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1814 Pennsylvania gubernatorial election

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Pennsylvania gubernatorial election, 1814

← 1811 November 8, 1814 (1814-11-08) 1817 →
Nominee Simon Snyder Isaac Wayne
Party Democratic-Republican Federalist
Popular vote 51,099 29,566
Percentage 62.6% 36.2%

Pennsylvania Gubernatorial Election Results by County, 1814.svg
County Results
Snyder:      50-60%      60-70%      70-80%      80-90%      90-100%
Wayne:      50-60%      60-70%      70-80%

Governor before election

Simon Snyder

Elected Governor

Simon Snyder

The Pennsylvania gubernatorial election of 1814 occurred on November 8, 1814. After contemplating retirement, incumbent Democratic-Republican governor Simon Snyder instead chose to run for reelection. He earned a third term as the state's executive after defeating Federalist candidate Isaac Wayne, a former member of the Pennsylvania State Senate.

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To go on and introduce Adam. He is the professor at Georgetown University he has been there since 2000 graduated from Columbia got Ph.D. in history there. He lived in DC with his wife and two children. So we have that in common. (LAUGHTER) >> and he has done a whole lot of work in history. As I was going through what you have done I was like wow man this is my passion. (LAUGHTER) >> But I mean, U.S. history from the American revolution to the Civil War and the history of slavery. Most recent book beyond freedom's reach is a true story of three slave children who were taken from their mother here in the U.S. and taken to Cuba and the struggle that the mother went through to try to get those children back from bondage from that system of slavery there. And as a member of Georgetown he had been one of the pioneers in the Georgetown University's working group on slavery. Memory and reconciliation he is the curator of the Georgetown slavery archives as well. He explored our history of slavery in our own back yard here in Georgetown. There is so many people you will never know. People who are not in the circle who are knowledgeable of what -- of the work that you are doing. And I am jogging through Rock Creek Park and people are talking about the work that you all are doing in the park just so you know. (LAUGHTER) >> So, going on, the one of the great things is he has been able to work with his colleagues through additional archivists to create the Georgetown Slavery archive it includes a tremendous amount of documentation from 1838 all the way up to now to where back in 1838 was when you are going to tell us more of the history of it. where the slaves were there and they were sold and 300 of them were sold and how did that -- what did that mean for those people to have gone through that. And what are the impact that had an Georgetown and the establishment of it and the current state that we know of it today. I am looking forward to hearing from you as well. The report of the working group was released by the President on September 1, president of Georgetown September 1 since then he has continued to expand the archive reaching out to the growing number of descendants of the Maryland Jesuit slave community about this important issue. As you mentioned, it's amazing to see how Georgetown has dealt with this issue. As a black male, here in the U.S., you don't see -- we haven't seen that. And it's really exciting to see and see other schools will then take the lead and champion that as well. In addition to -- he has written other books. Another book was the slave county American expansion of the origins of the deep south. And you mentioned earlier beyond freedom's reach and kidnapping in the twilight of slavery without further ado Mr. Professor Rothman I would like to have him come up here. >> I would like to begin by thanking the Historical Society of Washington, DC for the opportunity to deliver this year's Letitia Woods Brown lecture. Professor brown was a champion of the African-American history of Washington, DC. It's a real thrill for me to be able to honor her work and life in this forum. It's really just touching and moving to hear your recollections of your grandmother. And I am -- I can't tell you how happy it makes me to hear from you that she would approve of and appreciate the work that we are doing at Georgetown. I mean, that -- that is pretty much the best introduction I have ever got ten. (LAUGHTER) >> in my life. I really appreciate that. I just hope that we would do her proud. I would also like to thank the National Archives for hosting us. And for all of you for being here in person or perhaps watching remotely through the magic of YouTube for maybe later on C-span. I just really appreciate your interest in history. Sometimes these days it seems like teaching and learning about history is an up-hill battle, we are focused on the present, we look -- we have -- we are looking forward to the future few of us pause to reflect on the past where we come from and how it shapes who we are today. So, to see so many people who are here to learn about history and to think about its impact, on our world is truly heartening. College campuses especially the venerable ones like Georgetown you see how venerable it is. (LAUGHTER) >> Georgetown where I work typically present very well manicured landscapes of historical memory. The old buildings stand as monuments to the past. Even as their interiors are updated with wi-fi and glass and gleaming shining things. Coffee shops. (LAUGHTER) >> Buildings are usually named after founders whose fame has faded in truth few people on campus really know who they actually were. Until those founders become infamous and the well manicured landscape of historical memory starts to show signs of blight. I teach history at Georgetown University. I teach and write about slavery and emancipation largely in the deep south. But recently my attention has turned closer to home. It's like our own back yard to my own institution. Last year I had the privilege of serving as a member of Georgetown University working group on Slavery, Memory, and Reconciliation the group was formed in September 2015 at the behest of the university's president John DeGioia who asked us to reflect on how Georgetown should I quote, acknowledge and recognize Georgetown's historic relationship with the institution of slavery. The immediate cause of the formation of the working group what prompted president DeGioia to form this body was the reopening of a newly renovated Mulledy Hall. a hall named after Rev. Thomas F. Mulledy society of Jesus. He was the President of Georgetown University in 1830's. -- 1830's. Here is the problem the scandal with Mulledy which is now well-known. At least I hope it's well-known. He orchestrated the mass sale of more than 200 nearly 300 men women and children who were owned by the Maryland Jesuits in 1838. He used at least part of the proceeds of that sale to rescue the college from debt. It's safe to say rather shocking to understand that Georgetown really owes its existence to the sale of those slaves in 1838. The proceeds of that sale saved the college. President DeGioia rightly got the present moment was ripe for the Georgetown community to have a difficult conversation about this history. I mean, he did that I think for many reasons. He understood the moment for many reasons. One of them was all of the things that were roiling college campuses last year, the student protests against injustice, indignity. That was -- that was being perpetrated on people of color. But also, president DeGioia knew the history of Georgetown. He was aware of its roots in institutions of slavery. Now, I will add that new scholarship like professor Craig wilder's book Ebony and Ivy put the issue of slavery and American colleges and universities back in our mental landscape. So, we are -- our work builds on the shoulders of many other scholars and archivists and activists. And that whole community has helped us to do our work. Now, I want to emphasize Georgetown history of slavery was never a secret. Relatively small group of scholars alumni and students, I am one of them, has known about this history for a fairly long time. There is excellent scholarship on the subject. I especially want to applaud the efforts of one of my predecessors at Georgetown professor Emmett Curin who is now retired. The professor wrote a history of Georgetown published in 1989. 