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2008 East Timorese assassination attempts

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

José Ramos-Horta

Rebel soldiers of the Timor Leste Defence Force invaded the homes of the President and Prime Minister of East Timor on 11 February 2008, leading to the shooting and serious wounding of President José Ramos-Horta and the shooting up of the car of Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão. Two rebel soldiers, including leader Alfredo Reinado, were shot dead by presidential security forces. Reinado had deserted the military in 2006 along with 600 others after complaining of regional discrimination in promotions, sparking the 2006 East Timorese crisis. The attacks have been variously interpreted as attempted assassinations, attempted kidnappings and an attempted coup d'état. The rebels' intentions remain unknown.[1]

After being hospitalised in Darwin, Northern Territory, Australia, for more than a month, Ramos-Horta was discharged from hospital on 19 March but remained in Darwin until April for continued treatment.[2]

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Transcription

After 24 years of Indonesian occupation and 3 years of UN interim administration, in May 20th 2002, former Portuguese colony East Timor becomes an independent country. The UN administration and the governments that followed had the challenge to raise the foundations of a modern State in the territory, including a judicial system. We're dealing with a country in which tradition plays an important role, precisely because, for many centuries, the only thing that ruled people's lives was the tradition, custom, the customary practice. But, on the other hand, this country also has many elements of modernity. And, therefore, people today live with these two worlds: the traditional world, and, at the same time, a whole plethora of new values and inputs that are brought about by these new actors in civil society. Well, about coexistence... I don't think one can speak of an interaction between the formal justice system International Judge - Dili District Court I don't think one can speak of an interaction between the formal justice system I don't think one can speak of an interaction between the formal justice system - if we want to call it that - and the many, many different traditional justice systems that exist in East Timor. Right now there is no possibility of considering a coexistence because, although the Timorese Constitution acknowledges the existence of traditional and customary law - and values it - there are no current legal instruments that lead to the recognition, not only of traditional law, and neither of the mechanisms of conflict resolution nor of the decisions arisen from these existing mechanisms. The reasoning behind conflict resolution - the reasoning behind the decision itself - are totally different. I went to law school during Indonesian times. Back then, East Timor was a province of Indonesia. In 1999, there was the referendum here, there was that situation, we all had to flee. Administrator Judge - Dili District Court there was that situation, we all had to flee. Administrator Judge - Dili District Court In November we came back, after a month. In December, UNTAET, which was in charge over here, offered a course to provide an opportunity for the Timorese to become lawyers, prosecutors and judges. And there was a committee that UNTAET installed, called Judicial Review, put together to choose the judges. It consisted of the bishop of the Diocese of Baucau, some Timorese and some foreigners. We then completed a quick training in Darwin, Australia, and returned. In January 7, 2000, we took office here, and I became a judge. According to UNTAET regulation, we have four District Courts and a Court of Appeals. Each court has to have an administrator judge. I was chosen as the administrator of the Court of Dili by the President of the Court of Appeals. In 2005, it was assessed that the judges were still unqualified. After five years of service it was assessed that the judges had no competence for the role. Therefore, a decree was issued regarding the recruitment of prosecutors and public defenders, according to which all those who wished to remain in service would have to attend a Training Center in order to study and be able to lead the service well. A judge, in a completely new system - intended to spread to the entire State or territory - is not just a judge. He is also an agent of change. Hence he has a double function: he must apply justice, but doing so, he is also contributing, or being one of the actors of change in society itself. And therefore, beyond the dally challenges faced with justice itself, such a judge faces another challenge, which is to state: ''Now, all rights shall be enforced inside this House.'' ''And the rights are no longer those which existed before, they are these, stated in these new books we have.'' And it's all based upon a fundamental difference: the formal justice system lays itself as a pillar of the Rule of Law. The Rule of Law has, as it's main unit, the individual, the citizen. It is for the citizen and because of the citizen that it all exists. And, therefore, the citizen is the cell of the Rule of Law. In traditional or customary mechanisms, the citizen does not mean much. What matters is the clan and the community itself. The traditional systems of justice - if we want to call it that - tend to preserve that which is its basic unit, the community. And therefore, the decision is always based on the need to restore the balance of the community. On cases that arise within the village or suku, it depends. Back in 2000, we had peace in 2000. We devised a structure of sukus and villages. In each village, there are three lia-na'in. On the suku council, there are one or two, put together, three lia-na'in. Small issues we settle here in the village. Lia-na'in - Suku of Lisadila; Liquiça Small issues we settle here in the village. Lia-na'in - Suku of Lisadila; Liquiça When an agreement is not reached, the case goes to the suku, When an agreement is not reached, the case goes to the suku, for the lia-na'in in the suku to decide. But that is only for other than criminal cases. Criminal cases such as murder, involving blood, are handed over to the police. The police handles them. Cases that are not criminal, we decide here in the village or the suku. When it's not possible, we hand it to the subdistrict, then it can be referred to the police. That's all. I was public defender from 2000 to 2005. I always told my clients that traditional justice has its advantages. According to traditional justice, people have to tell the truth. Judge - Dili District Court According to traditional justice, people have to tell the truth. Judge - Dili District Court Judge - Dili District Court You cannot lie. If one lies, he gets sick. You cannot lie. If one lies, he gets sick. For example, I had a colleague who died in 2008 in Lospalos. He was healthy. He drove a passenger car from Lospalos to Iliomar. In Leurur, he ran over a goat. But he didn't admit it. So the owner of the goat hung its corpse from a tree by the roadside, and let it rot. Every time my colleague drove by, he would see the corpse. And people fear what is sacred. He who did it, would get sick. So my colleague fell ill. Even then, in the hospital, he never said he had run over the goat. When he was dying, he told his parents: ''someone did this to me because I ran over his goat.'' He