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1833 territorial division of Spain

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Map of the 1833 territorial division of Spain into regions (colored) and provinces (outlined).
Map of the 1833 territorial division of Spain into regions (colored) and provinces (outlined).

Map of the similar 1822 territorial division of Spain. The 1822 territorial division only defined provinces; the historical regions indicated by colors were not defined until 1833.
Map of the similar 1822 territorial division of Spain. The 1822 territorial division only defined provinces; the historical regions indicated by colors were not defined until 1833.

The 1833 territorial division of Spain divided Spain into provinces, classified into "historic regions" (Spanish: regiones históricas).[1] Many of these regions correspond to present-day autonomous communities of Spain[2] and nearly all of the provinces retain roughly or precisely these borders,[2][3] although five provinces have changed their names to reflect local languages other than Castilian Spanish[4] and three to match the name of a coterminous autonomous community.[5][6][7][8]

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Transcription

My dear comrades, good morning! Today we will try to unravel a dark and complex period of Spanish history and let's just say, we're going go there Franco! (French way to say direct) HuHu! You know humor, you must work on it every day huh ... you must never relax ... Anyway, I warn you, it's going to talk politics, left, right, but the goal is to understand the power struggles, not to make the political propaganda. After, you made what you want ! In short, let's go for a joyous happy episode about the Spanish war ! As usual, a bit of context for to start ! Spain, at the beginning of the XXth century, is no longer really part of great world powers, as this has could be the case until the beginning of the 19th century. With the loss of its colonies, the country does not has more of the considerable economic power who could be hers when she was exploiting American territories. And if its neutrality during the first world war he allowed to revive by exporting its goods on both sides at the same time, since then a bit of a blackout ... In addition, Spain has very poorly addressed the shift in industrialization, unlike its neighbors ... Concretely, at the end of the first world war, it is estimated that one third of the population lives in misery, a good third also Spaniards are illiterate, and the lands are in the hands of a rich minority, while 2 million farmers do not not have any land. The mega so go out! * I who mime a "squeaker squeak" for the joke* So it's not surprising, politically, that's a bit of a mess. You will tell me that this is going often in pairs ... The parliamentary monarchy of King Alfonso XIII sinks into the crisis, between rigged elections, insurrections latent workers, rise of militarism ... Until 1923, a general named Miguel Primo de Rivera organizes a coup of the families, and becomes a prime minister. And all this with some royal kindness Alphonse seeing perhaps the occasion to save his throne. Primo de Rivera quickly displays the color: he is approaching Italy's Mussolini, represses Republicans and labor unions, puts in place a great industrialization policy, and engages the army in a campaign at Morocco, then Spanish and French possession, in order to end the rebellion of the Republic of Rif. Indeed, since 1912, the treaty of Fez disposes Morocco of its sovereignty. But the Rif region inhabitants, in northern Morocco, does not really agree and declare their independence. A thorn in the foot of the Europeans, that they intend to tear off. Among the military cadres, one found a certain Francisco Franco, who stands out by arranging the landing Al Hoceima, with the help of the French Navy A battle considered the first aeronaval landing of History. The battle succes, which brings the surrender of the insurgents, it is worth to be named general, and even to receive the Légion d'Honneur, on recommendation trom the Marshal Pétain ... Moreover fun fact, since we are here to talk about that, we can not remove the legion of honor to a death, so know that Franco, still have the legion of honor. That's it ... Just saying ... Nonchalantly ... At first, that's fine for Primo Rivera so ... but things go bad after the collapse of the Spanish economy in 1929. In 1930, General Berenguer gently pushes him toward the exit, and takes its place. With a certain humor, the Spaniards refer to his move to power under the term "Dictablanda", word game about "Dictadura" and "blanda", which means "limp". Dictamolle ... Because yes, Berenguer is not really going to fizzle out ... His government is trying to calm the game, put an end to the widespread repression, and promises to call general elections. Problem, no one really calmed : the two institutional parties, the Liberals and the conservatives, are against new elections, probably out of fear of losing their seats, and the labor movements take advantage of the lull to rebel even more. On December 12, 1930, Republicans organize the uprising of Jaca, charming village of Aragon. Incidentally, a man named Ramón Franco, convinced republican and brother of Francisco Franco, seizes the airport Cuatro Vientos in the suburbs of Madrid. He flies a plane, takes off with the intention to bomb the Royal Palace, is content finally release revolutionary leaflets above the city and fled to Portugal. The mega atmosphere between the two brothers, family meals must have been, wonderful ... In short, Jaca's uprising fails, the leaders are shot, but the Republican camp came out reinforced of this sad episode. In