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William Archibald Dunning

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

William Archibald Dunning
Born(1857-05-12)12 May 1857
Died25 August 1922(1922-08-25) (aged 65)
Occupation(s)Professor, author
Parent(s)John H. Dunning and Catherine D. Trelease
Academic background
Alma materColumbia University
InfluencesHeinrich von Treitschke
Academic work
School or traditionDunning School
InstitutionsColumbia University
Notable studentsCharles Merriam
Influenced

William Archibald Dunning (12 May 1857 – 25 August 1922)[1] was an American historian and political scientist at Columbia University noted for his work on the Reconstruction era of the United States.[2] He founded the informal Dunning School of interpreting the Reconstruction era through his own writings and the Ph.D. dissertations of his numerous students.

Dunning has been criticized for advocating white supremacist interpretations, his "blatant use of the discipline of history for reactionary ends"[3] and for offering "scholarly legitimacy to the disenfranchisement of southern blacks and to the Jim Crow system."[4]

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Transcription

>> Now, in the past 30 years, 40 years, among scholars, few periods, probably no period of American history, has been the subject of such a complete reevaluation, complete overturning of a standard, traditional point of view as Reconstruction. Beginning with what was called at the time the "Second Reconstruction," that is, the Civil Rights Revolution of the 19 -- I think it was C. Vann Woodward, the historian, who coined that phrase, the Second Reconstruction. A flood of works appeared on the aftermath of the Civil War reexamining every single aspect -- political, economic, social, etc. And the result was the overthrow of an interpretation that had exerted a remarkably long-lived hold on our historical imagination and our political imagination, as I will show. This is what we call the Dunning School, named for William A. Dunning, a very prominent professor of history here at Columbia. The Dunning School is directly associated with Columbia University. It's part of our legacy, unfortunately, to American society. And it originated in the work of William Dunning, John W. Burgess here at Columbia, and a whole bunch of their students who did doctoral theses, published as books, on Reconstruction in different states. Now, this view was that Reconstruction was an era of complete sordidness in American political and social life, the lowest point in the whole saga of American democracy. According to this view, very quickly, Lincoln, when he was killed, had planned a quick and painless readmission of the Southern states into the Union as equal members of the national family. Lincoln's successor, Andrew Johnson, attempted to carry out Lincoln's policies, but was thwarted, foiled, by the Radical Republicans, led by Thaddeus Stevens there. They were called in various works the Jacobins, the Vindictives, or the Radicals, motivated by an irrational hatred of rebels, or the desire to fasten Republican rule on the defeated South or, depending on the book, the desire to bring the South under the control of Northern capitalism. Or some combination of all of those. The Radicals swept aside Johnson's lenient policy and imposed black supremacy, as it was called, upon the defeated Confederacy, by giving black men the right to vote, for which they were completely ill-equipped. There followed an orgy of corruption, presided over by these unscrupulous carpetbaggers (that is, Northerners who ventured South to reap the spoils of office), scalawags (another Reconstruction term, which meant white Southerners who betrayed their race and cooperated with these new governments), and the freed people, whose role was rather ambiguous. On the one hand, they spoke of black supremacy, but actually, the basic account was that blacks were just childlike, ignorant, and manipulated by others. They weren't actually historical actors. They were manipulated by these unscrupulous whites. But the main point was, blacks were incapable of exercising intelligently the political power that the North had thrust upon them. After much needless suffering, according to this view, the white community of the South banded together and overthrew these governments and restored what was called "home rule" through patriotic organizations like the Ku Klux Klan. So all told, this was the darkest page in American history. Now, this interpretation, which actually originated in Reconstruction, in the anti-Reconstruction propaganda of Democrats, of Southern Democrats. And in fact, these historians were not only total racists, but lousy historians, because they took at face value the charges, the accusations of Democratic Party propaganda without ever actually trying to check whether their charges were true or not. They just would take things out of these party pamphlets and say, oh, look how terrible it is. Nobody in this South Carolina legislature knew how to read and write. Well, that wasn't true. You could easily go to the census and discover they could read and write. But you didn't have to do that if you just believed everything the white supremacist Southerners said. So, okay. But this interpretation dominated historical thinking for well over half a century, which is highly unusual. We pride ourselves, perhaps wrongly, in the rapid turnover of historical interpretations. Our papers this term are little exercises in looking at that, in many cases, how historical... But it's impossible to think of a basic outlook on a period of American history that remained fundamentally the same from 1900 to 1960 or so. It would be as if in 1970, people were still simply adopting Charles Beard's view of the Constitution, which he put forward in 1913. It just doesn't happen that way. But this view of Reconstruction, it was not only a scholarly matter, it reached a much broader audience through films like "Birth of a Nation" (which we will come to in a minute, which had its premiere at the White House under Woodrow Wilson in 1915; very few films premiere at the White House), "Gone with the Wind," the most popular film ever made in America, and bestsellers, like Claude G. Bowers' "The Tragic Era," published in 1929. Bowers, in colorful, exaggerated language, this great bestseller about Reconstruction told how Andrew Johnson "fought the bravest battle for constitutional liberty...ever waged by an Executive," but was overwhelmed by the Radicals. Southern whites "literally were put to the torture" during Reconstruction by emissaries of hate who manipulated the "simple-minded freedmen" and in fact inspired "lustful assaults" by blacks upon white womanhood. In fact, in this view as another history put it, rape is the product of Reconstruction in the South. As if there was no rape in the South before Reconstruction. The thousands and thousands of black women who were sexually assaulted by owners were not -- that didn't count as rape. Only what happened to white women (if it did) was rape in the South.