sought a lia-na'in, but it was too late. He died. And he was a strong person, he wasn't frail. According to what is sacred, one must tell the truth. Some go to the hospital, but the doctors cannot cure them. They're sent back. It's all related to the culture, the ancestors or the land owner, who punished us. We have to return quickly, pray to the ancestors in the holy house, pray to the earth. When it's done, we can return to the doctor. Then he can heal us. Because we have doctors, the Cubans, who are now here, but we maintain our culture, the Timorese tradition. When we eat, dishes are put to the ancestors. Only then we may eat. When we are finished, it's the children's turn. That's how it is, according to our tradition. Each one must wait their turn. Men are meant to talk, take care of the land, work; women must cook in the morning, at lunch, at night, in order to always have a bowl of rice for the ancestors. We mustn't forget that, to serve the ancestors. In their seat, we put Belak (silver discs), feathers, empty baskets, just stones, no problem, or just money. That is what it means to feed the ancestors. But when we forget to do so, we fall ill. We become feverish. It's a sickness that, if we don't remember our obligations in time, we can die from. They punish us. It's sacred. It really kills you. If we forget them, if we don't feed them. There are months we have to kill chickens for them, and it must be done. There are years we have to kill chickens, pigs, otherwise we die from the sickness. If we let a year go by, we fall ill. We get sick and die. This is sacred, for real. Really sacred! We must stick to it. That's all. I came in 2000, at the request of Xanana Gusmão, who had requested the President of the Portuguese Parliament to make jurists available to work Focal Point of the Portuguese Parliament at East-Timor who had requested the President of the Portuguese Parliament to make jurists available to work Focal Point of the Portuguese Parliament at East-Timor in the development, the edification of the Timorese parliament, in the development, the edification of the Timorese parliament, on the foundations of the Timorese parliament. I ended up not doing only that, but a lot more, and got involved, which, for me, was a very interesting challenge, in the elaboration, discussion and approval of the Timorese Constitution. The Article 2 has, as its epigraph, ''sovereignty and constitutionality'', and states that ''The State shall recognize and value the traditional norms and customs of East Timor that are not contrary to the Constitution and to any Legislation dealing specifically with customary Law.'' When this article went through discussion in the constituent, the female deputies were very concerned on the article valuing the Timorese culture because of domestic violence. After all, by valuing the Timorese culture, one might let in through the window that which is not welcome through the door. So the female deputies' concern was related to that. And they were, then, very worried with the introduction of this article. Therefore, what would its impact be concerning gender and the defense of women's rights, including the struggle against domestic violence, when the Constitution values the Timorese culture and that culture is lax about it? Sex crimes are among those that, upon reaching the stage of trial, on most occasions, a conciliation has already been obtained. There are situations that are truly desperate, or that can be really disturbing to an outside observation, such as several cases of sex crimes within family members. It's one of several stories, because it's a commons case, but a girl who was abused by her father for years came to Casa Vida aged 14, 4 months pregnant, stayed in Casa Vida for 2 years, and then was reinstalled to her family. Director - NGO Casa Vida stayed in Casa Vida for 2 years, and then was reinstalled to her family. Director - NGO Casa Vida I was required to witness. I was surprised, because two and a half years later, the case finally reached court. During her testimony, she said all she wanted was to get it over with and for the trial to end, as she didn't want to accuse her father. And she said she was pregnant from a man, but wouldn't say his name. And during all the time the judge inquired her about the identity of the child's father, she refused to answer. Later, she said to me: ''Simone, I can't take it anymore. After nearly three years I don't wish my father to be arrested. I'm married. This could cause trouble within my family and with my husband, should my father be arrested. He already paid off his deeds.'' So the traditional justice had already been done, and for her that was enough. I think there is sort of a paradox in her feelings. It's ambiguous. Part of her longed for justice, a justice she couldn't even tell if it would be for the best - if her father went to jail - because she had been through pressure the whole time, saying that if her father went to jail, who would provide for her seven little brothers what would be of her mother, what would be her situation before the whole family and community, who would blame her for her father being in jail. So, what manner of justice could she expect? A justice that would bring her some self-realization, on one side, but constant guilt during the whole time her father would spend in prison... Now, if you tell them about the traditional system, ''let's sit on the biti, let's talk, let's settle, uma-nain, lia-na'in'', they know all these terms - even the youngest ones - and all of them respect it, know what it stands for. They understand the process, why, what for, how will it be done. It's something that is part of their lives and makes sense to them. Formal justice doesn't make sense. ''Why should we do this, it'll only make things worse'' is what they think. People come here and say: ''It's all settled. There is nothing left for you to do.'' And even though we explain to them that there are pubic interests behind it all, that a State aiming to be a State cannot put up with this kind of situation and, therefore, the values of sexual freedom are public values, not relying exclusively on the victims, that there are interests in protecting these values that are beyond the victim itself, no matter how much we try to explain this, people don't get it. They don't get it because it has already been settled. For them, peace has already been made, all debts have been paid off, the communities have all been brought back into balance, and, therefore, I believe that, with some difficulty, they can understand, in these situations, the convictions ruled by the Court. Like I said, East Timor is under two major pressures. It's the pressure to regulate life in society, on one side, and, on the other side, it's a society that doesn't understand, or that may not welcome this Legislation. And the flaw - or the strategic error - relies in the way which Legislation is being made: it's a ''copy-and-paste'' Legislation, it's a Legislation brought ''as is'', it's a Legislation of ''let's see what's being done in Portugal, and let's adapt, changing the names.'' Sometimes even the names remain the same. I believe these trends, these theories, these other doctrines, these other case Law but our own, which we transpose many times in a manner of copy-and-paste that has nothing to do with Republic of East-Timor Attorney General which we transpose many times in a manner of copy-and-paste that has nothing to do with Republic of East-Timor Attorney General the actual