front of popular grumbling, municipal elections are called. Big mistake: the Republicans win most major cities and provincial capitals. King Alfonso XIII, politically weakened and isolated, fled, even if he does not abdicate formally. It's April 14, 1931, and it's the beginning of the second Spanish republic. Worn by a covenant government from the republican right to the socialists, the young republic undertakes a vast plan of social and economic reform: distribution of agricultural land, extension of the suffrage universal for women and soldiers, creations teachers' positions to reduce illiteracy, taking into account the demands autonomists, especially in Catalonia ... A program firmly anchored left at first, carried by the Prime Minister Manuel Azaña. But political tensions are not appeased, far from it. Some questions are at the heart of Spanish society, especially the relationship to the Church and the place of the army. In 1933, elections are won by a coalition from center-right, who thus enters the government. Followed in the course of the year 1934 a multitude protest movements, including several socialist and anarchists insurgencies violently repressed especially by Franco. The divide between labor movements and parties right and center-right seems irreversible. To make matters worse, José Antonio Primo of Rivera, son of the deposed dictator, founds an openly fascist organization, the Spanish phalange. In February 1936, new Elections take place: this time it's a coalition of the left, the Popular Front, who manages to snatch the majority. It is from these elections that the situation degenerates. An amnesty is decreed for political prisoners riots of 1934, launching a wave of strikes and first land occupations of the rich owners by the peasants. Conservatives are worried about this rising forces revolutionaries, and the Falangists begin a counterrevolutionary terrorist movement. Basically, worker and peasant not happy, conservative not happy, so repression and attack. On June 16, in an intervention, the founder of the conservative rally, Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Rights, CEDA for short, give the official figures victims since the February elections : 269 killed and 1,287 wounded in streets fights 381 attacks or damaged buildings, 43 newspaper premises attacked or ransacked, 146 bombings. Meanwhile, the nationalist generals organize their uprising almost openly. Finally, July 17, from Morocco, the General Franco launches his coup d'etat. The next day, it's in metropolis that the putschists take action. After three days of indecision, the situation is stabilizing: on July 20, Spain is cut in half, a third territory is in the hands of the nationalists, the rest is still controlled by the Republic. The rebels occupy Galicia, Leon, half of Aragon, some cities including Oviedo and Cordoba, the Spanish Morocco and almost all the islands (Balearic Islands, Canaries ...). Civil war has begun. Let's take a look at the factions in the presence. Nationalist side, the movement is constituted by the Phalanx, the Carlists monarchists, the CEDA, the armed forces stationed in Morocco as well as part of of the regular army. A coherent whole, organized, obeying Generalissimo Franco. Notable exceptions, the Navy, whose crews refused to join the uprising, and aviation, remain faithful to the Republic. Republican side, it's a bit more complicated ... Indeed, the left organizations remained faithful to the Republic, of course, but they do not maintain the best relations in the world. It's funny, it reminds me of the left current in France ... but sorry, I'm going astray and I promised not to do politics ... We thus find the Confederation National Labor Office (CNT), anarchist, the Workers Party of Marxist Unification (POUM), Communist non-aligned Moscow, the Party Spanish Labor Socialist and his union the General Union of Workers (UGT) and the Spanish Communist Party (PCE), for mention only the main ones. A part of the army also remained republican, and is renamed October People's Army of the Spanish Republic. Attempt coup d'état, for all these groups, it's also an opportunity to do the revolution, but each according to his own conception. It's funny it reminds me of the gau .... Militias are created on all sides for the defense of the Republic, but without real coordination. So it's a bit, more like a lot, a big mess… Militarily, the war begins with a status quo. Nationalists have about 15,000 officers, 40,000 legionaries, 30 000 civil guards, 30,000 Carlist militia, who are called the requests, and 70,000 army man regular. But these are unreliable, often young recruits, little trained and for some rather Republican sympathizers. Republicans are organized mainly in militia: that of the CNT has about 50,000 men, the UGT 30,000, the PCE 10 000 and the POUM 5000. In addition, 12 000 policemen remained loyal, as well as a few thousand soldiers. These are ultimately the foreign powers which will cause the tipping of the war. Italy sends to the nationalists a body volunteers, whose number is estimated to 50,000 men in 1937. In addition to that, it provides them with planes, ships, tanks, over 200,000 weapons as well as ammunition and miscellaneous equipment. So not a little help ... Germany is not left out: the Legion Condor, air force of about 6,000 men, is detached in Spain. With her, planes, panzers as well as cannons and guns. But I will ask you to take this figures with tweezers because nobody agrees on it. If Germany and fascist Italy wish naturally help the forces Francoists, the Republicans on their side seek material assistance from France, to which Spain is bound by a treaty commercial. In addition to that, another popular front that of Leon Blum, is in