13. ^ Barrow, Bill; Moller, Jan; Anderson, Ed (October 22, 2010). "Fayard touts accountability pledge". Times-Picayune. No. Saint Tammany Edition. p. A4. Retrieved October 22, 2010. That article also cites endorsements as of 2010 October 21: for Dardenne, Monroe News Star, Baton Rouge Business Report; for Fayard, Senator Mary Landrieu, New Orleans mayor Mitch Landrieu. On October 25 Dardenne secured the endorsement of the Times-Picayune (New Orleans)"Election recommendations". Times-Picayune. No. Saint Tammany Edition. October 25, 2010. p. B3. He also gained the support of the Louisiana Sheriffs Association. Anderson, Ed (October 26, 2010). "Louisiana Democratic Party pours money into Caroline Fayard's campaign". Times-Picayune. No. Saint Tammany Edition. p. A2. Retrieved October 26, 2010. Simultaneously the Livingston Parish News went for Fayard."Editorial Endorsement: Caroline Fayard for lieutenant governor". October 25, 2010. Retrieved October 25, 2010.
  14. ^ Anderson, Ed (October 23, 2010). "Candidates trade accusations". Times-Picayune. No. Saint Tammany Edition. p. A2. Retrieved October 23, 2010.
  15. ^ Caro, Bob (October 22, 2010). "Candidates spar during lieutenant governor debate". WWL-TV Channel 4. New Orleans. Retrieved October 23, 2010.
  16. ^ Anderson, Ed (October 27, 2010). "Dardenne, Fayard unleashing TV ads". Times-Picayune. No. Saint Tammany Edition. p. A2. Archived from the original on October 28, 2010. Retrieved October 27, 2010.
  17. ^ Deslatte, Melinda (October 26, 2010). "dailycomet.com". Daily Comet. Lafourche Parish, Louisiana. Archived from the original on September 29, 2011. Retrieved October 27, 2010.
  18. ^ Anderson, Ed (November 3, 2010). "Dardenne tops Fayard in lieutenant governor race: He rolls up big victory after intense campaign". Times-Picayune. No. Metro Edition. p. A14. Anderson, Ed (November 4, 2010). "Dardenne will explore tightening belt at new office: Positions could be merged, slashed". Times-Picayune. No. Saint Tammany Edition. p. A3. Retrieved November 6, 2010.
  19. ^ 10 "Think Tank" with Garland Robinette. Archived 2010-10-28 at the Wayback Machine.
  20. ^ "Louisiana judicial elections, 2010". Judgepedia. Archived from the original on July 22, 2010. Retrieved August 21, 2010.
  21. ^ "Louisiana 2010 ballot measures". Ballotpedia. Retrieved August 21, 2010.

External links

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