administration of justice... the actual administration of justice... I believe this kind of effort isn't good for people. Why should I deny myself? What I need is to understand that these foreign doctrines are theirs, and we respect them for their reality. We have to create our own, and look at our reality as being ours. What does our culture say? Our culture has a very simple expression that goes: Sé mak sala tenke ser selu sala. One who errs must pay for the error. And that payment isn't just about jail or punishment. It is also a punishment, but in the victim's perspective, meaning the victim shall be compensated for the damages. Now, this is perfectly in accordance to what is stated by the formal justice. Strictly speaking, a case of sexual abuse. This ends up being settled with the payment of a compensation. Westerners use to become scandalized, because they think it's against human rights. They say: ''how awful, barbaric, how can they do such a thing?'' They forget that, in formal Law, that of the solemn courts we are used to, there is something called ''compensation for moral damages''. The conception of justice among us is not so much to pursue the rapist, he who abused, not so much to punish him, it's more: it is to have a closer look at the victim. In East Timor, the traditional Laws are very strong. I suggest the State, when making Laws, Attorney - Dili District Attorneyship I suggest the State, when making Laws, Attorney - Dili District Attorneyship to also confer the roots. Attorney - Dili District Attorneyship Attorney - Dili District Attorneyship Because there, in the roots, are the lia-na'in, who say their penalties, sometimes, Because there, in the roots, are the lia-na'in, who say their penalties, sometimes, are worse than the ones the State determines here. So, if possible, the State must attend the lia-na'in so that together, they come up with Laws that have the spirit of the people's culture. Because some of our Laws are brought about hastily, and haven't got the spirit of the culture from here. There was a time, during the First Constitutional Government, in which there was an initiative to gather all information regarding Civil Society, local authorities, State Attorney - Dili PubIic Defender's Office in which there was an initiative to gather all information regarding Civil Society, local authorities, in which there was an initiative to gather all information regarding Civil Society, local authorities, and those concerned with justice, in order to come up with a consensual definition for crime - which ones could be handled by the lia-na'in and which would have to be referred to legal means, like the Court. An agreement wasn't achieved. One couldn't determine where a crime should be resolved, because, back then, especially those concerned with the process of modernization, like the prosecutors, wondered: ''But why should misdemeanors, which have less serious penalties, be settled in the village?'' For them, if something was considered a crime it would always be seen as such, and therefore shouldn't be handled locally. So it didn't work out. We have the obligation to manage the justice system and help others to manage it well, and we can only do so when we take into account people's feelings. Because justice is not my sense of justice, it is not your sense of justice, it's the people's sense of justice, and we have the duty, as far as possible, to reflect this sense in the Court's rulings. I'm not any way suggesting that illegal decisions should be taken. That's not what I'm saying. I can't accept, for instance, that a murder case should be settled with just a compensation, but neither can I accept that the culprit should always be sent to prison. What about his family? What if he has kids? Who's gonna take care of them? Who's gonna care for those children? Sometimes they don't get it, because it's the first time they come to Court. So I have to walk them through it, because they sit here and they have to understand what goes on in the trial. I have to explain to them: ''This is the prosecutor, his duties are these, he runs the case that brought you to Court; this is the attorney, who will defend your interests in this case; and I am the judge, the decision will be mine to make.'' And I say: ''Despite the decision that has already been made in the traditional justice system, the Court's ruling is this one. I have to explain as a fellow Timorese to another, as an elder sister to her siblings. Very often, I go like: ''I don't speak as a judge any longer. Court is over. Now I speak as a sister speaks to her younger brothers.'' I don't say it's true in every case, but if we break it down easily and patiently to the Timorese they might understand and rethink their behavior. But if we simply apply a harsh penalty, they'll say: ''I'd rather go to prison. They killed my parents, my loved ones, I'd rather go to jail.'' That has no educational value. They fear not stern penalties. Specially if they haven't got wife or kids, they'll say: ''It's better to go to jail than to stay loose and have to work. Working the land is hard, even more so with all these climate changes, I can't work the land anymore.'' Our great mistake is to, often, fall into the trap of starting from a premise that doesn't necessarily seem true to me: That a dichotomy exists, and thus, these two worlds, these two realities, run parallel and never meet at all. I try to put to use, whenever I can, the agents of the traditional justice mechanisms, meaning I attempt to bring those people to Court and work along with them to find a solution to conciliate both parts - in the stages in which such is possible. In a way, that which I present, as a mediator, is something that comes not only from my perspective, but also from an institution with strong traditions. Being so, when the solution is presented to the parties, in order to resolve the dispute, it's not something that arose from the head of one individual alone - specially a foreigner like me -, but in reality, the result of a dialogue between tradition and modernity, because the system here is modern. What does it all come down to? It comes down to the fact that there are interesting practices for connecting formal and informal. However, in Southern Africa, except Mozambique, the situation is really disturbing, because, like I told you, Anglo-Saxons have two different rulings. The formal justice, with its black robes, its long blonde wigs. A black person with blonde hair... whatever. Why is that? Because it is a dualistic system, with nearly no intersections. As a result, it brings about several unrighteous situations, particularly relating to women and children. I believe these two perspectives on justice should walk hand in hand. In some cases, we must empower the traditional justice system, for it's something they've always known and trusted. Less serious matters, with no rights violation, can be assigned to it. Even if right are violated, if matters aren't severe, if an agreement can be met at the suku, on the traditional level, it should. Because the sense of justice doesn't rely solely on formal justice, but also on informal: it's enough for them to feel justice has been made; as long as they accept the terms, it's alright. These so-called ''civilized people'' tend to say that everything which is not in accordance with their views is primitive, barbaric. I say ''Ok: let us be barbarians, but let us be ourselves, what's wrong with that?'' Translation - Lucas Cerro Subtitles - Pedro Branco

