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17th Saskatchewan Legislature

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The 17th Legislative Assembly of Saskatchewan was elected in the Saskatchewan general election held in June 1971. The assembly sat from July 28, 1971, to May 13, 1975.[1] The New Democratic Party (NDP) led by Allan Blakeney formed the government.[2] The Liberal Party formed the official opposition.[3] After Ross Thatcher's death in July 1971, David Steuart became party leader in December 1971.[4]

Frederick Arthur Dewhurst served as speaker for the assembly.[5]

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  • ✪ Stolen Children: The Legacy of the Carlisle Indian School and Canadian Residential Schools

Transcription

- All right, good afternoon, welcome, everyone. Thank you so much for coming today. My name is Marisa Hollywood. I'm the associate director here at the Kupferberg Holocaust Center. I wanna just start by taking a moment. Can we give a round of applause to Professor Kat Griefen for all of her work so far this year on the colloquium. It's been wonderful so far, and it just keeps getting better. So thank you again for attending today's program. I just wanna take a second to remind you about another important event that will be taking place this Sunday, November 11th. This year marks the 80th anniversary of Kristallnacht, or Crystal Night, Night of the Broken Glass, which took place over 48 hours beginning on November 9, 1938. This was a violent attack on Jewish communities in Nazi-occupied areas, and it was a turning point in the history of the Holocaust. So this Sunday, beginning at one p.m., we'll hold this annual commemoration. Holocaust survivor Hanne Liebmann will share her memories of that dreadful day leading up to her deportation to France, which is explored in great detail in our current exhibitions, Conspiracy of Goodness. You can hear her story a little bit if you take a few moments to walk through the gallery. And then following her presentation will be a keynote by the 2017/2018 KHC NEH Scholar in Residence, Dr. Azadeh Aalai. Dr. Aalai will discuss bystander behavior as it relates to the theme of complicity and collaboration during the Holocaust. So she'll be using a social-psychological approach and will identify the factors that impacted whether bystanders made efforts to offer rescue and aid to their fellow neighbors versus enabling Nazi genocidal policies through complicity or active collaboration. One final note, all of us here at the KHC, as well as the entire world, were deeply saddened by the news of the attack on the Tree of Life congregation in Pittsburgh last month, and in response to this tragic event, we will have a special addition to our commemoration this Sunday to allow the KHC and the QCC communities to mourn together. We'll have a moment of silence. We'll read the names of the 11 victims, and we'll light a special candle at the beginning of this commemoration. So we hope you can join us. There are flyers at the back. Very shiny and beautiful, they look like this, that has information or you can visit the KHC website for more information on this and all of our programming at khc.qcc.cuny.edu. So again, thank you for coming, and I'm gonna turn it over for the rest of the program. Thank you. (audience applause) Thank you, Marisa. So, welcome to the fourth program in the 2018-2019 KHC NEH Colloquium, titled Survivance on Turtle Island: Engaging with Native American Cultural Survival, Resistance, and Allyship. The program this afternoon is titled Stolen Children: The Legacy of the Carlisle Indian School and Canadian Residential Schools. This will include two short films, a talk with Professor Mauro. We will end then with an additional short film and Q&A. I'm Kat Griefen. I'm very pleased to be working with Marisa and the rest of the staff here at the KHC. I'm a professor in the art and design department, and current scholar/curator in residence here. This program is supported, in addition to by the college, also by the National Endowment for the Humanities Challenge Grant. We also wanna specially thank interim president Timothy Lynch for his support of this and the other KHC programs. So this program continues throughout this semester into next semester, and then continues in a new way beginning in the following fall with an exhibition. So if you come back next fall, as you walk through the KHC, you'll actually get to see artworks by contemporary Native American artists, and that exhibition will be called Survivance and Sovereignty on Turtle Island: Engaging with Contemporary Native American Art. We've been working together on this exhibition with a Lakota curator, Danyelle Means, with a woman who is Osage Cherokee, Diane Fraher, and the KHC Fellows and also the art curating students here in the Gallery Museum studies at the college. So we've got a whole team of collaborators organizing today's program and then the upcoming exhibitions. Briefly, just to tell you a little bit about this idea of survivance or the survivance project. So the colloquium addresses cultural survival and resistance of Native American and First Nations peoples in the face of genocide and mass atrocity on what we're calling Turtle Island. So you're probably wondering what Turtle Island is. Turtle Island is the name that's given to this continent that we're on by the Iroquois Nation, the Anishinaabe, and the Lenape. These are three groups of Native American people who were originally from this region. So every culture, every religion has creation stories, right, how did this continent come into being, how did the world come into being, and in this indigenous creation story, kind of similar to Noah's Ark, when you think of Noah's Ark in the Torah, Noah's Ark in the Bible, the idea is that a great female turtle raises her back out of the ocean and that makes this continent. So when we're talking about Turtle Island, we're talking about America and we're talking about Canada. So Native American people, and what Canadian people call First Nations people, are survivors of genocide as defined by the United Nations, and the residential schools or boarding schools that you'll be learning about today were part of this attempt to eradicate native people from this continent, or from Turtle Island. Infamously, and we may discuss this further in the program, Captain Richard H. Pratt, who was involved in creating these schools and the thinking around these schools said, "Kill the Indian, save the man." That was the motto. So clearly today's program deals with a difficult part of the history of this continent, and we need to reckon with that. But I also wanna think back to this idea of survivance. Survivance is a word that's about survival plus resistance. Survival and resistance together. The thousands of Native people who live on Turtle island, who are still living and working and thriving today, can be seen as survivors and active makers of change instead of as victims. Survivance, I think today, is an especially poignant topic or idea because for the first time in American history or in the history of Turtle Island, we have two Native American women who've been elected to Congress. So I think that deserves a celebratory, something celebratory. (audience applause) Deb Haaland of New Mexico is a rolled member of the Pueblo of Laguna, and Sharice Davids of Kansas is a member of the Ho Chunk Nation. So two women, they'll be working there together with the other incredible people who join them today. Now, I'm gonna introduce Julio Meza, who is a current KHC fellow. He is graduated from the Gallery Museum studies program here at Queensborough Community College and he is going to give a land acknowledgement, which is about acknowledging the people who were forcibly relocated from this place and also thinking about a small step towards restorative justice in thinking about the Native people who still do live here and work here and thrive here on this continent. So I will turn it over to Julio to continue our program. So thank you all for coming. (audience applause) - Hello, everyone, I'm Julio Meza, and I'd like to start off with a land acknowledgement. So I would like to pay respects and acknowledgement to those of the indigenous community whose land was forcibly taken and made to relocate elsewhere. All around the world, but especially here in Bayside, where we are gathered. We are on ancestral land and thank all the tribes and nations who used to call this place home for allowing us to gather here. Firstly, we'll be watching two films. Sisters and Brothers directed by Kent Monkman, who is Cree and Irish ancestry. He self-identifies as queer and two-spirited, two-spirited meaning that he is of one body but two spirits, a masculine and female. Kent Monkman in this work reworks archival footage of the National Film Board in order to address identity. And the second film we will be watching is called Stolen Children: Residential School Survivors Speak Out from the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. For those of you who don't know, residential schools were schools made with the goal to forcefully assimilate Native American children, partially funded by federal funds, which means that this is taxpayer money. It lasted from the late 19th century to the mid 20th century, which is actually fairly recent. But with this video, the survivors recount moments of living in these residential schools and the effects of being in