power in France. A French intervention seemed natural ... But two factors are going to tip the balance in favor of non-intervention. On one hand, French public opinion is mostly opposed to any help to the Spanish republic. Sorry guys! Indeed, the left is overwhelmingly pacifist, and refuses to commit himself to in any way in the conflict. As for the right, she sees a bad eye this republic of 'Bolsheviks ". On the other hand, England is firmly opposed to the intervention. Sorry guys! But Blum bases his foreign policy on the Franco-British agreement, and does not want to risk offend his ally. Despite that, the French prime minister prefers avoid that Germany and Italy, considered rightly as dangerous for peace in Europe, can not help the rebel forces. Hence the idea of ​​a general embargo against Spain, on whose application watch a London Committee in which participates French, English, German, Italian and Russians. Here is a good idea! No ? No. Really not a good idea guys. The embargo seems a good compromise but in reality, it will have the total opposite effect to what the French were waiting for and will only affect the Republicans. In reallity, the Germans and the Italians make sure that this Committee London has no power of decision, and pass cheerfully off the embargo, notably through front companies. Non-intervention does not apply, in reality, only to the Allies ... Sorry guys! The position of the USSR is a bit peculiar. Also moving beyond the embargo, Soviets decide to provide weapons, material and personnel the republic. But this help is double-edged ... At the height of the Stalinist purge, the USSR builds on the Spanish Communist Party and is working to spread and discredit the factions she deems "counter-revolutionary , Mainly the Party Trotskyists Marxist Unification Worker (POUM) and the anarchists of the CNT. To make matters worse, the Spanish republic is evacuating Madrid the gold reserves of the Central Bank, in front of the rebels' proximity. And this, in theory, it's also a very good idea ... But as we can see it from just now, as soon as there is a good idea, it quickly becomes shit ... because if protecting the gold reserves that's fine, it is more questionable to entrust them ... to the USSR! Yes ... so, Russians get valuable leverage to ensure the obedience of leaders Republicans. "Bravo le veau!" (Well done the calf!) (French advertise, because it's rime) Despite the political game of nations, the Republic is still flocking to his help a whole lot of isolated individuals who come from everywhere. Anarchists, Trotskyists, communists or fervent defenders of the democracy, in all more than 50,000 volunteers are organized in the International Brigades, officially created in October 1936. there are between 10,000 and 15,000 French, 5,000 Germans and Austrians, 3,000 Italians, 2,500 Americans, 2,000 Britons as well that Belgians, Canadians, Irish, Yugoslavs ... After the failure of the total coup and the resulting military stalemate, the nationalists are even more angry than never. They benefit from the arrival of first German reinforcements to transfer in August 1936 the troops of Morocco on the continent, then launch an offensive in the direction from Madrid. The rebels take Badajoz on August 14, and arrive near the Spanish capital. But instead of going Madrid, Franco prefers to divert his troops to Toledo on September 21st, where the cadets of the military school, which are on his side, have been besieged since the beginning of the war. Madrid is saved for the moment. decision of Franco may seem incomprehensible, but it is dictated by political reasons more than military. Save the besieged of Toledo allows him to strengthen his image heroes and solidify the morale of the nationalists. However, this may be an error major strategic, since the Republicans take advantage of the respite to organize the defense from the capital. Which does not stop the nationalists to take at the same time, north of the country, the border town of Irun, followed from San Sebastián. The Basque country, Republican despite the significant implantation of the Church, is also circled. For lack of net superiority, both sides now stand on their positions, and a war of entrenchment is put in place. This alternation between offensive and status quo will last the whole conflict. During the Spanish Civil War, we find rather atypical personalities like Georges Orwell, the author writer of the famous "1984". He participates in the war in the POUM militias, the Unification Workers Party Marxist and what he tells us about the situation is pretty evocative. He's talking about a war trench during which both camps, located 300 meters from the other, spent most of their days to shout insults and to shoot a few bullets without conviction ... It's funny it reminds me ... I must stop with this joke: / The rebel offensive only resumes in February 1937, with a first push on Madrid. First real battle with material of war, it turns in favor of the Republicans thanks to the Soviet tanks: Franco, despite the German councils, do not wish to use its armored for penetration operations quick. And no ... The blitzkrieg will wait a few more years to show its effectiveness ... A second offensive, this time with the help of motorized divisions, takes place in March. If the nationalists seem to take the top, the weather conditions favor republican aviation, which pound enemy troops. New retirement, and Madrid still holds. In the North, the situation is quite different: encircled, the Basque country and its capital fall on June 19. The Spanish Republic is however shaken inside. If we come back a little back, the July coup precipitates the constitution into militia political organizations. Weapons are distributed