Events

The Toyota Land Cruiser Prado in which Gusmão was riding when attacked, on display at the Xanana Gusmão Reading Room in 2018
The Toyota Land Cruiser Prado in which Gusmão was riding when attacked, on display at the Xanana Gusmão Reading Room [de] in 2018

Events began before dawn when rebel soldiers led by Alfredo Reinado entered the residential compound of President José Ramos-Horta in the capital Dili. They disarmed the security detail on duty and entered the compound. Ramos-Horta was not there, being out jogging on the beach. The second security team, arriving to relieve the night team, saw Renaido in the house and opened fire, killing him with a shot to the head. Another rebel, Leopoldino Mendonça Exposto, was also killed.[3]

Ramos-Horta was alerted of the gunfight but walked back up the hill to his home. Reinado's men opened fire on him as he approached his home. One of Ramos-Horta's guards pushed in front of him as a human shield. The guard was shot and taken to a hospital in serious condition. The surviving rebels fled the scene.[4]

Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão was alerted to the attack on the presidential home and left his home by car for Dili. A group of rebel soldiers under the command of Lieutenant Gastão Salsinha invaded Gusmão's home, finding Gusmão's wife Kirsty and children but not Gusmão. Another party of rebels shot out the tires of Gusmão's car on its way to Dili, but the car continued for some distance before Gusmão, unhurt,[5] abandoned it and ran into the bush to call for help.[1]

Gusmão declared a 48-hour state of emergency, including a curfew and a ban on conducting meetings or rallies,[6] and described the events as an attempted coup. Ramos-Horta was evacuated to Darwin, Australia, for emergency surgery.[7]

Ramos-Horta had met Reinado several times in the months before the attacks, trying to persuade him to surrender.[8] Their most recent meeting, on the preceding Sunday, was reported to have ended acrimoniously.[9]