the residential schools. Dr. Mauro has received a BA from Florida Atlantic University in art history, later going on to Florida State University to receive his MA, his master's, in art history. His thesis was titled Fred Wilson and Exhibitionary Revisionism in American Museums, and then received his doctorate in philosophy and art history from the CUNY Graduate Center. His dissertation was titled Made in the USA: Americanizing Aesthetics at Carlisle. Dr. Mauro has been working here at Queensborough Community College since 2008 as an associate professor. He has taught courses in American art, art history survey, and history of photography. He has also taught at SVA, School of Visual Arts, from 1999 to 2008. Dr. Mauro has worked as a curator, having curated the QCC Art Galleries student exhibition for five years in a row. He has also had quite a bit of work published on the Hampton University Press, University of Nebraska Press, Archives of American Art Journal, an entry in an Encyclopedia of the Romantic Era, 1760 to 1850, as well as others. He has also published a book titled The Art of Americanization of the Carlisle Indian School published by the University of New Mexico Press, and is currently working on a new book of Messianic Fulfillment: Staging Salvation in America, which will be published under the University of Nebraska Press and released in 2019. And without further ado, Professor Mauro. (audience applause) - You gave away my age a little bit there. I've taught since 1999. You didn't have to say that. (audience laughter) Let's do that. Okay. Good afternoon, everyone. I see a lot of my students here. Thank you guys for being here. I appreciate that very much. Tim. Okay, I'm gonna talk about a few things today. Just so you guys know where I'm going with this, the main topic is the Indian Boarding Schools as we've already discussed. We saw those two very unsettling films that we just watched which is a very good introduction to this topic. I'm gonna start off by talking about the history of color as a metaphor for the concept of race in Western civilization, and I'm gonna talk about the construction of race as a concept during what's called the Enlightenment in the 18th and 19th centuries, why that matters at all, and then I'm gonna get into the application of the concept of race to the Indian Boarding Schools as a specific case study in the 19th and 20th centuries in the United States. Okay. After viewing these two poignant short films, it will be helpful to consider why the boarding school system was set up, not only in Canada and the United States, but throughout the colonized world brought under European and Euro-American influence during the eras of colonialism, settlement, and beyond. What we see are a handful of key words and concepts repeatedly used by advocates of enforced cultural assimilation, most notably, race, as I just said, civilization and salvation. And when we look closely, we see that each of these concepts through time and across location are continuously linked with various aesthetic or visual criteria, including color. It is here that the critical task begins for any art historian, I'm an art historian, wishing to understand what these terms mean and how they are manifestly represented in visual form. As most of you know, in art history, and indeed in the studio arts as well, we commonly discuss the concept of color with students and the use of colors in the fabrication of images and objects. This brings me to my first slide. We often teach them about the color wheel, which we see here on both sides, and the theories of optics involved in the selection of particular types of colors, who to mix them, juxtapose them, layer them, and the like. At QCC, the art department is dedicated to hammering home the basics of the visual arts, and as such, color theory becomes a critical cornerstone taught in our introductory classes, a practice to which our students can attest. With this said, one of the functions of my field, art history, is not only to highlight the use of color in the creation of design, but also to deconstruct the specific meanings of colors as used by artists and craft workers throughout history. Needless to say, this is a complex and daunting task. As the choices made by artists over the millennia are many and variations are mind-boggling. Nevertheless, discernible patterns do emerge upon closer inspection. It is this latter point that I'd like to use as a diving off point for my discussion with all of you today. And while the intentional assignment of meaning to specific colors is of course well known in modern art history, this is intentional, we have the color black here on the screen, that's not a mistake, we see that in the deployment of chromatic metaphors or the use of color symbolically, both textual and visual, is something that has been a staple of aesthetic activity throughout much of recorded history, arguably even earlier, in pre-history. For purposes of our topic today, let's consider a famous quote by an art historian named Albert Boime, who specializes in charting the history of American art. This brings me to my slide here. Black is a pigment indispensable to artistic practice. There are no gray areas in the content of stereotypes. Throughout the 19th century, it was the opposition of black and white, and also red and white in North America, that fired the energies of painters and sculptors. The confusion of formalistic categories in art with ideological biases is a singular phenomenon in the history of art that has been formally neglected. The racial opposition of black and white is intimately associated with the religious dualism of good and evil. Those of you in my American art class, I talked about this this morning. Indeed, Boime's formulation of color as being in correspondence with ideological categorizations revolving around race. Did that just switch? Okay. Revolving around race, religion, and other issues is something not new in modern times, and as suggested earlier, may be seen in the aesthetic production of previous eras as well. I'll take two brief examples, one of which may be familiar to many of my students, of course, some of whom are assembled here today. The first is the famous relief sculpture found on the top of what historians call the Stele of Hammurabi. Hammurabi was an ancient emperor who ruled over the kingdom of Babylonia, centered in the Mesopotamian River Valley in what would be today's Iraq. Like many ancient kings, Hammurabi was concerned with maintaining absolute control over his eclectic empire, the population of which has been estimated by historians to be in the millions. For the time, this was an outstanding concentration of population and presented new problems to the leaders of this era, none of whom were democratically selected by those people. This was a dictatorship. How do you control people in that context? In response, Hammurabi and others invented intricate and severe systems of laws that were literally carved into stone as we see here, so as to take on the sense of permanence and immutability. What really contributed to the power of what we now call Hammurabi's Code, however, was the idea proffered by Hammurabi and his scribes, that is, his writers, that his law was not concocted by himself, but rather given to him by divine providence. Thus we see Hammurabi depicted on the left receiving his authority from the Babylonian sun god Shamash. That's the picture you see on the left-hand side, depicted seated in the throne on the right. The message is clear when considered together with the text below, Hammurabi's set of laws as legitimized due to their perceived divine origin. In the fabrication of this idea, the use of chromatic metaphor serves a critical supportive purpose. In the code's preamble, seen below in the cuneiform text on the right, carved in the cuneiform script onto the Stele, Hammurabi states the following, quote, "Hammurabi, the Exalted Prince," he's talking about himself now, "who feared God to bring about the rule "of righteousness in the land, "to destroy the wicked and evildoer "so that the strong should not harm the weak, "so that I should rule over the black-headed people "like Shamash and enlighten the land "to further the well-being of mankind," unquote. Notice here how Hammurabi here, in a text claimed by him to be God-given, inserts a philanthropic pretext, i.e., the well-being of mankind, in legitimizing his absolutely dictatorship. But even more importantly for our discussion today, he uses a chromatic metaphor. Thus he refers to his divine mandate to rule over the quote "black-headed people "and enlighten the land." Hammurabi's message here, albeit not very subtle, is that as king, he has special access to the gods that others lack, and it is thus his task to illuminate the world for those whose level of insight is lower than his. By so doing, he may uphold civilization itself. It is, of course, tempting to cast off Hammurabi's proclamation as a vestige of a bygone civilization, an era of relative ignorance and darkness in relation to our own. I appeal to you today that such prescription would be a mistake. If we fast-forward through time, for example, we see significant changes in the cultures of human civilizations as they evolve, regress, grow, and collapse, but one constant is the fixation with darkness and lightness, not only as existential categorization, but also as chromatic metaphor. Thus to take one later example, in medieval