Early life and education

Born in Plainfield, New Jersey, Dunning was the son of a successful businessman who enjoyed the classics. Dunning earned degrees at Columbia University (B.A. 1881, M.A. 1884, and Ph.D. 1885).[5] He spent a year in Berlin studying European history under Heinrich von Treitschke.[citation needed]

Soon after his return and beginning his academic career, in 1888 he married Charlotte E. Loomis. They had no children. She died in 1917.[6][7]

Career

Dunning began teaching at Columbia and was steadily promoted on the academic ladder (fellow, lecturer, instructor, adjunct professor, and full professor); in 1903 he was appointed as the Francis Lieber Professor of History and Political Philosophy.[5]

He published his PhD dissertation, The Constitution of the United States in Civil War and Reconstruction: 1860–1867 (1897), at age 40 after he had been teaching for several years.

His scholarly essays, collected in Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction and Related Topics, (1897), included work that explained the legal basis for the destruction of slavery, an institution he opposed. His survey Reconstruction, Political and Economic: 1865–1877 (1907), for the "American Nation" series, set the tone. Dunning believed that his Reconstruction book was too superficial. He felt that it had distracted him from his major work on the history of political theory.[8]

Dunning had a dual role in history and political science. He was a long-time editor of Political Science Quarterly.[5] He was a leading expert in the history of political thought, as expressed in his trilogy: A History of Political Theories: Ancient and Medieval (1902), From Luther to Montesquieu (1905), and From Rousseau to Spencer (1920).[9][10]

Although his health was poor after 1903, Dunning wrote numerous scholarly articles and book reviews for the American Historical Review and the Political Science Quarterly, which he edited from 1894 to 1903. Dunning was a founder and long-time activist of the American Historical Association, becoming AHA president in 1913. He served as the president of the American Political Science Association in 1922.