Timeline

11 February:[10][11]

  • 6h05 and after: A group of hooded, armed men in two cars with government license plates,[12] led by Alfredo Reinado (the only one not hooded[13]), proceeded to the Díli residence (in Metiaut) of President José Ramos-Horta. According to the UN preliminary investigation,[14] the group consisted of 12 or 13 men in military uniform. About three of them stood at the entrance after having restrained the F-FDTL soldier that guarded the main entrance, and about seven, led by Reinado, went into the residence searching for Ramos-Horta. According to Associated Press, they "jumped from two cars, firing machine guns as they stormed the compound" shouting, "Traitor! Traitor!"[12] They search the residence for Ramos-Horta who is not there.
  • 6h30-6h40: A series of continuous gunfire is heard by a neighbour of the President's residence, Fernando Encarnação, according to statements he made to the Portuguese official news agency, LUSA.
  • 6h40-6h45: Encarnação phones the UN security and tells them what he has heard. He is told the UN security forces already know of what is happening.
  • 6h45-6h50: Encarnação hears a second series of continuous gunfire.
  • 6h50-6h59:
    • Reinado is shot dead by the F-FDTL (Timor Leste Defence Force) inside the President's residence. One of his men, Leopoldino Mendonça Exposto, is also killed. According to the UN preliminary investigation, this happened after the F-DTL guard had been woken by a civilian employee warning him that there was a group of hooded men searching the residence for Ramos-Horta. According to Associated Press,[12] the guard who killed Reinado stated: "I shouted Alfredo's name and then opened fire at his head with my machine gun because he was wearing a bulletproof vest," and "I fired many times, I don't know how many times".
    • A 17-year-old niece of Ramos-Horta calls him on his cell phone while he is jogging, warning him that his home was attacked by a group of men.
    • Chris Durman, then GM of ANZ Bank (and referred to elsewhere in other reports as "the diplomat") also warned Ramos-Horta. Durman was cycling in the area, and had attempted to ride towards Ramos-Horta's home. Durman was shot at a number of times, in the area near the "plinth", the concrete pillar at the base of the road to Ramos-Horta's home. Evading gunfire, Durman moved to where he saw Ramos-Horta and two body guards walking on the beach towards the turn off to the home, warning of the issues, and offering to collect his vehicle to take Ramos-Horta out of the area.
  • 6h59 and after:
    • Ramos-Horta, "making his way inland", "refused a ride from a passing vehicle and walked up the public road to the house escorted by two bodyguards with pistols", according to Associated Press.[12]
    • Returning to his home, at about 20 m from the main gate in Boulevard John Kennedy, Ramos-Horta is fired upon "by men laying in wait across from the main entrance to the residence".[12] He receives two gunshot wounds in the chest and one in the stomach. According to Associated Press, "during the shooting, an East Timor soldier arrived by car and drove into the line of fire to protect Ramos-Horta, crashing into a signpost and a wooden fence before he too was critically injured".[12] The attackers flee in a vehicle and Ramos-Horta staggers into his house.[15] According to the UN preliminary findings, the fleeing attackers go into the mountains where they join the group that will attack Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão.
    • A phone call is made to the National Operations Center warning about the situation. Immediately two units, one of the East Timorese National Police and another from the UN policy contingent, are sent to the President's house from Becorá, in the outskirts of Díli.
  • 7h00: Task-Group Bravo of the Portuguese National Republican Guard is called to the scene.
  • 7h00-7h05: According to neighbour Fernando Encarnação, a car of the UN policy contingent arrives at the scene and blocks access to the President's residence. According to Ramos-Horta's brother, Arsénio Ramos-Horta, who was with him at the time, the UN police did not help his wounded brother and prevented access to the residence.[16]
  • 7h10: The first ambulance is called to the scene, according to the UN mission.
  • 7h11: Task-Group Bravo leaves its barracks for the scene.
  • 7h13: Ramos-Horta phones his chief-of-staff Natália Carrascalão and tells her that he is wounded.
  • 7h15: Task-Group Bravo arrives at the residence.
  • 7h23: Ramos-Horta is found by elements of Task-Group Bravo near a bamboo fence.
  • 7h25: Ramos-Horta, after being assisted by paramedic Jorge Marques of the INEM (Portuguese Medical Emergency Services), is transported by ambulance to the Australian field hospital.
  • 7h30 and after: Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão is told by one of his drivers of the attack on President Ramos-Horta. FRETILIN leader Francisco Guterres advises Gusmão to stay in his residence. Gusmão decides to go to Díli.
  • 8h30 and after:
    • Gusmão's three car motorcade, having just left his second residence, is attacked by a group led by Gastão Salsinha.[17][18] Under heavy fire, his security personnel are able to repulse the attackers. One of the motorcade vehicles reportedly left the road and rolled over.
    • Gusmão's residence in Balíbar (30 minutes drive from Díli) is surrounded by an armed group. Gusmão had just left, but his wife Kirsty Sword-Gusmão and their three sons were there. Kirsty Sword-Gusmão phones her husband and realises he is under attack. She told LUSA[19] that the forces led by Gastão Salsinha, who had left the attack on the motorcade, tried to take the weapons from her three security officers.
  • 9h15 and after:
    • Units of Task-Group Bravo of the Portuguese National Republican Guard arrive at Gusmão's residence.
    • Sword-Gusmão and her three sons, joined by Gusmão, are safely evacuated by units of the Portuguese National Republican Guard.
  • Noon: Gusmão declares a state of emergency for 48 hours in a television broadcast.
  • Night:
    • After being assisted in the Australian field hospital, Ramos-Horta is flown to Darwin, Australia, for further medical care.
    • Ramos-Horta arrives in Australia, accompanied by his sister Rosa Carrascalão, in a Careflight International aircraft and is driven under police escort to Royal Darwin Hospital.