to civilians, who form a fairly disparate of volunteers. These are these militias who stand up to the nationalists during the year 1936. But the agreement between anarchists, Trotskyists, Socialists and Communists is precarious. Each volunteer column acts autonomously, and it turns out to be very complicated to coordinate a counteroffensive consistent. To make matters worse, the militiamen are not ready to submit to rigor military. Many want to go back to sleep at home at night, are reluctant to dig sliced ​​or to stand guard. Buenaventura Durruti, figure of Spanish anarchism, deplores this lack of determination. " The sick baby, the woman giving birth, the mother dying ", so many excuses to return at home. Military efficiency takes a blow but for revolutionary organizations, it's the price to pay to set up a new social organization. Inside even of the Republic, anarchists and Trotskyists make the revolution. In the militia, if there are still grades, everyone receives the same pay. Officers did not that an operational authority: the militia want to be the first place of achievement of society without classes. Georges Orwell assists in a scene rather comical: during training in Barcelona young recruits, one of them throw down on the ground the stick that simulated a rifle, and goes to the exit of the barracks grumbling that these exercises bother him, and that he came to fight. It is the officer in charge who must run him after begging him to come back! An amazing situation that we rarely see in war movies ... The revolution is also in action in the countryside, mainly in Catalonia where farmers collectivize the land. In the same way, the workers seize factories, chasing homeowners to the nationalist camp. For the CNT and the POUM, the civil war must be an opportunity to apply their political principles, and the revolution is just as important as the victory against Francoism. But not everyone hears it from the same ear, and especially the Party Spanish Communist. Under the influence of Moscow, a campaign is launched to weaken the revolutionary parties. Communists especially want to force the militia to join the regular army to regain some political control. These tensions culminate May 2, 1937, when the CNT seizes the central office in Barcelona: in response, Communists take out arms, followed by the CNT and their POUM allies. during 4 days, Barcelona is the scene of clashes internal. Finally, the CNT and the POUM capitulate May 7th. The POUM is dissolved in stride. On May 17, a new government is formed, headed by Socialist Juan Negrin, in which communists and moderates hold all departmental portfolios. There follows a vast counterrevolutionary operation, which the CNT does not recover. The project of PCE materializes and the army incorporates finally the militias. Bravo the cocos ... The end of the war is an inexorable nibbling Republican territory by the rebels. The last major clash is taking place during the winter of 1937. The city of Teruel forms a nationalist bridgehead that hinders communication between Madrid and Barcelona. The Republican army launches an attack to take back the city. If Teruel is taken as a first step, a counteroffensive nationalist routines the Republicans. The consequences are dramatic: what had to be a founding victory turns into in broad defeat. Large losses open the way to Barcelona, ​​which falls in February 1939, soon followed by Madrid. On April 1, 1939, Franco broadcast on all radio waves a press release announcing his final victory. The figures of the victims of the Spanish war are difficult to establish because of lack of reliable. But I will still try, with a big rake, to introduce them to you. Between 100,000 and 250,000 soldiers fell in combat. Violence against civilians, nationalist side as republican side, have made between 120,000 and 220,000 victims. It is estimated between 40 000 and 60 000 deaths following famine and bombing. shelling whose famous is undoubtedly the massacre of Guernica in April 1937, painted by Picasso, who will become a symbol of Franco's barbarism. Finally, some sources finally estimate 200,000 executions of the vanquished between 1939 and 1943. The war hit as well on the battlefield than among the population. The Spanish war also has consequences not negligible for the rest of Europe. First, the conflict has definitely Germany and Italy, which sign the founding treaty of the Axis the November 1, 1936. It also allowed them to test in real condition their equipment and their troops. Diplomatically, the countries allies affirmed their pacifist will, and therefore their weakness in the eyes of fascist countries. The USSR, it has failed to implement a satellite country in Western Europe, and finds himself isolated. Which may explain that the German-Soviet pact is partly due to the defeat of the Spanish Republicans ... That's a guess. For Spain itself finally, it's the beginning of a dictatorship almost 40 years old. However, with a country exsangue, Franco does not join the Axis, and is forced to stay officially neutral during World War II even if their line a helping hand under the table. And we suspect, a second front at south of France it would have arranged well Hitler… Thank you all for watching this episode quite politically complex and thank you to Romain Frugier with whom I prepared it and who made a big part of the taff. If you liked the episode and you want to support my job and that of the whole team, do not hesitate to share, like, comment. We are also present on Utip, Tipeee, links are in the description and recently you can directly support on Youtube with the button "join" below video or going shopping on the integrated shop she also under the video. Very good day to all and see you !