1989, that exposed the college's roots in slavery. He wrote about this 1838 sale and its consequences for the college. A long time before the working group started its work. Then in the 1990's our American studies program began to teach about Georgetown and slavery. Incorporating the history into its curriculum. And creating a pioneering website called the Jesuit plantation project that published some of the same documents we put on Georgetown slavery archives before we did. Student journalists including one member of the working group Mathew Qualin wrote about the slave holding past in campus on newspapers and periodicals. And I might say scooping the Washington Post as they did so. (LAUGHTER) >> and, yet, for all of this, when the working group began its work last year we were surprised to discover how little we and most people knew about this subject. And how shocking Georgetown's link to slavery were for most people around our community. Most people simply did not know the history. So, I feel like that is a failure of -- of scholars like myself. Who have written about this stuff, that have not done enough to get it out to the public. To really have the history penetrate people's consciousness those at the university and beyond it. This history in a very real way was lost to us, buried underneath the university's landscape of memory. It seems to me the first step in truth and reconciliation is truth. So, excavating the history and publicizing it has become one of our key tasks it's really what I have been devoted to as a member of the working group. Now, to accomplish that we have been digging in archives at Georgetown where the archives of the Maryland province now reside. And archives in other cases as well including right here at the National Archives which just has extraordinary material on the history of American slavery. So, we have been digging around to find original documents that can shed light on the history. We are trying to make them available on our website called the Georgetown slavery archives. So, today I would like to walk you through a handful of the documents to give you a sense of the depth and extent of Georgetown's roots in American slavery. To introduce you to some of the central questions and challenges raised by this material. We are a gathering of people who are interested in history I hope you don't mind if I dwell on the past. It's really what we do. So, to begin, with this -- to begin we go back a bit farther in time to a more distant location than you might expect me to. In the early 1600's, 1610's and 1620's a Jesuit priest named Alonzo de Sandoval began to minister to newly-arrived Africans in the port city of Cartahgna in what is now Columbia. He worked at the Jesuit college there, he was a Jesuit 150 years before the founding of Georgetown. He met with sick and dying Africans on the docks there. He began to have doubts about the morality of the system of slavery that he encountered. He began to ask some pesky questions of his colleagues Jesuits around the Atlantic world. Like whether those Africans he was meeting with had been illegally enslaved. A Jesuit priest named Luis Brandauer was stationed acrossthe ocean in Lawanda in what is known now as Angola where many of the Africans embarked wrote Sandoval a letter addressing the concerns. A truly remarkable letter that tried to ease his conscious. Sandoval included the letter in a massive tome that he published in Seville in 1627 called on restoring Ethiopian Salvation. Here is a title page from that tome on the left. A part of the manuscript on the right that I want to tell you about. I want to thank one of my grad students for finding this for me it's good to have students. (LAUGHTER) >> Don't worry, Father Brandauer wrote, wise men of good conscience do not find slavery reprehensible that's a quotation from the book. From the letter. Rather, Jesuits buy slaves "without feeling any guilt." It was true he admitted that no black slave ever says he deserved to be enslaved. But he warned Sandoval not to ask them for their opinion. (LAUGHTER) >> Can you imagine? Quote, they will always say they were stolen or taken illegally hoping that this will help them get their freedom." that's why you shouldn't ask them. (LAUGHTER) >> They are going to give you an answer that you don't like. Father concluded that too many souls were saved through enslavement to worry about the few who might actually have been illegally enslaved. That's why he -- on this page the text of the letter (indicating). Now, Sandoval bought the argument he made peace with slavery. And devoted his life to saving the souls of hundred thousand captive Africans carted to the area in the 17th century. Now, although it took place a long way from the founding of Georgetown, I mention this correspondence because I mention this correspondence between Sandoval and the Brandauer because it tells us something important about the intellectual religious and social world of Atlantic slavery that the Maryland Jesuits came to inhabit. Slavery in the Atlantic slave trade had been rationalized by Christian arguments that prized salvation over earthly freedom. In fact, the Jesuit college in Carthena where Sandoval worked purchased enslaved Africans who served as translators to aid his missionary efforts. Moreover, the attempt to justify slavery required Sandoval and his fellow Jesuits to dismiss ignore and silence captive Africans own protests against their enslavement. To listen to them, to take their grievances seriously would have threatened the entire enterprise. Jesuits arrived in Maryland in 1634. Not long after Sandoval published his treaties in Seville can't say whether they knew about it or not they probably didn't. What we do know it took decades for slavery to get firmly implanted in Maryland. For a half century indentured servants and farmers from Europe supplied the labor needs for the tobacco economy in Maryland and the Chesapeake. It was not until the end of the 17th century the 1680's and 1690's that large number of captured Africans began to arrive in the colony. The labor force began to tilt towards slavery. the Jesuits along with other Catholics participated in Maryland's great transition from servitude to slavery. Became large slave owners in the first half of the 18th century. The record you look back now dates back to that era. What the University of Maryland historian IRA Berlin one of the great historians of American slavery called the plantation generation of slavery in colonial North America. This is a list of slaves who were brought from the white marsh plantation in prince George's county to the St. Joseph mission in Calvert County on the Eastern Shore. I want to draw your attention to the first name in the list (indicating). A woman named Nanny see the first name? A woman named Nanny. She is identified in this record 55-year-old Guinea Negro. The names are tantalizing. You want to know so much more about who these people are. But there is just so little information. Her name was Nanny she was born in Africa around 1710. That's all we know right now. All we really know is what is on that page. Nanny is the only enslaved person in the Maryland province mentioned in the Maryland province archive. Who I have come across so far who is identified as being African-born. And in record is perhaps the sole piece of evidence linking the Maryland Jesuit slave community to