International reactions

International organisations

  • United Nations - U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon condemned the attack on Ramos-Horta as "brutal and unspeakable".[20] Mr. Ban "condemns in the strongest possible terms these unacceptable attacks on the legitimate institutions of the state and calls on the Timorese people to remain calm and refrain from all violent acts".[21]
  • European Union - President of the European Commission, José Manuel Durão Barroso, condemned in the strongest terms the attacks against Ramos Horta and Gusmão, stating that the EU "will continue to stand firmly with the democratic institutions and to face together the challenges ahead, helping the Timorese institutions to consolidate democracy and the rule of law and supporting economic and social development".[22]

Countries

  • Australia - Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd declared: "What we had apparently are coordinated attacks aimed at assassinating the democratically elected leadership of East Timor, a close friend and partner of Australia.".[21] Australia would send more peacekeeping troops and police to East Timor.[23]
  • China - Chinese Foreign ministry spokesman Liu Jianchiao declared in a statement that "The Chinese Government is shocked by the attack on the president of East Timor, Jose Ramos Horta.". "We condemn the attack and hope he will recover as soon as possible. As a friendly neighbour of East Timor, China hopes to see stability in the country and that its people live in happiness." he added.[20]
  • New Zealand - Prime Minister of New Zealand Helen Clark expressed "shock" about the assassination attempts. "Jose Ramos-Horta is someone who has been known to me and others in New Zealand for many, many years." Ms. Clark said, adding that "We're deeply distressed at what has happened today. We're thankful he is alive.". New Zealand would send more peacekeeping troops and police to East Timor.[23]
  • Portugal - Portuguese Prime Minister José Sócrates manifested the "full solidarity of the Portuguese government with the democratic institutions of Timor-Leste". He stated that Portugal would send additional troops if the U.N. requests so.[24]
  • Russia - Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs released a statement expressing concern over developments in East Timor and called for political stability.[25]
  • Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic - President of the SADR Mohamed Abdelaziz "energetically" condemned "the coward assassination attempt" against Ramos Horta and Gusmão. "The Saharawi Republic, like all democratic nations in the world, remains supportive of the young Republic of Timor Leste, with its President and legitimate government, which is democratically elected by the heroic Timorese people", the message concluded.[26]
  • United States - US President George W. Bush condemned the assassination attempt, and added: "Those who are responsible must know that they cannot derail democracy in Timor Leste, and they will be held accountable for their actions.".[20]

Aftermath of the attacks

Memorial at the site of the attack on President Ramos-Horta, photographed in 2009
Memorial at the site of the attack on President Ramos-Horta, photographed in 2009

Vicente Guterres, the vice-president of parliament, became acting president following the attacks;[27] he was soon replaced as acting president by Fernando de Araújo, the President of Parliament.[28] Lieutenant Gastão Salsinha said that he had taken over as head of the rebels after Reinado's death and claimed that the attacks were not assassination attempts. According to Salsinha, presidential security started the fighting.[18]

At Gusmão's request, Parliament extended the initial 48-hour state of emergency for ten days on 13 February, with 30 votes in favour and 14 abstaining.[29] On the same day, Prosecutor-General Longinhos Monteiro said that he was about to issue warrants for the arrest of 18 individuals in connection with the attacks, whom he did not name.[30]

Angelita Pires, said to have been Reinado's lawyer, was arrested in Dili on 17 February. Prosecutor-General Monteiro said that Pires was suspected of having information about the attacks because, according to Monteiro, she let Reinado (a wanted man) stay in her home on the night prior to the attacks without notifying the authorities. Three others were also thought to have been arrested in connection with the attacks by the time Pires was arrested, along with more than 200 arrested for violating the emergency laws put in place after the attacks.[28]

Prosecutor-General Monteiro said that Reinado's group had initially intended to merely kidnap Ramos-Horta and Gusmão, but that this plan had failed and that they had therefore switched to their backup plan. Meanwhile, Araújo said that the government would engage in no further dialogue with the rebels and that there was an arrest warrant for Salsinha.[28]

Strong disagreements regarding the events became increasingly visible in the East-Timorese political system: Mário Viegas Carrascalão (former Governor during the Indonesian rule and present President and Deputy of the Social Democratic Party), as well as Mari Alkatiri (former Prime-Minister and Secretary-General of the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor - FRETILIN), have both voiced their doubts on the existence of an attack on Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão.[31] Likewise, Reinado's adoptive father declared to LUSA and to Portuguese television that he had spoken with Salsinha, after the death of his son, and that Salsinha denied that there had been an attack on Gusmão.