Contents

Background

Immediately after the death of King Ferdinand VII on 29 September 1833,[9] the regent Maria Christina attempted to find a moderate third way between the absolutist Carlists—the followers of the Infante Carlos—and the liberals. This mission was given to First Secretary of State Francisco Cea Bermúdez, leader of a government that lasted only into the following January, having been unable to satisfy either side, let alone both. Despite his vain efforts to gain the support of either the liberals or the Carlists, his government undertook a major reform of the territorial division of Spain whose effects are still felt after more than a century-and-a-half: the division of Spain into provinces.[10][11]

A royal decree of 20 November 1833 ratified a plan put forth by Javier de Burgos, secretary of state for development (secretario de estado de Fomento),[12] which created the basis for a centralized state[13] divided into 49 provinces. All but four of the provinces received the name of their capital cities;[1] those four—Navarre with its capital at Pamplona, Álava with Vitoria, Gipuzkoa with San Sebastián, and Biscay (Spanish: Vizcaya) with Bilbao[1]—reflected long standing entities, and retained their historic names.[14]

Javier de Burgos's division is practically the same as the short-lived 1822 territorial division of Spain, dating from the "Liberal Trienium" (Trienio Liberal), but without the provinces of Calatayud, Vierzo, and Játiva; also, in contrast to the 1822 division, several provinces were given names other than those of their capitals.[15]

Rather than the merit of having initiated, directed and produced a new provincial division of Spain, Don Javier de Burgos deserves credit for the courage and political will have put in place the previous division of 1822 with the adjustments and modifications that he believed appropriate.

— Gonzalo Martínez Díez[16]

Provincial division and "historic regions"

The "historic regions" of Spain, as listed in the 1833 decree.
The "historic regions" of Spain, as listed in the 1833 decree.

Javier de Burgos' 1833 provincial division included 49 provinces. The same decree that created the provincial division grouped the provinces into "historic regions". However, these were merely honorary and classificatory: there was no level of administration between the central government and the provinces. These "historic regions" had no powers, no administrative organs, no common jurisdiction over the provinces grouped within them.[17] Each province had a governor (jefe político, "political chief") appointed by the central government.[18]

1833 historic regions and provinces
Historic region Provinces
Andalusia Almería, Cádiz, Córdoba, Granada, Huelva, Jaén, Málaga, Sevilla
Aragon Huesca, Teruel, Zaragoza
Asturias Oviedo
Balearic Islands Palma de Mallorca
Canary Islands Santa Cruz de Tenerife (which also included the present-day province of Las Palmas)
New Castile Ciudad Real, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Madrid, Toledo
Old Castile Ávila, Burgos, Logroño, Palencia, Santander, Segovia, Soria, Valladolid
Catalonia Barcelona, Gerona, Lérida, Tarragona
Extremadura Badajoz, Cáceres
Galicia La Coruña, Lugo, Orense, Pontevedra
León León, Salamanca, Zamora
Murcia Albacete, Murcia
Navarre Navarre
Valencia Alicante, Castellón, Valencia
Basque Provinces Álava, Gipuzkoa, Vizcaya
Source: Real Decreto de 30 de noviembre de 1833[1]

Besides looking to the 1822 arrangement, Javier de Burgos took as his model the departments of France.[13][19] While many of the borders and inclusions in the provinces may at first appear arbitrary from a historical and geographical point of view, he was operating under a set of rational criteria: area (it was intended to be possible to travel between the capital and any point in the province in a single day), population (wherever feasible, the provinces had populations between 100,000 and 400,000), and geographic coherence.[19]

The provincial division restored the traditional names of the Basque provinces and Navarre, which had been renamed in the 1822 territorial division of Spain, but few concessions were made to historic enclaves and exclaves. The most important of these that were retained were the Rincón de Ademuz (part of Valencia, but located between Teruel and Cuenca) and the Treviño enclave (part of Burgos, but surrounded by Álava); another notable exclave is Llívia (part of Gerona, but one must pass 3 kilometres (1.9 mi) through France to reach it).[2]

The provincial division consolidated rapidly and remains with rather few changes down to the present day.[2][3][20] This is in part because the provincial capitals all became the seats of basic government institutions.[20] The jefes políticos would eventually be replaced by civil governors, and eventually delegates of the central government.[18] The provincial division was followed by all branches of government[20] and formed the basis for all future divisions and combinations.[2][20] Each of Spain's municipalities (ayuntamientos) falls within a single province.[citation needed]

In 1834, Spain was divided into legal districts (partidos judiciales); these took provincial borders into account. These legal districts later became the basis of electoral districts and tax districts.[20] Civil health districts also followed provincial lines (though military health districts sometimes did not).[21] By 1868 there were 463 legal districts; the number of municipalities has repeatedly risen and fallen.[20]

Conflict with the Basque districts

Different legal jurisdictions of Spain by 1850
Different legal jurisdictions of Spain by 1850