their African origins. The other people on this list were all born in Maryland and baptized with English names like Tom, Frank and Lucy. Like most of the slaves named in the archives their last names are not recorded. All of this I think are symptoms of what the sociologist Orlando Patterson calls the NATO alienation of slavery. The cutting off of people from their ancestry. From the first indication of Jesuit slave holding in Maryland in the 1710, the Jesuit plantation continued to grow across the 18th century. The Census in 1765 taken by a Jesuit counted nearly 200 slaves on the Jesuit plantations. The plantations were primarily located in Southern Maryland in the St. Mary's County and Charles County. But there were missions and plantations further north on the Eastern Shore. The suppression of the Jesuits in the 1770's posed new challenges for the Catholic leadership in the colony and new organizational forms emerged and stirred the Jesuit'sorder property as slaves. Including the corporation of Roman Catholic clergy men. Georgetown College was founded to advantage Catholic education in the United States in the 1789 it was established by Maryland, the Maryland Catholic planter owned Jesuit order that was deeply invested in slavery at the local level. And the basic idea was that the Jesuit plantations would help to pay for the churches and the schools. So, Georgetown rests on the foundation of a slave economy. Now the Jesuits and their Catholic congregants were not the only people in Maryland to draw inspiration from the ideals of the American revolution. It was really to prove that there was a place for Catholics in the new republic that Georgetown was founded. It seems that the Jesuits-owned slaves also drew inspiration from the ideals of the American revolution. And thought that the principles of freedom, equality articulated by the revolution should apply to them. In the late 18 and early 19th Centuries a number of slaves belonging to Jesuit owners including owners closely affiliated with Georgetown sued in local courts for their freedom. Three families in particular the Butlers, the Mahonys and Queens took their owners to court and in some cases were successful. One of these freedom seekers was a man named Edward Queen who filed this complaint against Rev. John Ashton at the general court of the western shore in 1791. I don't know how -- from where you are sitting if you can read the handwriting in the petition I assure you this is among the more legible documents that we have encountered. I should add as well this document comes from a wonderful website created by University of Nebraska professor William Thomas about these various freedom suits in the early republic. So, this is an example of the kind of collaboration and other people's scholarship that we have benefitted from. So, if you can read this petition, Queen is claiming his freedom on the basis of descent from a free woman named Mary Queen who was his grandmother. Grandmothers. (LAUGHTER) >> Much like those captive Africans in Cartahena he claimed to be illegally enslaved in this case Queen actually won --he was heard and he won his case in the Maryland courts in 1794. Queen was a member of what is called the revolutionary generation of American slaves. He was also part of the moment of transition in the Chesapeake hosted after the American revolution when there is a brief window of opportunity for enslaved people to make their way to freedom. This is a moment when the population of free people of color begin to expand tremendously. And I will add one of the pioneering historians of free people of color in this region was Letitia Woods Brown. It's worth noting that in granting Queen his freedom on the relatively narrow ground of his free-born grandmother, okay, and let me -- let me remind you that in the law of slavery in Maryland most other places in America the children of enslaved women were also slaves. So, status followed the mother. And not only did their status follow the mother not only were the children of enslaved women were slaves they would be owned by their mother's owner. But if your mother is freed you by rights should be free as well. That's the basis for Edward Queen's claim for freedom. In granting Queen freedom on the relatively narrow ground of the free-born grandmother. The courts also implicitly affirmed the enslavement of thousands of other enslaved people. Who could not establish their birth right in court. So, you can see here (indicating) the powers that be in the slave society trying to -- trying to make up rules by which slavery would be governed. As a legal institution operated by certain rules. Now, Rev. Ashton for his part was Irish born Jesuit stationed many years at the white marsh plantation in Prince George's County he is listed in the 1790 Census with 82 slaves next to his name. One of the biggest planters in the region. He also happened to be a founder of the corporation of Roman Catholic clergy men one of the first directors of Georgetown College. It's really remarkable how many connections to slavery turn up in the early records of the college itself. The first -- the first college ledgers which record the students coming into the college and paying for room and board, their expenses, those first ledgers record the hiring of slaves. One was named Suki she was hired to the college by her owner from William Digs for ten pounds per year 1792 to 97 not just a question of ownership but hiring and renting of slaves. Father John Macilroy whoes juornals record daily life at the college wrote of 13 quote colored persons that's how he described them out of 101 people at all in the college in 1813. So, 13% of the people at the college in 1813 were slaves. Who they were what they did he failed to mention. But a later entry in the journal records the burial of a man that he calls Billy the blacksmith. Probably a slave was buried in the college grave yard in a ceremony attended by many of his students. Holy trinity church next to Georgetown the sacramental registers of Holy Trinity records slaves baptized and married right next door to campus. William Gaston, Georgetown's acclaimed first student, many of our grand lectures and are held in Gaston hall he came from a wealthy slave owning family in North Carolina he went on to become a distinguished judge in the North Carolina Supreme court ruling in one case a slave had a right to life and another that free people of color could be citizens of his state. So, those two rulings were actually remarkably progressive for a North Carolina jurist before the Civil War. I think it's important to understand that the significance of the use of slave labor at Georgetown and close ties to slavery are not just an economic question although they certainly are. But there is something deeper going on here. It's about the way that these institutions churches and schools shape the moral order of society, the normative order of society. So, if people at Georgetown, faculty and the presidents of Georgetown are routinely buying and selling slaves, hiring slaves, what does that say to everybody else? It says that this is a perfectly reasonable perfectly normal perfectly well institution. So, I think you cannot underestimate the ideological effect of the participation of a place like Georgetown or the Jesuit order in slave holding. One slave at Georgetown in the early years was a man named Isaac who ran a way from the college in the war of 1812. January of 1814 actually. Father Macoroy advertised his escape from a Washington newspaper. As you see here this is a run away slave act of which there are thousands and thousands and thousands in American newspapers. So this happened to be one posted by a Jesuit working at Georgetown College. It says offers a $30 reward for the return of Isaac who ran away from Georgetown College on Saturday night the 29th a Negro man Isaac 23 years old quite black complexion 5 feet 8 inches high. So, the