On 22 February, Parliament voted to extend the state of emergency by 30 days.[32]

Amaro da Silva Susar, who is said to have participated in the attack on Ramos-Horta, surrendered on 1 March at Turiscai without resistance, saying that he wanted "calm" to return to East Timor. According to da Silva, he participated in the attack but did not actually shoot Ramos-Horta.[33]

In early March, Araujo visited Ramos-Horta in Darwin. He said that Ramos-Horta had forgiven Reinado for the attack and did not understand why Reinado had wanted to kill him. According to Araujo, Ramos-Horta, who had started walking again, was "very lucid, showing his concern for the country and the responsibility of the head of state"; he wanted the people to remain calm and wanted a full investigation to take place.[34]

A message from Ramos-Horta, still recovering in Darwin Private Hospital, was broadcast on 12 March. In this message, he thanked his supporters and Australia and said that he had "been very well looked after". A spokesman said that his condition was improving and that he was taking short daily walks for exercise.[35] Meanwhile, his brother Arsenio Ramos-Horta said that President Ramos-Horta had identified Marcelo Caetano as the man who had shot him. Arsenio said that Caetano had been shot in the 2006 violence and that Ramos-Horta had taken Caetano into his home at that time to help him recover.[36] The President's office declined to confirm this identification due to the ongoing nature of the investigation.[37]

Ramos-Horta was discharged from Royal Darwin Hospital on 19 March, although he said that he would stay in Australia for physical therapy for "a few more weeks". He also said on this occasion that he had remained conscious following the shooting and "remember[ed] every detail", describing how he was taken for treatment. Thanking the hospital staff, he gave them Timorese coffee. The hospital's general manager that he was "inspired" by Ramos-Horta's recovery from such serious injuries, although he said that Ramos-Horta would probably continue to suffer pain from the injuries for a long time.[2]

On 23 March, Parliament extended the state of emergency for another month.[38] On the same day, Ramos-Horta went out in public for the first time since the shooting, visiting St Mary's Catholic Cathedral in Darwin. Meanwhile, Salsinha was reported to be negotiating his surrender in Maubesi. The authorities have placed a priority on obtaining his peaceful surrender, concerned that if he is killed, what he knew about the attacks would be "bur[ied] with him". Four other rebels surrendered on 22 March.[39]

Later in March, Ramos-Horta said in a television interview that it had taken a long time for an ambulance to arrive after he was shot. He also described how he had looked into his attacker's eyes and, seeing that the man was "determined to fire", he "turned and ran" immediately before being shot. According to Ramos-Horta, the UN wasted a critical opportunity to capture the rebels who participated in the attack by failing to surround Dili and close off the exits. Australian Defence Minister Joel Fitzgibbon said in response that Ramos-Horta was "in no position ... to properly judge the timing".[40]

On 17 April, Ramos-Horta returned to Dili from Darwin; he was greeted at the airport by politicians and dignitaries, tens of thousands of citizens lined the road to the airport. He gave an emotional press conference at the airport in which he urged Salsinha and the remaining rebels to surrender; however, despite Salsinha's insistence on surrendering only to Ramos-Horta in person, Ramos-Horta said that he would not go to meet with him for this purpose. He also said at the press conference that Reinado had not had a prearranged meeting at his house on the day of the attack, describing this as a "lie".[41] On his return, Ramos-Horta immediately resumed the Presidency from the acting president de Araújo.

Reinado death controversy

Some months after the attack, questions arose about the government's version of the death of Alfredo Reinado. An autopsy report concluded that Reinado had been shot at "very close range" in the back of the head. It has been suggested that Reinado was executed rather than shot in defence.[42][43]