Christendom, it was very common to see concepts of good and evil polarized in the art of the time. So here, we see a small painting from the Predella, or bottom register of what's called the Maestà Altarpiece, executed by the famed 14th century Sienese Italian painter Duccio di Buoninsegna. Working in what today is central Italy, Duccio made the massive painting for the city government of the town of Siena. Of course, by then, the ancient paganism represented in Hammurabi's Stele had, in Europe, long been superseded by Christianity. Here, Duccio gives us a rendition of the famous scene from the life of Christ, in which he was tempted by Satan, with command of all the kingdoms of earth in exchange for his spiritual submission to evil. Christ famously rejects Satan's offer. I don't even need to point this out. It's so iconic. Satan is on the left, the black figure. Christ is the light-skinned figure on the right. Christ famously rejects Satan's offer, something Duccio represents with not only Christ's authoritative gesture and higher visual elevation, but in the relative skin colors of each figure. Once again, thousands of years later, despite the vast differences in time and place, we see good associated with chromatic lightness and evil associated with chromatic darkness. So, to get more to the point of what we're talking about here today. To bring the discussion of chromatic metaphor and the manipulation of perception and meaning to the topic of hand, let's jump forward yet again. Okay, good. Let's jump forward yet again to the time of the European Enlightenment, which served as the intellectual cornerstone for the founding of our beloved country and many of the institutions and ideas that have been foundational to its existence. Interestingly, the Enlightenment movement is often characterized by historians as the antithesis to the supposed barbarism and superstition of previous ages, as a time of science and discovery. And yet, as we shall see, prejudicial, spiritual, and social ideas would persist through the Enlightenment and after, only to be reconfigured under the guise of science. The Enlightenment, the very name of which is a historiographic chromatic metaphor used by English language historians, was a period of radical, technological, and scientific innovation that occurred in western Europe and North America during the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries. In fact, many historians see it as a movement in politics, culture, and science that to this day serves as the foundation for much of modern culture globally. A key aspect of the Enlightenment thought, and something that would become integral to how indigenous Americans were treated by the federal government in the 19th and 20th centuries, was the revamping and harnessing of older, spiritually-inflected ideas about color to modern, ostensibly, scientific ideas about what would eventually be called race. A good example of the newer scientific view of color as applied to human cultural and physiological difference is seen in the work of the 18th century German naturalist and craniologist, Johann Blumenbach of Germany. Blumenbach famously proposed five races, or physiological categories of humanity, and illustrated, and used this illustration here that we see on the screen, for his book on the topic, called On the Natural Varieties of Mankind, published in 1795. In this image we see five disembodied, abstracted skulls set against a plain background, each of which is intended to signify one of the five designated races of Blumenbach. Blumenbach labeled the races, and we're all familiar with this no doubt, Caucasian, Mongolian, Malayan, Ethiopian, and American. Interestingly, those are still commonly asked when you apply for a driver's license or anything. What is your race, quote, unquote. Importantly, Blumenbach affixed a chromatic metaphor to each of his races, metaphors still in common use in the English language more than two centuries later. Thus, Caucasians were deemed white, Ethiopians black, and the American race, signifying indigenous Americans, were labeled red. He claimed that the Caucasian race was the original one, and was the most highly-evolved and had avoided what he saw as racial degneration due to a combination of superior living habits and environmental conditions. He even goes so far as to claim that Adam and Eve, from the biblical narrative of creation, were Caucasian. Thus God intended humans to be lighter-skinned originally. He held out hope, however, that the quote "lower races "could uplift themselves through emulating whiteness." This is not a joke. I mean, seriously. It was this common use in the 19th century. Okay. Specifically with respect to the redness of the indigenous American as described by Blumenbach, his ideas were taken up by a number of notable pseudoscientists in the U.S. In the 19th century, perhaps most notably, Samuel Morton, a craniologist from Philadelphia. By the way, a craniologist is one who collects and measures skulls for the purpose of comparing them to one another to ascertain relative attributes or qualities of intellect. Like his intellectual mentor, Blumenbach, this man Morton, a craniologist, would collect and systematically measure the skulls of the dead of various ethnic groups and constructed a physiological hierarchy of intelligence based on the supposed measurements and attributes of the skulls. This is an illustration from one of his books. Not surprisingly, he found that the skulls of dead Caucasians indicated higher intelligence and degrees of civility, while those of Native Americans indicated a penchant for violence and savagery. While the ideas of Morton and other white supremacist thinkers were controversial and rejected by some, the simplistic stereotypical ideas about race, nevertheless, managed to again foothold in the popular imagination in the U.S. and many other western nations in the 19th century and persisted well into the 20th century. In my own scholarship on the topic, I've focused on perceptions and representations of various racial groups in the U.S. during this era, and how both pseudoscientific discourse and Christian evangelical discourse informs those perceptions. This consideration brings us the principal topic of this wonderful colloquium, organized by the Kupferberg Center in collaboration with my esteemed colleagues, Professor Kat Griefen and Mr. Julio Meza, if I may just acknowledge them briefly. So to continue. My work focuses on the efforts at the uplifting and civilizing of Native American children on the part of both the federal government of the United States and the private philanthropic religious organizations, such as the American Missionary Association. The children targeted for this re-education were often recruited under great duress from indigenous tribal reservations in the Midwest and the far western U.S. The people in the video we just watched talked about that, and transported to the East Coast forcibly to attend various evangelical Christian boarding schools. As case studies of this institutional practice, with its ramification for race in American society, I have focused much of my attention on two evangelical schools in particular, the Carlisle Indian School, founded in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and the Hampton Institute, founded in Hampton, Virginia. Which brings me to this slide. Carlisle was founded by an act of Congress in 1879 following an intensive lobbying campaign undertaken by Richard Henry Pratt. This is Pratt here on the left sitting at the desk. We have a student of the Carlisle school on the right who he is speaking with, or speaking at, it seems. Notice how the boy's head is turned down. Pratt was a U.S. army officer who was a Civil War veteran and had more recently earned his chits in the Army by clearing the Western frontier of indigenous inhabitants and resistors during expansion. This is critical to remember, as during much of the mid to late 19th century in the U.S., one of the main domestic preoccupations of the federal government was the civilizing of the frontier. Again, as I discussed this morning in American art class. In practice, this meant removing indigenous tribes that were perceives as blocking the frontier, with the aim of facilitating Euro-American settlement, agricultural cultivation, mining, and the laying of railroad track. In other words, money, money, money. Many advocated a policy of de facto concentration in the form of a reservation system, which would forcibly place Indian tribes under governmentally designated tracts of land, often isolated in inopportune locations. Others, such as army officer Kit Carson, more bluntly advocated outright liquidation and perpetual warfare as the solution, or what today we would call physical genocide or ethnic cleansing. In his thinking on the so-called Indian question, Pratt took a somewhat more reform-minded position that advocated the cultural assimilation of the nation's indigenous population, with the eventual aim of targeting Native children especially. In his work in clearing the frontier, Pratt had the idea that the Indians he was fighting could potentially be re-educated so as to be brought into the mainstream of American society. Here we need to, of course, read mainstream as Anglo-American. Again, the films alluded to this. To this slide. Thus, when he was tasked with taking prisoners during his assignment, Pratt brought them to Fort Marion, a military prison in