advertisement gives a physical description of Isaac tells the readers what he was wearing it speculates that he had a change of clothing with him and noted that Isaac can read he procured a pass to allow him to move freely around the countryside. They guessed he might be on the way to Pennsylvania a freer state in 1814 than Maryland was. I shouldn't -- but understand even if -- even if Isaac had gotten to Maryland that wouldn't make him free under the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution he was bound to service and could be returned to the college. These ads are very one sided you only get the perspective of the owner in most cases you have no idea what -- what actually happened. But in this case the journal actually fills out some of the details. It turns out Isaac was captured and thrown in jail in Baltimore and Rev. Neal one of Macoroy's colleagues sold him as punishment. There was not much mercy shown to Isaac. Once the war of 1812 concluded the society of Jesus restored after the ERA was suppression The Maryland Jesuits began to wrestle with the problem of slavery. They did not exactly wrestle with it in abolitionist way. The way we might want or expect them to have wrestled with it. A Jesuit brother Joseph Morberly wrote a letter to the president of Georgetown in February 1815 to propose getting rid of the slaves. Either by selling them off or freeing them. Quote, it is better to sell for a time or to set your people free he wrote. These were his reasons, first, because we have their souls to answer for. Second, because blacks are more difficult to govern now than formerly. And maybe he had Isaac and Edward Queen in mind. And, third, because we shall make more and more to our satisfaction. What followed this letter was a careful comparison of the cost of slave labor with the cost of hiring white laborers. He con -- he concluded shifting to free white workers would provide substantial savings to the Jesuits. For the next 20 years the Maryland Jesuits grappled whether to sell their human property. To free them or to simply maintain the status quo. One Jesuit proposed freeing them sending them to Liberia a newly created haven for former slaves in West Africa championed by the colonization society founded in the neighborhood of Georgetown. By the 1830's the plantations were becoming increasingly unprofitable. Slavery was coming under moral attack from a rising abolitionist movement. And Georgetown itself had fallen on hard times the building spree saddled the college with debt. Under the leadership of Rev. Thomas Mulledy who served as president of Georgetown for much of the 1830's they made a fateful decision to sell most of the slaves to two Catholic planters in Louisiana Henry Johnson and Jesse Batey. Henry Johnson had -- Henry had been the governor of Louisiana so this is not an insignificant person. They agreed to sell the slaves to Johnson and Batey for $115,000 in 1838 money depending how you count at minimum $3 million today. They made sure to sell to Catholic owners so as not to betray their religious obligation to care for the slaves sold. In fact, that was one of the conditions that was put on the sale by the church in Rome. Who wasn't too happy about it. But they did not ask the slave whether they would like to be sold to Louisiana. Which was notorious to black people in the upper south for being akin to a death sentence. I should say that some of these documents can be very tough to take. I mean, they -- I show them to you because I think it's important to confront directly the evidence of slavery in historical record, but I do recognize that -- that they can be very difficult to look at. It turns out the 1838 sale is one of the most richly documented mass sales of slaves in American history. The records offer an unusual window into the domestic slave trade. And the uprooting and transplantation of virtually an entire slave community from the upper south to the deep south. Historians estimate roughly a million slaves, a million men women and children were subjected to forced migration from 1790 to 1860 in the United States. Transportation from the upper south to the deep south. By land trekking hundreds of miles others were boarded on to steam boats and literally sold down the river. The Maryland Jesuit slaves went by a coastal route. They sailed from the Chesapeake to New Orleans a voyage that took a week or two. Some historians refer to it as the second middle passage. Now, it's hard to wrap your head around a number like a million it's a big number. It's only think about it in an abstract way. I think it's the stories of individuals like Solomon Northrup or community families and communities like the Maryland Jesuit slaves that allow us to grasp the trauma of that second middle passage on a human scale. Now, 1838 sale is documented in several ways. Mulledy signed a contract with Johnson and Batey agreeing to sell 272 men women and children who are named in the articles of agreement. The terms of the sale are laid out as well. Financial transaction. Later that year, Mulledy parcelled out the slaves to Batey and Johnson and three additional bills of sale identified the people who would be sold to Johnson and those who would be sold to Batey. There were still other transactions because some of the Jesuit slaves were married to slaves of non-Jesuits. And the Jesuits were under orders from Rome not to separate families. So what to do about this situation. The Jesuits appeared to have sold some of their own slaves to the owners of their slaves spouses and purchased other spouses to send with their own slaves to Louisiana. We are still piecing that part together. Before the sale the Jesuits took a Census of the 272 slaves who were slated to be sold identifying them by family groups in the plantations where they lived new town faint indigos, white marsh and saint Thomas manor. Now, this particular bill of sale, is from Thomas Mulledy to Jessy Batey. And can you see this is very legible very legible script, you can see that most -- while most of the people listed in this contract are identified only by their first name, a few last names are included such as the first name on this contract Nace Butler the first name on the third line 15 years -- 50 years of age -- Vivvy 45 and her infant she is Nace Butler's wife. The names that, the infant Caroline, Basil Martha Ann Henry Tom Mary John Lewis Justin and Rose are all the Butler's children. It was a descendant Nace and Vivvy Butler two a woman Patricia Johnson who has a real talent for genealogy who first discovered her own family history in these records more than a decade ago. And the work that Patricia Johnson did tracking her own family history has been a real inspiration and a source of knowledge for those of us at Georgetown working on this history. The 1838 sale involved families formed over multiple generations. They had been in Maryland for a long time. More than a hundred years in many cases. And now they were being uprooted and sent to a strange distant place. Another very important document in tracing the movement of the Maryland Jesuit slaves from the Chesapeake are -- to the deep south is this document (indicating) which is a top of a manifest for a vessel called the Catherine Jackson sailed from Alexandria to New Orleans in November 1838 carrying many of the Maryland Jesuit slaves on board. The original of this manuscript is currently located at the National Archives in Fort Worth. And I want to take this opportunity to thank the archivist there for working with us to locate this document and digitize it. One of the important features of this manifest is that it recorded a lot more last names for the Jesuit slaves than one can find in the Jesuit's own record keeping. I have heard a lot sort over the past year how great the Jesuit record keeping was. I am here to tell you it wasn't that great. (LAUGHTER) >> They could have done a better job at