See also

References

  1. ^ a b Ansley, Greg (16 February 2008). "Young nation on knife-edge". New Zealand Herald. Retrieved 16 February 2008. What the rebels' intention was remains unknown.
  2. ^ a b "East Timor president leaves Australian hospital after five weeks of treatment", Associated Press (International Herald Tribune), 19 March 2008. Archived 3 January 2013 at archive.today
  3. ^ "Shot East Timor leader 'critical'". 11 February 2008. Retrieved 27 March 2023.
  4. ^ Murdoch, Lindsay (13 February 2008). "Brave Ramos Horta ignored warnings about assassination attempt". The Age. Melbourne. Retrieved 17 February 2008.
  5. ^ Belo, Tito; Davies, Ed (10 February 2008). Fogarty, David (ed.). "East Timor president wounded in attack -military". Reuters. Retrieved 27 March 2023.
  6. ^ "Ramos-Horta 'out of danger'" Archived 12 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine, news.com.au, 12 February 2008.
  7. ^ "Ramos Horta in Darwin for treatment". ABC News. 11 February 2008. Retrieved 27 March 2023.
  8. ^ "Despite the outstanding charges, Ramos-Horta had met with Reinado on several occasions in recent months to try to persuade him to surrender" in "East Timor Declares State of Emergency". The New York Times. 12 February 2008. Retrieved 13 February 2008.[dead link]
  9. ^ Nicholson, Brendan; Jolliffe, Jill; March, Stephanie (12 February 2008). "Horta in fight for life in Darwin". The Age. Retrieved 27 March 2023.
  10. ^ "Reinado morto quase uma hora antes de Ramos-Horta ser ferido". Público. 11 February 2008. Archived from the original on 14 February 2008. Retrieved 13 February 2008. (in Portuguese).
  11. ^ "Destaque: Timor-Leste", in Público, 13 February 2008, particularly: Jorge Heitor, "O filme de uma acção golpista" and Pedro Bacelar de Vasconcelos, "Incompetência e inutilidade do aparato internacional". Público's online Portal (open to all) Archived 20 September 2006 at the Wayback Machine and Público's online version of the printed edition (only for subscribers) Archived 12 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine (in Portuguese).
  12. ^ a b c d e f Anthony Deutsch. "Timorese President Walked Into Gunfight", Associated Press.[dead link]
  13. ^ ABEL COELHO DE MORAIS, FIRDIA LISNAWATI-AP, "ONU confirma ligação de ataques a Ramos-Horta e Xanana Gusmão" Archived 26 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine, Diário de Notícias online, 21 February 2008 (in Portuguese).
  14. ^ "Ataques visavam matar Xanana e Ramos-Horta, diz a ONU", in Público, 21 February 2008. Público's online Portal (open to all) Archived 20 September 2006 at the Wayback Machine and Público's online version of the printed edition (only for subscribers) Archived 12 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine (in Portuguese).
  15. ^ Murdoch, Lindsay (13 February 2008). "Ramos-Horta braved rebels". The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved 14 February 2008.
  16. ^ Arsénio Ramos-Horta interviewed by Ben Doherty, Darwin- 14 February 2008 - 4:01PM The Age.
  17. ^ Isabel Gourjão Santos, "Gastão Salsinha assume-se como novo líder dos rebeldes", in Público, 15 February 2008. Público's online Portal (open to all) Archived 20 September 2006 at the Wayback Machine and Público's online version of the printed edition (only for subscribers) Archived 12 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine (in Portuguese).
  18. ^ a b "E Timorese rebels deny murder bid". BBC. 14 February 2008. Archived from the original on 15 February 2008. Retrieved 14 February 2008.
  19. ^ LUSA - official site Archived 14 May 2007 at the Wayback Machine
  20. ^ a b c Condemnation for 'unspeakable' act The Age, 13 February 2008. Retrieved 24 January 2011.
  21. ^ a b Rudd pledges more troops for East Timor - ABC News (Australian Broadcasting Corporation)
  22. ^ President Barroso condemns the attack against President Ramos Horta and PM Gusmão of Timor-Leste Scoop world, 12 February 2008. Retrieved 24 January 2011.
  23. ^ a b Greg Ansley (12 February 2008). "More NZ troops for Timor". The New Zealand Herald. Retrieved 11 February 2008.
  24. ^ "Portugal empenhado e disponível para estabilizar democracia timorense". Público. 11 February 2008. Archived from the original on 16 February 2008. Retrieved 12 February 2008. (in Portuguese).
  25. ^ О покушении на Президента Восточного Тимора (in Russian). Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 11 February 2008. Retrieved 22 July 2009.
  26. ^ The Saharawi President "energetically" condemns the assassination attempt against Horta and Gusmao[dead link] Sahara Press Service, 14 February 2008. Retrieved 24 January 2011.
  27. ^ Guido Goulart, "East Timor Declares State of Emergency", Associated Press, 12 February 2008. Archived 15 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine
  28. ^ a b c "E Timor arrests Reinado 'lawyer'", BBC News, 18 February 2008.
  29. ^ "East Timor emergency state extended" Archived 14 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine, Al Jazeera, 13 February 2008.
  30. ^ Ahmad Pathoni, "East Timor seek arrests over assassination attempts", Reuters (International Herald Tribune), 13 February 2008.
  31. ^ "Ramos-Horta teve quinta intervenção cirúrgica", in Público, 20 February 2008. Público's online Portal (open to all) Archived 20 September 2006 at the Wayback Machine and Público's online version of the printed edition (only for subscribers) Archived 12 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine (in Portuguese).
  32. ^ "State of Emergency Extended in East Timor" Archived 25 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine, VOA News, 22 February 2008.
  33. ^ "Suspect surrenders in East Timor", BBC News, 2 March 2008.
  34. ^ Lauren Wilson, "Ramos Horta 'forgives Reinado'" Archived 9 March 2008 at the Wayback Machine, Reuters (The Australian), 4 March 2008.
  35. ^ Ed Johnson, "East Timor's Ramos-Horta Thanks Supporters From Hospital Bed", Bloomberg.com, 12 March 2008.
  36. ^ Lindsay Murdoch, "Ramos-Horta names gunman", The Sydney Morning Herald, 13 March 2008.
  37. ^ "Ramos-Horta knowing attacker unconfirmed", theage.com.au, 13 March 2008.
  38. ^ "East Timor extends state of emergency", AAP (news.sbs.com.au), 24 March 2008. Archived 4 August 2009 at the Wayback Machine
  39. ^ Lindsay Murdoch, "Ramos-Horta leaves hospital bed for service", The Sydney Morning Herald, 24 March 2008.
  40. ^ "Timor president accuses UN troops" Archived 2 April 2008 at the Wayback Machine, Al Jazeera, 28 March 2008.
  41. ^ Lindsay Murdoch, "Emotional homecoming for Ramos Horta", theage.com.au, 17 April 2008.
  42. ^ Simon Roughneen, "Who Shot J R Horta?", Asia Times Online, 4 September 2008.
  43. ^ Lindsay Murdoch, Dili investigator called to Canberra as evidence of execution mounts, The Sydney Morning Herald, 4 September 2008.
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