The new design arranged by Jorge de Burgos and government officials in Madrid opened a scenario of overt confrontation with the Basque territories and institutions, who kept a separate legal and institutional status, including taxation and customs with the Spanish heartland on the Ebro. Navarre was still a semi-autonomous kingdom with its own parliament and government—the Cortes and Diputación—while Álava, Gipuzkoa and Biscay (the Basque Provinces, known also as "Biscay" up to the Peninsular War), were also autonomous. News of the central government's decision overruling native institutions spread to the Basque districts, sparking uproar and anger. The new design thus notably paved the way to the outbreak of the First Carlist War.[22]

While Jorge de Burgos' design of provincial Spain suppressed enclaves, it did keep the ones located in Basque territoriesTrucios in Biscay, and Treviño in Álava. According to the new arrangement, the Basque enclaves were to be attached to the closer Spanish province of Common Fiscal Regime. That meant they would be paying taxes to Madrid, not to the relevant Basque government (Álava, Biscay). Oñati was incorporated into Gipuzkoa—definitely in 1845. Despite their close ties of cultural, linguistic, institutional, and legal nature (cf. fueros), it was decided to nominally regroup the above districts into two different "historic regions": Provincias Vascongadas and Navarra.

Later modifications

As remarked above, the 1833 system of provinces has undergone only minimal changes. Jefes políticos were replaced by civil governors, and eventually by delegates and sub-delegates of the central government.[18] There were a few minor adjustments of borders, and several provinces have been renamed to accord with local languages or in view of other issues of regional identity. The "historic regions" went by the wayside during the Spanish transition to democracy in the later 1970s and early 1980s, when they were replaced by the autonomous communities, many of which coincide precisely with an earlier "historic region".[2] Some authors writing about present-day Spain use the term "historic regions" to refer only to the Basque Country, Catalonia, usually Galicia, and occasionally Andalusia, all of which have historically had the strong local nationalisms.[23]

  • In 1836 some territory was transferred from Alicante to Valencia, while Villena was transferred from Albacete to Alicante and Sax from Murcia to Alicante.[24]
  • In 1841 a decree was issued returning Logroño to its larger 1822 borders, but it was never put into practice.[25]
  • Between 1844 and 1854 the capital of Gipuzkoa was at Tolosa rather than San Sebastián.[26]
  • In 1846 the border between Ciudad Real and Albacete was adjusted, with Villarrobledo becoming part of the latter.[24]
  • In 1851 Requena and Utiel were transferred from Cuenca to Valencia.[27][28]
  • In 1927 the single most important change took place: the Canary Islands, previously a single province, were divided into the present-day provinces of Las Palmas and Santa Cruz de Tenerife, bringing the number of provinces to 50.[29][30]
  • In 1980 the province of Logroño was renamed the province of La Rioja.[6][31]
  • In 1982, as part of its transformation into an autonomous community, the province of Santander was renamed the province of Cantabria.[8]
  • In 1983 the province of Oviedo was renamed the province of Asturias.[7]
  • In 1992 the provinces of Gerona and Lérida changed to use their Catalan language names Girona and Lleida, respectively.[32] License plates from Gerona/Girona were changed from "GE" to "GI".[33]
  • In 1995 the municipality of Gátova was transferred from the province of Castellón to the province of Valencia.[34]
  • In 1997, the province of Palma de Mallorca was renamed the provincia de les Illes Balears (Province of the Balearic Islands, using the Catalan name for the islands).[35] The license plate changed from "PM" to "IB".[36]
  • In 1998 the provinces of La Coruña and Orense changed to the Galician language A Coruña and Ourense.[37] The license plate of Orense/Ourense changed from "OR" to "OU".[38]
  • In the early 2000s, Guipúzcoa officially turned into Gipuzkoa, the Basque language form, as per decision made by the General Council of Gipuzkoa, ratified by the Spanish Parliament in 2011.
  • In 2011, Álava and Vizcaya turned also into Álava/Araba and Bizkaia, as passed by the Spanish Parliament in 2011.

Under Article 141 of the Spanish Constitution of 1978, the provinces remain Spain's basic units of territorial organization. They are the basis for electoral constituencies (Article 68) and autonomous communities are normally formed out of one or more provinces, with no province divided between two or more autonomous communities (Article 143).[39][40] The revised Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia that went into effect in August 2006 ignored the provincial division within Catalonia, replacing it with a division into seven veguerias.[41] However, the number of senators or deputies that Catalonia contributes to Spain's parliament, the Cortes Generales: remained regulated by Article 69 of the Constitution in terms of provinces.[39] While the veguerias project remained controversial, the Catalan government intended to put it into effect in January 2010.[42] However, the 2010 Catalan regional election produced a new legislature which has put these plans on hold.[43]