a number of things. But one of the things that is really built into the Jesuit record keeping is a failure to record the last names of the slaves. We know they have them from other -- subsequent records like the manifest and records in Louisiana. But those last names in most cases will not appear in the Jesuit's own records. Those last names include Butler, Digs, Hawkings, Hill, Merrick, Cloudin, Queen and Scott and many others. And those of you who are from this area may recognize many of those names as common names in this region. Common names among African-Americans. And that's because the community was divided. There were people who were slaves and people who were free who shared these names and these histories. But the sale in 1838 picks up the Jesuit slave community and pulls it out of that context. And plops them down in Louisiana. Now, in many cases, in the history of the domestic slave trade it's difficult, very difficult if not entirely impossible to trace slaves sold in the upper south to their destinations in the deep south. Although there are literally tens of thousands of enslaved people recorded on these ship manifests in the National Archives, a lot of them have been digitized -- you want to search these manifests. Figuring out what happened to them once they got off the boats is tough to do. That's another reason why this case the Georgetown case of the Maryland Jesuit slave community is so valuable for historical research. Because we know where they ended up. At least many of them. Not all of them but many of them. Some ended up on Henry Johnson's Chatham plantation in Ascension parish Louisiana others ended up on Jessy Bately's West Oak Plantation in Iberville Parish, Louisiana. We know where they ended up. Moreover, we know their experience of being bought and sold continued in Louisiana up to the Civil War. So 1838 was not the last time these people were sold. Henry Johnson fell into financial difficulty shortly after purchasing the -- all of these slaves he had to renegotiate the terms of the purchase with Mulledy in the 1840's and 1850's that money is sloshing around Jesuit and Georgetown coffers for decades. Another thing that they weren't that great about keeping records on. Ultimately, ultimately Henry Johnson sold his plantation I believe in the 1850's to a man -- I am not making this up he was named John Thompson. (LAUGHTER) >> I don't think any relation. The Batey slaves were sold at least two more times as they passed to his heirs after he died in the 1850's his heirs sold it to the Barrows family in 1853, who sold it, it the Woolfolk's in 1856. The on the eve of emancipation a portion of the Maryland Jesuit slave community was in the possession of a woman named Emily Woolfolk in Louisiana. Emily Woolfolk was the widow of one of the most infamous domestic slave traders in American history. The records allow us to trace many but not all of the Maryland Jesuit slaves into the era of emancipation. Some of them, and their children, appear in the 1870 Census. Once you can find people in the 1870 Census it becomes much easier to trace them through the standard -- standard methods of genealogy. The problem of many African-Americans is trying to trace ancestors back to the days of slavery 1870 becomes a brick wall. Because the Census didn't identify enslaved people by name just their owners. There were slave schedules in 1850 and 1860 Census that actually count the number of slaves owned by each owner. But the slaves are only mentioned by number. Not by name. Only by number. Not by name. So, you have to go to records like the ones I showed property records baptismal records if they exist to try to trace genealogy back to the days of slavery. So, these are the kinds of records that made it possible for the descendants of the Maryland Jesuit slave community to be discovered and for them to come to know their own history as inhabiting for the last several months. But this particular document that your looking at now, I apologize for the -- this is definitely unreadable for all of us, but this is from digital scan of a microfilm of documents here at the National Archives. The Freedmen's Bureau records. Which are one of the most extraordinary sets of records in all of American history. Documenting that moment that process of emancipation. Because the document that your looking at now is a payroll record of -- that was filed at the Freedmen's Bureau in Louisiana at the end of 1865. And this is a payroll record for newly freed people on the West Oak Plantation in Iberville Parish. At least some of these people were members of the Maryland Jesuit slave community. And their children. But they are no longer slaves here. They are in fact recorded as freed men. Or men and women. In this record this record actually records their wages for the year 1865. Indication they are now getting paid for their work. This an image of what freedom looks like in 1865 is it really freedom? How free were they? These are the kinds of questions that we need to continue to ask. Back to Georgetown. Georgetown college and the Maryland Jesuits continued to be involved with slavery after 1838. Despite the sale of most of the slaves to Louisiana. Not all of the Jesuit slaves were sent to Louisiana some managed to escape being sold literally by escaping. In 1867 Census of slaves emancipated in Maryland in 1864 shows one families of slaves in St. Mary's parish headed by Louisa Mason. They are the last of the Maryland Jesuit slaves. Slaves continued to provide labor at the college and students from slave owning families continued to attend Georgetown. Georgetown College's southern orientation explains why the majority of Georgetown's students and alumni who fought in the Civil War fought for guess which side? Confederacy. They fought for a short lived nation whose cornerstone was slavery. It was really after the war that Georgetown's ties to slavery got buried in the landscape of memory. I will give you two examples of this. One is in the career of the man on the left (indicating) Rev. Patrick Healy of the society of Jesus. Known as Georgetown's second founder. Healy served as president of Georgetown from 1872 to 1874 to 1882. And helped to build several new buildings on campus. Healy was born into slavery he was the son of Irish cotton planter in Georgia and a slave woman. His father recognized his paternity of Healy and his siblings. Healy was sent to a Catholic school in the north and ultimately entered the Jesuit order where he rose to prominence to the position as the President of Georgetown. But essentially he passed for white as the Jesuits had to conceal his ancestry from the public. He recently his ancestry wasn't really discovered and made public until scholars figured it out in the beginning of the 1950's upon which time Healy was claimed as the first African-American president of -- (LAUGHTER) >> Of predominantly white American University. And he is celebrated in this way at Georgetown. Even though nobody at the time very few people at the time knew that he was not white. So, we can also see this burial of the history of slavery in Georgetown's school colors the blue and the gray. Those colors were actually chosen by Georgetown's crew team in the auspicious year of 1876 a year that marked the end of reconstruction. They chose those colors as a sign of sectional reconciliation between Northern and southern students. And this is on the Georgetown library web page I believe Georgetown's alma mater written for the occasion of the 1876 unveiling of the colors. And, today, Georgetown these are our colors. I mean I am wearing blew and gray right now this is Georgetown. But we know that sectional reconciliation the union of blue and gray after the Civil War was purchased at the expense of the rights of African-Americans. And the memory of the politics of slavery. So, white and -- white coming from the north and south they could only reconcile with each