St. Augustine, Florida. This is the Castillo de San Marcos, for the people in my American art class, same place. His hope was that in separating these resistance leaders from their families and tribes, he could break the social and cultural bonds, thereby rendering them more amenable to assimilation. Here, we see a rare photograph of Pratt posing with his prisoners at Fort Marion. He's on the far left in the photograph, with is wife and even young daughter included in the composition. Notice how the indigenous prisoners stand at respectful attention and look out at the camera while donning paramilitary uniforms distributed to them by Pratt at the prison. Enforced posing and enforced dressing for the sake of photographic propaganda was a cornerstone of Pratt's project and was intended to impress government officials and potential donors to his cause. This was intended to prove that even the so-called savage could be made docile through the process of cultural assimilation. It was from this experience at Fort Marion that Pratt was later inspired to establish the more permanent Carlisle School. Here's the point. Pratt, his wife, and his daughter sit next to the quote, "savage prisoners," and yet, they're safe, they're unthreatened. See what he's done? He's brought them under control. That's the point of the photograph is to display that to the viewers of the photograph. It's impossible, right, it's a miracle. This is how Pratt viewed it and tried to sell it to the public. While Pratt's views on assimilation may strike one as more humane than other alternatives commonly considered at the time, we need to also view Pratt's opinions critically. Pratt famously told audiences in speeches on the topic that his aim was to kill the Indian and save the man as Kat alluded to earlier. This is very important. It indicates his view and that of most Anglo-American politicians and social reformers of the era that Native Americans were, in their current perceived state, not fully human. In other words, as he says, one cannot simultaneously be Indian and man, two different categories. Thus, among other things, the perceived redness of the indigenous skin signified their lack of culture and civilization. Pratt's antidote to this was an intensive environmental immersion, or a sort of pedagogical shock therapy, during which the student would be physically and psychologically transformed from their perceived state of savagery into that of an idealized, middle class Anglo-American of the day. I'll get to the slide in one moment. Indeed, the Carlisle School was to be the manifest dream of the social Darwinian reform movement then sweeping the country. In the specific case of the indigenous prisoners held by Pratt at Fort Marion, the presence of aesthetic and racial metaphors and the moral judgments attached to them are further evidenced by the fact that Pratt famously relied on pseudoscientific knowledge in order to persuade bureaucrats and elected officials in Washington to disburse funds for him in order to foster the re-education of the prisoners. Following their arrival at the fort, Pratt wrote to a man named Spencer Baird in Washington. At the time, Baird was a scientist and also a general secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, which of course still exists today in Washington. Let me actually just go back to that for a moment. The Smithsonian was the private foundation founded a few years earlier, and is dedicated to the scientific education of the American people. It has usually received federal funding for its activities. Pratt was a consummate propagandist, and as stated, had the prisoners photographed or otherwise depicted repeatedly while they were at Fort Marion. Some of the images, such as the one we have here, and others made their way into national publications such as Harpers Weekly magazine. The circulation of these images, as for example, social media images are intended to do today, attract attention and surprise from many quarters. Upon hearing of Pratt's social experiment with the Indian prisoners at Fort Marion, Baird, the secretary of the Smithsonian, immediately began writing to Pratt requesting that Pratt allow him to send Clark Mills, which brings me here, an artist in the Smithsonian's employ. Mills was an American sculptor from South Carolina, well known for his equestrian portrait of former president Andrew Jackson. Again, my American art students will recognize Andrew Jackson, a notable opponent of Native American rights in the early 19th century. This is the portrait of Jackson. This statue of Jackson seen here is still in front of the White House in Lafayette Square today. If any of you have been there, you've seen this. Perhaps even more important for our discussion today, Mills was a phrenologist. You may be familiar with phrenology. Similar to the aforementioned craniology, it was a pseudoscience developed over the course of the 18th and 19th centuries in Europe and North America. It claims that by examining the shape, size, or proportion of the skull, the practitioner of phrenology may determine the relative character qualities and intellectual capacities of the person being analyzed. As you may have guessed by now, it dovetails well with Blumenbach's racist craniological theories discussed earlier, as phrenology's assessment of the relative social worth of people often conformed to predetermined racial lines. Here we see a typical phrenological illustration on the screen, intended to rank human races in a moral and intellectual hierarchy. Thus the supposedly less intelligent races are to the right of the pictorial array, while the superior Caucasian example is to the left at the other end of the hierarchical spectrum. With this in mind, we may better understand why Mills was sent to Fort Marion by Baird. He was sent there and executed a series of life mask plaster portraits of the prisoners, who were perceived by Mills and others as morally degenerate, and therefore, in dire need of Pratt's re-education program. Mill noted in his letters to both Pratt and Baird, often systematically describing the phrenological qualities of the prisoners he sculpted. He claimed that the indigenous men had high levels of what phrenologists called destructiveness, or a quality of innate drive to commit acts of destruction and violence. This trait, of course, needed to be eliminated were they to fully assimilate as civilized Americans. The evidence of this was, of course, to be seen in the shape, size, and proportion of the skulls in each cast. By the way, a life mask is when you take a plaster impression of somebody's skull and face while they're sitting there. Mills' cast of the prisoners was later brought to Washington and then used as the basis for positive three-dimensional head portraits of each prisoner, an example of which we see here done by another sculptor named Joseph Palmer. These in turn were placed in the Smithsonian's collection and may still be found there today. The agendas here are multiple. For Baird, they provided the basis of further pseudoscientific study of Native Americans and the construction of an exhibition hall at the Smithsonian dedicated to their ethnography. For Pratt, the end game was to prove the morally deficient character of these prisoners as he had found them on the frontier, and thus their need for his re-education and indoctrination of them at his proposed new Indian boarding school at Carlisle. For as mentioned previously, Pratt firmly believed that they could be miraculously uplifted and civilized through the application of a Christian-based paramilitary education at the school. He fancied his views liberal for the time, yet ironically based his justification for those views in antiquated and deterministic racist thinking. Whatever our criticisms of him may be in historical hindsight, at the time, Pratt was indeed successful in obtaining federal funding for his school. He arrived at Carlisle with his first group of students a couple of years later, and thus began his grand experiment in attempting to prove that even the savage could be civilized, could be made into a civilized American. Which brings me to our next slide. Once at Carlisle, Pratt's brand of assimilation was totalizing and systematic. When children arrived at the school in Carlisle, they would be often photographed. In the image on your left, we see a typical arrival photograph. When viewing these images as a pair, they may ring familiar to 21st century American audiences, right? This is because the representational logic we see here is what I and others have called before and after, something still popular in corporate advertising in our own time. You know, the fad diet or fitness regimen that magically transforms you from the person you are to the person you know you supposedly want to be. An ideal based on, of course, the standards proposed in the first place by those very same corporations. The conceptual logic was essentially the same at Carlisle as it is in advertising. Getting back to the image at hand, we are presented with the image of what Pratt liked to call the uncultivated blanket Indian upon arrival, on the left, at the school, and seemingly before receiving the implements of civilization. So you see the three, you see the young students over there on the left in their seemingly indigenous clothing. In the next image on the right, the after image, we see the Americanized, seemingly fully assimilated, individuals donning their radically altered