Notes

  1. ^ a b c d (in Spanish) Real Decreto de 30 de noviembre de 1833 on Wikisource;
    Real Decreto de 30 de noviembre de 1833 Archived 22 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine on the official web site of the government of the Canary Islands. Retrieved 2009-12-31.
    Original announcement in the Gaceta num. 154. on the Agencia Estatal Boletin Oficial del Estado of Spain.
  2. ^ a b c d e f (in Spanish) Eduardo Barrenechea, Los 'gibraltares' de unas regiones en otras: Treviño, Llivia, Rincón de Ademuz..., El País, 8 February 1983. Retrieved 2000-12-30. This article comments on the persistence of the 1833 territorial division, in the context of a discussion of the remaining exclaves of various provinces.
  3. ^ a b Daniele Conversi, The Spanish Federalist Tradition and the 1978 Constitution Archived 7 December 2008 at the Wayback Machine, p. 12, footnote 63. Retrieved 31 December 2000.
  4. ^ Spain Provinces, statoids.com. Retrieved 31 December 2009. The five provinces in question are Gerona/Girona, Lérida/Lleida, and Palma de Mallorca/Illes Balears, which took Catalan names and La Coruña/A Coruña and Orense/Ourense, which took Galician names.
  5. ^ Oviedo became Asturias, Logroño became La Rioja, and Santander became Cantabria.
  6. ^ a b The Autonomy Process of La Rioja Archived 15 June 2010 at the Wayback Machine, SiSpain.org. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  7. ^ a b (in Spanish) Ley 1/1983, de 5 de abril, sobre cambio de denominación de la actual provincia de Oviedo por la de provincia de Asturias, noticias.juridicas.com. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  8. ^ a b (in Spanish)LEY ORGÁNICA 8/1981, de 30 de diciembre, de Estatuto de Autonomía para Cantabria, BOE número 9 de 11 January 1982. (BOE-A-1982-635). Retrieved 31 December 2009. Although the law was passed in December 1981, it was published (and thereby went into effect) in 1982.
  9. ^ (in Spanish) Fernando VII, La Monarquía Hispánica, Biblioteca Virtual Miguel Cervantes. Retrieved 30 December 2000.
  10. ^ (in Spanish) Calle Cea Bermúdez, ABC, 1954-10-06, p. 17. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  11. ^ (in Spanish) Carlos Marichal, Spain, 1834–1844: A New Society (1970), Coleccion Tamesis Serie A Monografias, Volume 72, ISBN 0-7293-0057-9, p. 52 et. seq. This source gives his surnames inconsistently as Cea Bermúdez or Zea Bermúdez; both are apparently in common use.
  12. ^ (in Spanish) Notes on item 1791: Limpieza de sangre de Francisco Javier de Burgos, Documentación Histórica de Granada, Instituto de Estadística de Andalucía (IEA). Retrieved 30 December 2000.
  13. ^ a b Luis Moreno, Ethnoterritorial Concurrence and Imperfect Federalism in Spain Archived 23 December 2009 at the Wayback Machine, Instituto de Estudios Sociales Avanzados (CSIC) Working Paper 93-10, p. 12. Retrieved 30 December 2000.
  14. ^ Daniele Conversi, The Spanish Federalist Tradition and the 1978 Constitution Archived 7 December 2008 at the Wayback Machine, p. 12, footnote 64. Retrieved 31 December 2000.
  15. ^ (in Spanish) Jesús Larios Martín. Dinastías reales de España: Geografía política y eclesiástica (1986), Ediciones Hidalguia. p. 48.
  16. ^ (in Spanish) Martínez Díez, Gonzalo, Génesis histórica de la provincia de Burgos y sus divisiones administrativas, Aldecoa, Burgos, 1983. ISBN 84-7009-214-6. Spanish original: "Con todo a Don Javier de Burgos corresponde más el mérito de haber emprendido, dirigido y elaborado una nueva división provincial de España el valor y la voluntad política de haber puesto en vigencia una división anterior como la de 1822 con los retoques y modificaciones que creyó oportunas."
  17. ^ (in Spanish) Mariano González Clavero, Fuerzas políticas en el proceso autonómico de Castilla y León: 1975–1983, 2002 doctoral thesis, University of Valladolid Faculty of Philosophy and Letters, p. 60. Retrieved 2000-12-30, Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes.
  18. ^ a b c Jefes Políticos y Gobernadores Civiles Archived 26 December 2009 at the Wayback Machine, Diputación de Albacete. Retrieved 30 December 2000.
  19. ^ a b Pérez, Joseph (1999). Historia de España (in Spanish). Barcelona: Crítica. p. 464. ISBN 84-8432-091-X.
  20. ^ a b c d e f (in Spanish) Santiago Pastrana, El siglo XIX y la revolución liberal in Páginas didácticas sobre geografía.
  21. ^ Francisco Javier Martínez Antonio, Public health and empire in Isabellin Spain (1833–68): the case of military health, História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos, volume 13, number 2, Rio de Janeiro Apr./June 2006, ISSN 0104-5970, doi:10.1590/S0104-59702006000200013, section "The general framework of military public health in the Spanish Empire (1833–1868)". Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  22. ^ "Javier de Burgos y del Olmo". Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia. Eusko Media Fundazioa. Retrieved 25 April 2014.