other if they all forgot about that problem with slavery. Which is why they were fighting in the first place. The first black undergraduate at Georgetown was not admitted until 1950. His name was Samuel Halsey, Junior. So think about it , for about 150 years white students were admitted to Georgetown, walked through all of the doors of opportunity that their education opened up to them, while black students were excluded despite the fact that Georgetown virtually owes its existence to slave labor. Compared to that reality, Healy's imperceptible blackness is of little consolation. A modest proposal, going forward Georgetown College should be blue gray and black. (LAUGHTER) >> So, what now? Where do we go from here? My walking tour through the archives is concluded. We worked on this -- we worked on covering this history building the slavery archive getting the story out to the Georgetown community. Hearing from members of the community about what this history meant to them. Gathering knowledge from scholars of slavery and emancipation and African-American history about what all of this meant, including professor wilder from MIT. We gathered all of the knowledge and tried to figure out what do we do to come to terms with this history? And we wrote up a report this working group composed of students faculty and staff and alumni markedly diverse group of people. And we came up with the report, this is the report elegant little document available on Georgetown University's slave memory and reconciliation it lays -- it lays out much of the history and provides a series of recommendations and rationales for how we should proceed. It's suggests, for instance, that we remake that landscape of memory on campus in part by renaming Mulledy and Mc Ferry hall the two Jesuit presidents largely responsible for the sale of the slaves. Students protested in the fall and Georgetown changed the names at that time to freedom and remembrance hall til we could come up with something better. So, the working group recommended that one of the halls Mulledy hall be named after a enslaved man named Isaac who is the first person listed in the articles of agreement he symbolizes Maryland Jesuit slave community that was sacrificed to save Georgetown. We also know Isaac was the patriarch of the Hawkins family multiple generations who were transported sold and transported to Louisiana. So we know something about Isaac. The second building we recommended be named after a truly remarkable woman named Ann Marie Beecraft an African-American woman who became a nun in the 1820's and 1830's was a real pioneer in the education of African-American women in Georgetown. Not Georgetown at College, where they were excluded, but outside the gates. She is largely been forgotten but she ought to be remembered one of the great African-American historians of the 19th Century called her one of the most remarkable people to live in the city. So, we should remember her. So, we want to do that. We want to create a memorial to the slavery at Georgetown that will be an enduring monument to the history. We want to create historical plaques on campus that expose the history so that it's no longer buried. We want to continue this research on slavery and its legacy. We have incredible archive which scholars and the public can use to work through so many different aspects in the history of slavery that Georgetown story is a microcosm of the whole history of slavery and emancipation in the United States as we continue to -- continue as one community. The working group recommended outreach to the descendants of the Maryland Jesuit slave community both those sent to Louisiana and those who might have remained behind. Really one of the great joys of the work that we have been engaged in is to get to know these people. To help them recover their family histories. To hear their perspective on what the history means to them. And I have had groups from people groups come to Georgetown, I have been with them in the special collections where they look at these documents, you know, in person, and find the names of their ancestors. And that's-- for me it's been a really remarkable experience. You know, I think for a long time I am an academic I write about things that happened a long time ago. And for me what this has done is collapsed the distance between the past and the present and make you all the -- and make it all the more meaningful. Part of the recommendations was institutional apology we are sorry for having participated in this inhumane kind of institution. Apologies may not be worth that much but if you back them up, I think, with substantial gestures of -- of contrition and reconciliation then maybe they do mean something. And finally, I would say that and ultimately the goal is that examining this history, thinking about it and reflecting upon it will be an inspiration for all of us to search out our own moral blind spots, where -- what are we failing to recognize today in the way that the university conducts its business the way we conduct our business. In what ways are we repeating the mistakes of the leadership of Georgetown 150 years ago not exactly the same, but our own mistakes that come out of a failure of moral imagination. And especially with respect to the enduring legacies of slavery and racist discrimination today. Racism and racist forms of injustice in our own back yard. And further afield. Ultimately, for me, I think, the tremendous -- one of the tremendous values of doing this work over the past year, is just to see the tremendous response from members of the Georgetown community from descendants from the public, from all of you just showing up here today to listen to me ramble through this history. I think what it shows what it can show ultimately is that history really does matter. So, thank you for listening. (APPLAUSE) >> So, are there questions. If you have a question please come to one of the microphones so everybody can hear you. (inaudible) >> Good afternoon I would like to thank you for the work that you have done on this project. I have been doing a lot of reading lately that says that the trauma of slavery is in the DNA of African-Americans today. And I would like to acknowledge that tonight. I also would like to say that you asked how this information couldn't be known? I suggest tonight that given the information age we are in today with the elections upon us there is information that we still don't know. So, how --and my question to you is: How was it for you working on this project and what kind of feelings did you experience doing the research. >> I thank you for the question. I had a range of feelings and emotions as I engaged in this work. The first was a -- a sense of terror that was born out of a real desire to get this history right. Because I --especially as it became more and more of a public kind of enterprise the articles in the New York Times started to write about it. I recognized there were a lot of people looking very closely at the work that we were doing. And that puts a lot of pressure on you as a scholar and you just really, really want to get it right. That was part of it. Just curiosity is another. I think curiosity is an important quality for any historian or really any thinking person to have. You want to know well what -- how do I make sense of this? How is it possible that the Jesuit leaders of Georgetown could baptize their slaves one day and sell them the next? How do you make sense of that apparent paradox? So there is a kind of curiosity to know how did it happen? What was going through their heads. And even greater curiosity I think you know what it meant for the slaves themselves. Was there any way through the records that we have available to get at their perspective? Which is so hidden in the records. That's actually one reason why it's been so amazing to get to know some of the descendants because they have family history they have