appearances. Of course, these two images published side by side in school publications are intended to perceptually shock the viewer and set up an aesthetic and apparently existential polarity. The viewer is supposed to marvel at the seemingly miraculous transformation from savagery to civilization that suddenly appears before the eyes. Indeed, the vast majority of those in Pratt's intended audiences, including wealthy school donors, government bureaucrats in Washington, and elected officials, did in fact perceive these side by side images as representing an unproblematic transformation from one state of existence to another. And yet, you will notice that in the preceding paragraph, I used the words seemingly and apparently. As is the case today, photographic images of the 19th century could be deceptive. So let's take a closer look at one case study in particular. Brings me to this slide. In these particular images, we see what is probably the most famous icon from Carlisle, the before and after portraits of a student named Tom Torlino. Some of you may have seen these on the Internet or in books previously. Torlino was a member of the Navajo tribe, a Native American tribe that for centuries has inhabited the Southwestern United States. Torlino specifically came from Fort Defiance, a U.S. military outpost in what was then the territory of New Mexico. He was a valuable student for Pratt to have at Carlisle, as he was the sone of a high-ranking chief in the Navajo tribe. The before image that you see on your left was taken upon Torlino's arrival at the school from his reservation in 1882, while the after image was taken following a three-year stint at the school in 1885 on the right. The choice of Torlino for these portraits was not random. Most Anglo-Americans had never ventured to the Western frontier, and thus had never seen a Navajo before. Torlino, thus, would have conveniently seemed quite wild and exotic to such viewers, given his bronze skin, his flowing dark hair, and seemingly exotic accoutrements and clothing. Torlino's appearance here is supposed to read as that of a sort of absolute savage, being inexplicably foreign to Pratt's intended audiences. The photographer hired by Pratt, named John Choate, chooses here to decontextualize Torlino visually by placing him against a blank, washed out backdrop, forcing us to dwell on the supposed strangeness of his appearance. The lightness of the background, of course, reinforces the photographic contrast to the darkness of Torlino's sun-tanned skin. This is all intentional. In contrast, in the after image on the right, Choate presents us with the seeming polar opposite of the person seen in the before image. Here, Torlino's tired worn expression is replaced by a confident gaze, his flowing hair cut off, his exotic jewelry and textiles replaced by the standard Victorian era, middle class, Anglo-American men's fashion of the suit, with overcoat, cravat, and stiffed white shirt collar for good measure. Perhaps, most strikingly, Torlino's skin tone has undergone a seemingly miraculous shift from the dark brown in the first portrait to a noticeably lighter tone in the second. In sum, Pratt and Choate intended such an image to serve as a symbol of the efficiency of the transformations being wrought at Carlisle, the nature of which were claimed to be social, intellectual, and spiritual. Their side by side placement encourages us to read them progressively from left to right as if we were reading an English-language text. This format gives the viewer the illusion that we are seeing a narrative unfold, that the savage has evolved physically, intellectually, and morally and spiritually out of his previous darkness into the light of civilization. This transformation was credited to the industrial, paramilitary, and moral training, all three of which were given to students at the school. In fact, the most dramatic and effective aspect is perhaps Choate's obvious manipulation of the studio lighting, which in the after image makes Torlino's skin appear several shades lighter. Okay, that's because of brighter studio lighting, of course. As stated in the start of the paper, lightness of color tone, especially as applied to the depiction of human skin, implies a heightened state of moral and intellectual enlightenment for many. What we must not overlook here, though, are Choate's visual manipulations and his aesthetic and photographic production of both the savagery in the first image and the civilized individual in the second image. A close friend of Torlino's actually died while at the school, and Torlino himself has a murky documented record at Carlisle, as he apparently dropped out shortly after his second portrait was taken and never graduated from the school. It's pointed out in the film, student death was actually quite common at these schools. Pratt de-emphasized these disturbing instances by deploying photographs such as this one as a cover. Thus, even after Torlino left the school without success, Pratt would republish his before and after images repeatedly in the years to come, as they signified student success, even if they were not true. All of this was done despite the fact that Carlisle's historical graduation rate over the years hovered only around 10 percent, a statistic Pratt avoided publicizing. So they were supposed to make the school look good, in other words. Right, the pictures. To deconstruct these images even further, it is important to look at the details, especially in the before portrait on the left. Torlino wears earrings and necklaces as part of his presentation to the viewer as savage. I'm using these words lightly, of course. Such metal work actually indicates a cultural syncretism, as it is believed by the historians that the Navajo first acquired metal-working knowledge from their much earlier contact with the Spanish empire during colonial times. Not only this, but Torlino's necklace contains cruciform shaped icons, which in this context likely represent both indigenous Navajo spiritual beliefs and an absorption of Christian faith, something absorbed my many in the Navajo culture over a period of centuries of contact with both Catholic and Protestant missionaries. This process, as I tell my students, is called syncretism, and is often a survival strategy enacted by colonized peoples. These details are small yet significant as they indicate that there indeed was a high level of multicultural awareness on the part of Torlino and his fellow Navajos prior to his arrival at Carlisle. Pratt, however, could not acknowledge these historical and cultural complexities, as they would subvert his intended narrative embodied in the photographs, which again purport to show us a clean and stunning transfiguration from the savage on the left to the civilized American on the right. Were this polarity to dissolve, the credibility of the images would dissolve, and Pratt's entire program called into greater question. Pratt knew all of this. Thus, in letters he wrote to various collaborators and fellow reformers, he emphasized the intentional use of photography as a medium of representation that would forward his agenda. He displays full awareness that photographic images would be read in particular ways, and thus, each image had to be intentionally staged for the viewer through both the inclusion and exclusion of various visual and aesthetic details. Therefore, Torlino had to be depicted as savage as possible in the before image, and a civilized as possible in the after image, regardless of the historical, cultural, biographical realities at play outside of the photograph's frame. Photographic representation was the cornerstone of his success at Carlisle, and was one of the keys to legitimizing his practice of stealing indigenous young people in the service of the project of white supremacist assimilation. Which brings me to my conclusion. Indeed, Pratt's ideals and practices were repeated throughout the colonized world as we have seen at the films at the start of this session, and have continued in this and other countries. In this week of elections, we should not forget our ongoing political responsibilities as citizens of this great nation. This one may look familiar from the news recently. As we have learned through the hard political experience in the concept and reality of stolen children, it's sadly not simply a relic of a less enlightened time, but is a legacy that has been present in our country in more recent times and remains so in 2018. Thank you. (audience applause) - So, thank you so much, Professor Mauro, that was incredible. We're gonna close, or should I say, move the program, transition the program into a Q&A session, following just a very short, I think it's less than three minute video about an artist who will be included in our exhibition next year. Her name is Gina Adams. She's Anishinaabe on one side of her family and Adams, as in a relative of colonial ancestors, John Adams, John Quincy Adams, Abigail Adams, on the other side. Four generations of men in her family survived the Carlisle school, from the first year it opened to the last year when the school closed. So with this theme of thinking about survivance in the present day, we're gonna watch this short film. Okay, go ahead. So we have some time for questions and answers, so I think Professor Mauro will do most of the answers, but I have a mic I'm gonna pass around. So if you wanna raise your hand, I'll pass you the mic. Just wait till you get