  23. ^ Examples of such usage include Richard Herr in the Epilogue of An Historical Essay on Modern Spain (accessed online 31 December 2009 on The Library of Iberian Resources Online); The Basque national question: do they want independence?, permanentrevolution.net, 30 July 2009. Retrieved 2009-12-31;Chapter 3: Building multicultural democracies, in Human Development Report 2004: Cultural Liberty in Today’s Diverse World, United Nations Development Programme, p. 51. Retrieved 2009-12-31.
  24. ^ a b (in Spanish) División provincial de Javier de Burgos de 1833, Jarique. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  25. ^ (in Spanish) 1833. Restablecimiento de la provincia de Logroño Archived 13 May 2010 at the Wayback Machine, bermemar.com. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  26. ^ (in Spanish) Historia Archived 28 March 2009 at the Wayback Machine, Ayuntamiento de Tolosa / Tolosako Udala official site. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  27. ^ (in Spanish) Renfe Ceranías Valencia, Renfe Operadora. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  28. ^ (in Spanish)Ignacio Latorre Zacarés, El Archivo Municipal de Requena Abre sus Puertas, on the site of the public library of Requena. 2006, based on internal evidence. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  29. ^ Canaries: History, LonelyPlanet.com. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  30. ^ Aranaz, F., Sánchez-Ortiz, M.P. and Romera, C., Current situation of the Canary Islands representation in the official cartography and its repercussion in the National Atlas of Spain[permanent dead link], in Proceedings of the 21st International Cartographic Conference (ICC) 1268:1275, Durban, South Africa, 10–16 August 2003; ISBN 0-9584609-3-0. p. 1270. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  31. ^ La Rioja: the Autonomous Community Archived 5 January 2009 at the Wayback Machine, TypicallySpanish.com. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  32. ^ (in Spanish)Ley 2/1992, de 28 de febrero, por la que pasan a denominarse oficialmente Girona y Lleida las provincias de Gerona y Lérida Archived 10 July 2010 at the Wayback Machine, derecho.com. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  33. ^ (in Spanish) Real Decreto 567/1992, de 29 de mayo, por el que se cambian las siglas de los permisos de circulación y de las placas oficiales de matricula de los automóviles de la provincia de Girona, modificando el artículo 233 del Código de la Circulación, noticias.juridicas.com. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  34. ^ (in Spanish) Ley Orgánica 15/1995, de 27 de diciembre, sobre alteración de los límites provinciales consistente en la segregación del municipio de Gátova de la provincia de Castellón y su agregación a la de Valencia, noticias.juridicas.com. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  35. ^ (in Spanish) Ley 13/1997, de 25 de abril, por la que pasa a denominarse oficialmente Illes Balears la provincia de Baleares, noticias.juridicas.com. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  36. ^ (in Spanish) Real Decreto 1209/1997, de 18 de julio por el que se modifican las siglas de los permisos de circulación y de las placas oficiales de matrícula de los vehículos de la provincia de Illes Balears, modificando el artículo 233 del Código de la Circulación, noticias.juridicas.com. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  37. ^ (in Spanish) Ley 2/1998, de 3 de marzo, sobre el cambio de denominación de las provincias de La Coruña y Orense, noticias.juridicas.com. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  38. ^ (in Spanish) Real Decreto 1735/1998, de 31 de julio, por el que se modifica el artículo 233 del Código de la Circulación, para cambiar las siglas de los permisos de circulación y de las placas oficiales de matrícula de los vehículos de la provincia de Ourense, noticias.juridicas.com. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  39. ^ a b Spanish Constitution, official translation on the site of the Senate of Spain. Retrieved 31 December 2009.
  40. ^ See also, for some discussion, (in Spanish) La integración de municipios limítrofes, Jarique. Retrieved 31 December 2009. This article discusses the Cortes Generales' refusal to adjust the borders of the autonomous community Murcia at the time of its formation to include territories historically part of the Taifa of Murcia but falling outside of the smaller 1833 province.
  41. ^ (in Catalan) Esther Celma Reus, El Govern confirma que la llei territorial queda aparcada, El Periódico online, 9 February 2007. Retrieved 2009-12-31.
  42. ^ (in Spanish) La Generalitat catalana mantiene su voluntad de aprobar las vegueries en enero, Europa Press, 29 December 2009. Retrieved 2009-12-31.
  43. ^ La Vanguardia, 23 January 2011
This page was last edited on 24 April 2019, at 18:32
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