family lore especially those who remained in Maryland they knew the family's connection to the Jesuits the family continued to have connections to the Jesuits after emancipation. That is not so much in the records but it's in their family lore so coming to -- being able to learn that was -- was really just heartening and very gratifying. So, all of those are probably the emotions that I felt as a scholar pursuing this history. >> Hi. I am (inaudible) I have a prospective student of history and I would like to ask: If other than plantations if the slaves were as domestic slaves and if the Jesuits hired out slaves for the Washington society. I mean if you have records of that. >> Yes. So, the slaves Jesuit community and college performed a wide range of labor on the plantations they performed agricultural work, but there were also artisans there were carpenters and blacksmiths. And the managers of those plantations actually hired out their labor to their neighbors. -- their labor to the neighbors. Women around campus worked as laundresses and cooks. And it took the college renting out slaves it's not so much the college rented slaves to the neighbors in Georgetown, it's that Georgetown neighbors rented their slaves to the college. Well there is also that relationship between the college and the neighborhood around Georgetown. This is not part of that story, but if any of you don't know the story of Amanda and (inaudible) Mamoot who lived in the neighborhood of Georgetown blocks away from the college it's incredible story African he was born in Africa, transported to the slave trade to the Chesapeake, lived in the neighborhood of Georgetown. He was a brick maker. And actually managed to earn enough money as a brick maker to purchase his own freedom. He lived as a free person on making on VOLTA place he was renown as a devote Muslim. So Muslims have been around for a long time. In this country. And his portrait was actually painted more than once and he is one of the faces of the African-American community in Georgetown that -- (inaudible) it's a remarkable story. It's another indication there is so many stories that we still have to tell. That one has been told. >> I went to Georgetown. I graduated in 62 I slept in Healy Hall and I have been to Gaston Hall when I was at Georgetown, everybody had to take large amounts of philosophy. And we -- I can remember my senior year we had five times a week we had ethics. (LAUGHTER) >> And I am trying to -- there is a certain incongruency there. >> You think? (LAUGHTER) >> And I am wondering do the -- does the Georgetown ethics department now -- (LAUGHTER) >> ?? look at this situation and discuss it with the -- does the university talk about this -- we had to take ethics because we were going to be ethical people. And the university doesn't seem like it's behaved ethically. >> It didn't. But I -- one of the -- one of our hopes -- our hopes coming out of this project is that across the university people will integrate and absorb this history into their classes. No matter what they teach. Theology, philosophy, economics, business, performing arts. All of -- every discipline can think about this history in its own way. And that's beginning to happen. That is beginning to happen. There are several courses planned for next semester that are really engaging this history. And I think across the university community people are talking about it. Not just joggers in the park, that was great to hear but across the university. And I -- this is precisely the kind of history that can sharpen our understanding of what it might mean to be ethical. So, I appreciate that, I really appreciate that comment. >> Hi, thank you for sharing your research. I have two quick questions. First you joked about John Thompson being a slave owners but I John Thompson the coach has commented on this issue at all? Historically, Georgetown the neighborhood is actually has a large African-American population not so much right now, I am wondering if the community over the years has known and recognized this history while the university itself might have been quiet? >> I don't know what coach said about this. I know that -- that coach Thompson was at the event at Gaston Hall on September 1 so he is really aware. I am sure the students on the team are very aware of the history. All of the students at Georgetown now are. What was your second question? >> Just the community of Georgetown itself. >> Right. Yeah, one of my colleagues in the history department professor Maurice Jackson who knows a great deal more about the history of Washington than I do, he was very involved in a book project called black Georgetown remembered. Which is a terrific book. And anybody who has any interest in the history of African-American history of Washington really, I think would enjoy and appreciate that book. But that book talks about Georgetown as an African-American community going back to the era of slavery. So, again, there are people who know the history. I don't know if most of the people who live in Georgetown today know the history, but it's something that we could all learn. >> I guess considering the well 40 years of the period you covered the society of Jesus didn't exist per se it might be hard to answer the question in the document of Mr. Queen's petition it was witnessed by what looked to be a priest. >> Yes. >> I don't know if he was Episcopalian, Catholic, don't know Catholic or Jesuit. I imagine he wasn't good friends with Ashton afterwards in the course of the major Prince George's County family. I am wondering if we know how much we know about protesting, protesting Catholics. Especially given the vows of obedience to Rome and Baltimore what kind of -- what do we know about their conflict? This guy seems to be someone who was on the side of Mr. Queen. If I was dealing with petitions and like this that is what I might conclude. What do we know about priests who found themselves on the opposite side of the establishment? >> Yes, great, thank you. Yes the witness here is a Rev. Thomas Digs a Catholic priest. Rev. Ashton was seemed to have been a bit of oddball and outcast from his fellow the fellow Jesuits as far as I know there is no building in Georgetown named after Ashton. He has been buried in the landscape of memory as well. So, I don't really know what was going on with Rev. digs and Ashton. I should say that, professor Will Thomas has done great work on these freedom sheets and there has been scholarship on them. The Key family for instance was really involved as lawyers on behalf of the slaves. So that's an interesting side note. But, I think it is really important to note that there was a big debate within the Jesuit community in the 1820's and 1830's about what to do about slavery. That debate had a lot of dimensions to it. The American-born Jesuits seemed to have been more comfortable with slavery than the European Jesuits that's a dimension of the debate. There were those who didn't think the slaves should be sold but didn't think they should be freed either. They thought the Jesuits had a responsibility to be stewards for the souls of their slaves that meant keeping them as slaves. But there are other Jesuits who did champion schemes for emancipation. (inaudible) proposed a scheme of gradual emancipation over a period of years that would have turned the slave into free tenent farmers on the Jesuit properties. So there is a big and very interesting debate among the Jesuits about what should be done. Thomas Mulledy is called back to Rome after -- after the sale because (inaudible) the Jesuits were unhappy with what they did. Mostly because it was discovered he uses the proceeds of the sale to pay off the debt of the college which is one of the things that Rome explicitly said he should not do they weren't happy with that. But then Mulledy is rehabilitated and sent back to the states where he then found Holy Cross, yes. So, I -- there is