it, and then you're welcome to bring up questions and comments. - [Woman] I wanted to know, particularly about pseudoscience-- - Yes. - [Woman] And how it's used to back legislature. Like, have you seen specific examples of that happening in recent times within like the past 50 years to the present? - Yes, okay. I gave a paper on this at a conference earlier this year about, have you heard of the alt-right, the political movement? - Yes. - Okay. All right, if you're not familiar, the alt-right is sort of a very strange online white supremacist culture, not just in the U.S., but also in Europe. And there are people within that movement, I am thinking of a couple in particular, there's this one man, I think his name is Jared Taylor or something like that. He is a pseudoscientist, and I've watched some of his videos on his website, and he basically says, yeah, those guys were right. White people have bigger cranial capacity and therefore, this guy's Caucasian, our race is superior to other so-called races in America. So these people are around today, and they are attempting to influence the political process, clearly, okay. I wanna emphasize, though, that the idea of race, this guy Jared Taylor who I just mentioned is what's called a race realist. A race realist is somebody who says that racial distinctions are not only real but they matter. In other words, people in different races have innately different characters, levels of intelligence, qualities of character, capacities for skill and acquiring skill. This idea of race is a construct. It did not exist before the 18th century. There was no race before the 18th century, I mean, in the modern pseudoscientific sense. There were different nations, different empires, different religions, of course, but the way we conceptualize race today did not exist prior to about 250 years ago. Despite that, and most, my understanding, is most credible scientists say that race is an insignificant biological factor in determining outcomes in life, but there are pseudoscientists like this man and others who are white supremacists who are out on the Internet fabricating their narratives and attempting to garner influence. Are you familiar with IQ testing? You've heard of that? Okay, standardized testing, this is why I hate standardized testing. If I could teach without giving my students tests, I would. I'm not allowed to, though. The president of the college isn't here, is he? Okay. Standardized testing comes out of what's called the intelligent quotient movement of the mid 20th century, which actually goes back to the 19th century, and that is a pseudoscientific way of hierarchizing children based on perceived intelligence. Of course, how you take these tests, though, how you answer them, how you prepare for them, is of course dependent on your background, your economic background, your social background, but they take it to be an absolute, for a long time it was taken to be an absolute measure of intelligence, and to this day, colleges and universities use so-called SAT exams or GRE exams to determine whether you or you or you or you get into their institution. This has its roots in pseudoscientific thinking, okay? During the Enlightenment, there were no standardized tests. People were just experimenting and learning things and doing science and art and there was no, like, okay, you're in this major or that major or this category or that category. Right, these are things in modern pedagogy that we take for granted. We don't even think of that they're here, but they have not always existed. And a lot of them are pseudoscientific in nature. That's my view, anyway. That's a controversial view, I'm sure, not everybody would agree with that, but that's how I see it. So to answer your question, in public policy today, yes, pseudoscience plays a role, sure. - [Kat] Are there other questions? Go ahead, okay, I'll come to you next. - [Man] Hi, there. With, let's just be straightforward and say, with the Republicans keep moving more further to the right, do you ever see that something like the Carlisle School or the residential schools could possibly happen in modern day? I'm sorry if that's a loaded question. - We just had an election yesterday, so. Yeah, I mean, clearly right now, and there's a lot of fear in this country about foreigners, right, and people not assimilating properly or threatening us, coming from other places. Oh, boy. The caravan's coming, man. They're sending troops down to the border. I'm being sarcastic, but they're sending troops down to the border. You know, I don't know what's gonna happen. We have a detention, I showed a slide of the detention center in Texas at the border where the children are being kept. There are hundreds of children there. That is, that's an institution of detention. Carlisle was an institution of detention. The boarding schools in Canada were institutions of containment and detention. I don't literally see a boarding school movement really taking root, but certainly mass incarceration of those deemed to be other to an assumed American norm. What does American mean, by the way? I mean, look around the room. Who's American here? Am I more American than you? Are you more American than me? How do you define that? But it's a political question, right? And so I see that happening clearly right now in politics. I supported a political, god, this is getting really bad. Maybe I shouldn't say this. Ah, never mind. - [Kat] Do you know what? Maybe I'll add one other thing, is I think we started the program earlier with this note about the fact that we have the first two Native American women in Congress. And I think that thinking also, if you, we can't ever be in someone else's shoes, but you make that attempt to kind of think what it might be like in somebody else's shoes, and you think about some of the indigenous voices that we've heard on screen. The people, indigenous people are surviving and have survived, right? And they, in a sense, despite all of the things that they have faced from the U.S. government, from policy-makers. But now that we also are beginning to have some Native American policy-makers within the system, to me, that is very encouraging. - And to follow up on that, yesterday, two Muslim-American women were elected to Congress for the first time ever. And also in the district right next to this one, a native Puerto Rican woman, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who is the youngest woman ever, was elected to Congress. So I see progress, I see hope, but at the same time, there's this countervailing tendency of xenophobia, and the two are obviously duking it out right now for control of the national legislature, the Supreme Court, right? So this is ongoing. - [Woman] I have comments like we are all human beings. We somehow share the struggling political issues, I think, it reminds me to think we have our own battle to fight and I'm so thank you for to professors to make me have the critical thinking and to have the things to make me to think my own culture. - If I may, she's in, you're in my American art class, and we've spoken before. You are from China, is that correct? Have you heard of the Chinese Exclusion Act in the United States? Okay, that was a piece of legislation in the 1880s that limited the number of Chinese immigrants who could come to America, because the fear was that there would be this wave, this is all, we've done this all before, right? Nietzsche says history is circular, okay. There would be a wave of Chinese, East Asian peoples coming to the West Coast and inundating it and taking everybody's job, taking all the property. So this, throughout American history, I showed you a slide of the Manzanar Camp. The children behind the barbed wire at the end there. That was called the Manzanar Camp. That was a concentration camp in California in the 1940s where Japanese-Americans, not Japanese immigrants, Americans were sent there and detained during the war because the idea was that, oh, they're spies, maybe. Even though they were American, but their faces looked, quote, Japanese. See, that's craniology, that's phrenology, looking at the shape of the skull and the face and all that and then making a judgment about the politics, the morality, whatever, the ethics of the individual. That's why I showed that slide. Actually, could I go back to that? Right, well the Italians, yep, I'm Italian. My uncle fought in World War II, but my family wasn't put in any camps. - [Kat] I think that the interconnection here between some of this is really what I'm thrilled is happening, because this theme of allyship in connection with this theme of survivance is really what we're trying to get at today and through the other programs and through the upcoming exhibition. So I wanna thank you for that. Is there other questions? - [Woman] I just was in Victoria, British Columbia, and there's a huge exhibition there now about the return to the dignity of the tribes and the teaching of the languages. - Yes. - Very heavily, the teaching of the languages and the crafts. Do you see that as somewhat of an antidote to the horror that has happened? And how can that kind of duality exist in democracies without xenophobia? - Okay, when you say how can that kind of duality exist, could you expand upon that a little bit? - [Woman] I have no problem with, in fact, it's beautiful when people keep an awareness of their cultural history, but there is tension that arises when people in communities become tribal to a feeling of excluding wanting to assimilate or excluding wanting to communicate. - Yes, I would say the answer is within the founding phrase of this nation, e pluribum unum, out of many one. We're all different, but we work together toward a common goal of democracy, of prosperity, but yet still maintaining the vestiges of our own indigenous cultures, whatever those may be. I think they can coexist. I think they can, ideally. - [Woman] The fact that we don't have a national language. America doesn't. - Not an official language. - [Woman] Not an official language, whereas my friend, who's Cuban, and Cuba was very much an immigrant island, she said when her parents immigrated, her ancestors immigrated from Lebanon and France, once you landed there, you're Cuban, you're called Cuban, you spoke Spanish, and everything else was forgotten. - You know what I think? I think anybody coming to any country where they have a dominant, maybe not an official, but a dominant language should learn that language while still maintaining their indigenous language. Just for purposes of survival. Not that it's inferior or anything like that, but it's just, for economic reasons, social reasons, it's good to be able to have a grasp on the language. I told this anecdote to my class this morning. They're gonna laugh at me. I was pulled over on Northern Boulevard a couple weeks ago because I made an illegal turn by a police officer. I speak English fluently. I was able to communicate with the officer. If I could not, if I said something that maybe he, that sounded weird to him, I could have gone to jail. That's why I think it is important, you know what I mean, to avoid miscommunication, to have a grasp of the language of a nation. But that doesn't mean that we should be forcibly erasing the culture, physically, psychologically, otherwise, at the same time. I think both can coexist, despite what some people in our government seem to think, I think both can coexist. - [Kat] Can I also-- - Absolutely. - [Kat] I just wanna add something also. So, most, when we're talking about groups of Native American people in the United States, they're sovereign. So that's, what that means is that actually it's their nation, so their, it's almost like we should learn to speak the language of the Lenape or the, I think, so it's a little different than people coming, and I'm not being, than when one arrives somewhere else. Because when we're talking about arrival, it's colonial people that arrived here, and so the idea of keeping one's language is a slightly different than when we think about other circumstances. And I also, I think one thing that isn't said explicitly in the talk or in the videos but is worth repeating is that, up until 1973, Native American people did not have the rights to practice their own religion. They did not, 1973. That's like really, really recently. So that means they could not speak, the language was literally beaten out of the children at these schools, so the need to revitalize language and culture, I think, is vital in a different way when that means, than when it's connected to your ultimate psychological and physical survival. - Well, in fact, Native American religion in the 19th century was seen as so threatening that they banned something called the, the federal government called what's called the Ghost Dance. That was a Native American ritual, a dance. And some Native Americans were killed, were shot, if they were found practicing the Ghost Dance because it was seen as like a treasonous behavior of some sort. So, yeah, I didn't realize the date was that late, though. Wow, okay, I didn't know that. - [Kat] Questions? Yeah, I think we've got time for maybe two more. - [Woman] Is there a prevailing theory of why xenophobia and fear take place in times of great crisis? - Oh, sure. I'll give away my academic roots here in answering this. The, can I say the word Marxism in this room? Am I allowed to? Okay. There are many theories that try to explain that. One of them is called Marxism. Perhaps you're familiar with this. It's an economic explanation. So the idea for xenophobia, fear of new people coming in, is that they're gonna take what I have. They're gonna take my job. We hear this a lot right now, my house, all my tax dollars are gonna go to social services to support them, you know, whatever, food stamps, blah blah blah. So that's one way to look at it is a structural sort of economic issue underlying the fear of foreigners or the fear of people who are different is economic competition, that more people mean, you know, you need more resources, there's more competition for jobs, and so on and so forth. I would say that's one way to look at it. Although, in times of prosperity in this country, there has still been racism, there has still been white supremacy. Look at the 1950s, a time of relative prosperity, but yet the Civil Rights Movement went on and there were violent clashes between police officers and African American and, for that matter, white American civil rights activists who were working with them, especially in the South, but also in other parts of the country. People were killed. People were beaten, imprisoned, and that was a relatively, right after World War II, that was the so-called Baby Boom, that was a prosperous time where the U.S. was going like this economically. We were taking over the world. But still, that did not cure the fear of dark skin. - [Kat] I think some of these historical points are so useful 'cause I think they aren't things that are covered in our history classes or in high school, and typically in high school, and thinking about going forward from, if we think about the 1960s, there was another policy called the termination policy. This was the government policy to move Native American people then off the reservations they'd been forced into before to get them into the cities to make them basically disappear into the rest of the population. And the individual who invented that policy had also invented the internment camps for the Japanese. - Yeah, I read that. - [Kat] So there is these kinds of connections that I think the reason, I'm glad that people are so engaged that we can see where these policies come from and trace them. It's easier to say, no, this isn't right, there's a problem with the thinking, with the pseudoscience, where they originate from and where they might be going. I think we have time for one more, oh, gee, yeah, go ahead. - The termination policy was an effort of the federal government to kind of just wash their hands of the issue and be done with it because assimilation causes so much controversy. So the termination policy, the idea is okay, we'll just let it go. And that'll be the end of it. - [Woman] Do you think that the feeling of xenophobia and all this fear is essentially kind of put for the regular people to not pay much attention to our government in a sense? The fear, like, we don't think about what, how you mentioned before, like social services, like welfare and those things. They put so much emphasis on that, oh the money's going to that, we're losing our job, when realistically, the majority of our money goes to government-- - Corporate welfare. - [Woman] Yeah, there you go, it goes to all that. Where if you look at it statistically, it's only a small portion of our taxes go towards social services and the like. - Well, I mean, this is not entirely what you're asking but during the Kavanaugh hearings a few weeks ago, everybody was like freaking out about this guy being on the Supreme Court. Guess what Paul Ryan did while that was going on. In the House they passed like a multi-trillion dollar tax cut, nobody reported it. I mean, there were a few news reports here and there, but everything was like Kavanaugh, Kavanaugh, Kavanaugh. Which, okay, fine, that was important, but yes, other things can be going on in the background when you have like bogeymen in the foreground. So absolutely, yes, xenophobia, fear, can be invoked in order to manipulate as well because the Third Reich was a kleptocracy, right? Hitler used the so-called Jewish question to make non-Jewish Germans afraid of Jews, to hate them. Simultaneously, he and his henchmen were robbing, literally stealing, property from people, especially Jewish people and taking it for themselves and enriching themselves. Was this reported in the German press at the time? No, he controlled the media. Okay, so yes, certainly, bogeymen, if you will, are created all the time in politics in order to distract us from shall we say structural issues that are going on behind the scenes that have to do with money and power and who controls what and who gets what, yes, sure. - [Kat] So, I think with that last question, we're gonna start to close the formal part of the program. Thank you so much, let's thank, I'll come back up. (audience applause) Thank you, Professor Mauro. Thank you, Julio Meza for putting together and introducing the program. Thank you all for coming. Please, just a couple little notes. (audience applause) Can you fill out the questionnaires for us so that we can keep doing these programs here? Please feel free to come back for upcoming programs, the one that Marisa spoke about earlier. On the 28th we have a program about language revitalization in thinking about Hebrew and also Native American languages, so that speaks specifically to one of your questions. And, please enjoy the food and drinks and informal conversation to follow.