really no particularly vocal protests public protests against the sale from within the Jesuit or Catholic community that we know of. It does appear that he might have actually Harbored Louisa Mason and her family to keep them from being sold to Louisiana. The details of that are a bit murky. There was a debate about it. >> Good evening and thank you Professor Rothman for this tremendous work that you are doing. I also appreciate your desire to get it right. There is a very important -- this is very important work. With that said, you stated that one of the objectives of the Georgetown memory project is to -- is outreach to descendants. You mentioned the work of Patricia Thayune Johnson. I have read articles New York Times Washington Post and there were statements at the end of the article if you believe that you are a descendant please contact us. I wanted to know what efforts are being made by the university to initiate that contact? You mentioned your colleagues work from 1989 the story has been known for years. The 1838 sale in particular but the story wasn't -- wasn't really well-known. So, aside from academicians knowing and other people in this community the actual descendants of the Maryland Jesuit slave community, what is the university doing to reach out to them. >> Well, part of -- a few things. Maybe not -- maybe not everything that we should be doing. But a few things. One thing is that by creating the website the Georgetown slavery archive and the slavery memory reconciliation website that is a vehicle for people to contact us who think they might be descendants so we have got a lot of inquiries from people wanting to know if they have a -- if they are descendants how to find that out. That sort of thing. So, I think these websites have been part of that outreach. Trying to do events like this and talk to journalists in -- in different places Southern Maryland and Louisiana, that might reach -- might reach that public. Trying to get the story out there so more and more people who think they might have some intuition sense family history think they might be connected can reach out to us. There is a separate entity called the Georgetown memory project which is actually independent from what the university is doing. That was set up by alumnus Richard Salini they have been doing a lot of research (inaudible) he reached out to some of the descendants telling them about this connection. He is continuing his work, we are collaborating with them, trying to -- trying to put out more and more documents that can help people trace these histories. So, that's basically what we are doing. And if anybody is watching out there on YouTube or C-span if you recognize -- if your name is one of the last names that I have mentioned or you have seen the documents, you know, if you are from one of the counties in Southern Maryland or one of the parish's in Louisiana where these folks ended up you think you might have a connection reach out to us and we can help you -- we can help you find that out. >> Really excellent scholarship thank you very much. My question has to do with how easy or difficult was it as an archivist going through these records. Some at the University of Nebraska, who has a separate set of scholarly research that's going on. Maryland and Georgetown now. How easy or difficult has it been to collect this information? It seems like you had to go quite far afield to find these documents. Thank you. >> You really ask a question that is near and dear to my heart you ask the historian what their source is, that's like wow (LAUGHTER) >> (inaudible) so, the first place is in Georgetown's own archives. The Maryland province archives the records of the Maryland is 130 boxes of materials. There are other boxes of connected archives. It's a lot of stuff. Luckily they are finding these excellent scholarship that cites sources so we can locate you know some of the most relevant material right there at Georgetown. Even just going through the material at Georgetown is a pretty big endeavor. Luckily there is a bunch of students in the history department and archivists in the library who are coming to the site. But that's not where everything is. But I think I have shown you a bit where some of the other stuff is. We have used material here at the National Archives, the ship manifests, freedmen's bureau records. A lot of material is in archives in Louisiana. Courthouses. Courthouses. Well, we have just had a cast a wide net. If you smell a potential source you have to go chase it down. So, this is -- we are just beginning, and I think we are just scratching the surface on all of the sources that are really available to research this history. And really haven't even gotten in to the post Civil War period very far and what happened to these families afterwards. So, it's a big project that requires a lot of partners and a lot of different places. And to me that's one of the most interesting parts to it just chasing down the sources and finding partners who can help us do that. And I should add that the written, the documentary archive is never sufficient. We have to supplement what's been written down with things like the oral history of descendant families. Which will never appear in archives and give us a perspective that we will never get any other way. So, we have to compliment the document rerecord with other ways of getting at historical truth. I think that's also an important dimension of this process. >> Hi my name is Ruth Tracoli The Archeologist for Washington, DC that was a perfect lead in to my question because I am a big proponent that archeological evidence is an additional and parallel record to the written documentation. And it's through archeology that we can give The Voice to the voiceless through the material remains that they left behind. But that's not actually what I came up here to say. (LAUGHTER) >> So, I was one of the founding directors of the Search for Yaro Mamoot The Arc logical project that you mentioned in Georgetown. (APPLAUSE) >> Thank you. Your discussion Saturday at 3:15 I am sure you all will be there. (LAUGHTER) >> But one of the outcomes of that project is that I am working with a scholar or the whole team is working with a scholar who is a student at Howard University a Ph.D. candidate and his name is Mohammed Abduramin when you talked about the rationalization of the Jesuit for slavery Mohammed is working in the Islamic archives in Morocco he encountered -- encountered a similar parallel explanation or rationalization for slavery there. And he is looking at letters from enslaved Africans who were brought over here and were literate in Arabic and wrote back it the Calafit asking for freedom from slavery. Their response was actually: You are free in your mind. And make peace with it. So, in a sense the rationalization is coming because of the economic aspects. No one wants to started buying the freedom of the -- of these slaves whether they were Muslims or not. And it gives you a whole different perspective on what slavery is and how it actually works in the world system which is an unexpected result of digging on a vacant property in Georgetown. Thank you. >> Yes. Thank you. (APPLAUSE) >> You never quite know where history will take you. I think that was (inaudible). Okay, I am told that that was the last question. So, thank you so much. Appreciate it. (APPLAUSE) (APPLAUSE) (APPLAUSE)


Pennsylvania gubernatorial election, 1814[1]
Party Candidate Votes %
Democratic-Republican Simon Snyder 51,099 62.63
Federalist Isaac Wayne 29,566 36.24
Federalist George Latimer* 910 1.12
N/A Others 18 0.02
Total votes 81,593 100.00

*Note: Although Latimer ran as a Federalist, Wayne was the only Federalist to carry any counties, as shown on the map.


  1. ^ "PA Governor General Election". OurCampaigns. Retrieved 3 July 2012.
This page was last edited on 2 July 2019, at 03:06
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