Contents

Members of the Assembly

The following members were elected to the assembly in 1971:[6]

Electoral district Member Party
  Arm River Donald Leonard Faris New Democratic Party
  Assiniboia-Bengough David Hadley Lange New Democratic Party
  Athabasca Allan Ray Guy Liberal
  Biggar Elwood Lorrie Cowley New Democratic Party
  Cannington Thomas Milton Weatherald Liberal
  Canora Al Matsalla New Democratic Party
  Cut Knife Miro Kwasnica New Democratic Party
  Elrose Hayden William Owens New Democratic Party
  Gravelbourg Reginald John Gross New Democratic Party
  Hanley Paul Peter Mostoway New Democratic Party
  Humboldt Edwin Laurence Tchorzewski New Democratic Party
  Kelvington Neil Erland Byers New Democratic Party
  Kerrobert-Kindersley Alex Taylor New Democratic Party
  Last Mountain Gordon S. MacMurchy New Democratic Party
  Lumsden John Gary Lane Liberal
  Maple Creek Gene Flasch New Democratic Party
  Meadow Lake Henry Ethelbert Coupland Liberal
  Melfort-Kinistino Arthur Thibault New Democratic Party
  Melville John Russell Kowalchuk New Democratic Party
  Milestone Cyril Pius MacDonald Liberal
  Moose Jaw North Donald Forrest MacDonald Liberal
  Moose Jaw South Gordon Taylor Snyder New Democratic Party
  Moosomin Ernest Franklin Gardner Liberal
  Morse Wilbert Ross Thatcher Liberal
  Nipawin John Kristian Comer New Democratic Party
  Notukeu-Willow Bunch Allen Willard Engel New Democratic Party
  Pelly Leonard Larson New Democratic Party
  Prince Albert East Mike Feschuk New Democratic Party
  Prince Albert West David Gordon Steuart Liberal
  Qu'Appelle-Wolseley Terry Lyle Hanson New Democratic Party
  Redberry Demitro (Dick) Wasyl Michayluk New Democratic Party
  Regina Albert Park Kenneth Roy MacLeod Liberal
  Regina Centre Allan Emrys Blakeney New Democratic Party
  Regina Lakeview Donald Mighton McPherson Liberal
  Regina North East Walter Smishek New Democratic Party
  Regina North West Edward Charles Whelan New Democratic Party
  Regina Wascana Henry Harold Peter Baker New Democratic Party
  Gordon Burton Grant Gordon Burton Grant Liberal
  Rosetown George Fredrick Loken Liberal
  Rosthern David Boldt Liberal
  Saltcoats Ed Kaeding New Democratic Party
  Saskatoon City Park Beverly Milton Dyck New Democratic Party
  Saskatoon Mayfair John Edward Brockelbank New Democratic Party
  Saskatoon Nutana Centre Wesley Albert Robbins New Democratic Party
  Saskatoon Nutana South Herman Rolfes New Democratic Party
  Saskatoon Riversdale Roy John Romanow New Democratic Party
  Saskatoon University John Guyon Richards New Democratic Party
  Shaunavon Allan Roy Oliver New Democratic Party
  Shellbrook George Reginald Anderson Bowerman New Democratic Party
  Souris-Estevan Russell Brown New Democratic Party
  Swift Current Everett Irvine Wood New Democratic Party
  The Battlefords Eiling Kramer New Democratic Party
  Tisdale-Kelsey John Rissler Messer New Democratic Party
  Touchwood Frank Meakes New Democratic Party
  Turtleford Michael Feduniak New Democratic Party
  Wadena Frederick Arthur Dewhurst New Democratic Party
  Watrous Donald William Cody New Democratic Party
  Weyburn James Auburn Pepper New Democratic Party
  Wilkie Joseph Clifford McIsaac Liberal
  Yorkton Irving Wensley Carlson New Democratic Party

Notes:


Party Standings

Affiliation Members
  New Democratic Party 45
  Liberal 15
 Total
60
 Government Majority
30

Notes:


By-elections

By-elections were held to replace members for various reasons:[6]

Electoral district Member elected Party Election date Reason
Morse John Edward Niel Wiebe Liberal December 1, 1971 WR Thatcher died in July 1971[4]
Souris-Estevan Kim Thorson New Democratic Party December 1, 1971 R Brown died in October 1971[7]
Athabasca Allan Ray Guy Liberal September 27, 1972 Election results declared invalid[8]
Regina Lakeview Edward Cyril Malone Liberal December 5, 1973 DM McPherson died in September 1973[9]

Notes:


References

  1. ^ "Saskatchewan Sessions of the Legislative Assembly and Their Duration" (PDF). Saskatchewan Archive Board. Retrieved 2012-03-06.
  2. ^ "Saskatchewan Premiers" (PDF). Saskatchewan Archives Board. Retrieved 2012-03-07.
  3. ^ "Saskatchewan Leaders of the Official Opposition in the Legislative Assembly" (PDF). Saskatchewan Archives Board. Retrieved 2012-03-07.
  4. ^ a b Lloyd, Steven (2006). "Steuart, David Gordon (1916–2010)". Encyclopedia of Saskatchewan. Canadian Plains Research Center. Archived from the original on 2012-02-12. Retrieved 2012-07-31.
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