Evaluating his contributions in 2000, Smith says Dunning was far more important as a graduate teacher than as a research scholar. Columbia was a leading producer of PhDs, and Dunning directed much graduate work in U.S. history and in European political thought. His students included men who became leading scholars and academic entrepreneurs, such as Charles Merriam, Harry Elmer Barnes, James Wilford Garner and Carlton J. H. Hayes. He also mentored C. Mildred Thompson, the history professor who became dean at Vassar College. Thompson drafted the charter for UNESCO (the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization), and worked for civil rights in Atlanta.[11]

Dunning gave lifelong support to his students, providing continuous encouragement in their careers. They honored him with a Festschrift in 1914, Studies in Southern History and Politics Inscribed to William Archibald Dunning . . . by His Former Pupils the Authors (1914).[12]

School of thought

Many Southerners (and some Northerners) took PhDs in History under Dunning and returned to the South for academic careers, where they dominated the major history departments. Those who wrote dissertations on Reconstruction included James W. Garner, Walter Lynwood Fleming, J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Charles W. Ramsdell, C. Mildred Thompson, William Watson Davis, and Thomas S. Staple.[13] They comprised the so-called "Dunning School". Their interpretation of post-Civil War Reconstruction was the dominant theory taught in American universities through much of the first half of the 20th century. Bradley says, "The Dunning school condemned Reconstruction as a conspiracy by vindictive radical Republicans to subjugate southern whites at bayonet point, using federal troops to prop up corrupt state regimes led by an unholy trinity of carpetbaggers, scalawags, and freedmen."[14] Bradley notes that the Dunning interpretation in the 1930s and 1940s also "received compelling treatment in such popular works as Claude Bowers’s The Tragic Era and Margaret Mitchell’s Gone with the Wind—both the best-selling novel and the blockbuster film."[15]

According to Dunning, Reconstruction's players include the "carpetbaggers", particularly new white arrivals from the North, whom the Dunning School portrayed as greedy interlopers exploiting the South and dominating the Republican Party; the "scalawags", native southern whites collaborating with the Republicans; and the freedmen, whom the Dunning School portrayed as tools of the carpetbaggers with little independent voice. He was sympathetic to the white Southerners, whom they saw as being stripped of their rights after 1865 by a vengeful North. They assumed the black vote was controlled by carpetbaggers.

Dunning and his followers portrayed former planters, the elite political, social and economic class, as honorable people with the South's best interests in mind.[16]

Dunning wrote from the point of view of the northern Democrats [citation needed] and portrayed the Radical Republicans as men who violated American traditions and were motivated by vengeance after the American Civil War.

Criticism

W. E. B. Du Bois led the criticism of the Dunning School, taking it to task in the introduction of Black Reconstruction in America. Historian Eric Foner wrote that the Dunning School "offered scholarly legitimacy to the disenfranchisement of southern blacks and to the Jim Crow system that was becoming entrenched as they were writing," and that "the alleged horrors of Reconstruction helped freeze the mind of the white South in bitter opposition to any change in the region’s racial system." Foner adds that "the fundamental flaw in the Dunning School was the authors’ deep racism," and that "racism shaped not only their interpretations of history but their research methods and use of historical evidence."[4][17]: x–xi 

Dunning referred to freedmen as "barbarous" and defended the racist black codes as "a conscientious and straightforward attempt to bring some sort of order" out of the aftermath of war and emancipation. Dunning wrote that the freedmen were not "on the same social, moral and intellectual plane with the whites" and that "restrictions in respect to bearing arms, testifying in court, and keeping labor contracts were justified by the well-established traits and habits of the negroes[.]"[18]

In Black Reconstruction in America (1935), Du Bois characterized Dunning's Reconstruction, Political and Economic as a "standard, anti-Negro" text. Du Bois noted, "Dunning admits that "The legislation of the reorganized governments, under cover of police regulations and vagrancy laws, had enacted severe discrimination against the freedmen in all the common civil rights."[19]

Historian Howard K. Beale was a leader of the "revisionist" school of the 1930s that broke with the Dunning interpretation. Beale says the Dunning School broke new ground by escaping the political polemics of the day and used "meticulous and thorough research [...] in an effort to determine the truth rather than prove a thesis."[20]: 807  Beale states that, "The emphasis of the Dunning school was upon the harm done to the South by Radical Reconstruction and on the sordid political and economic motives behind Radicalism."[20]

After 1950, the Dunning School was attacked by a new generation of historians. In keeping with European ideas about history "from the bottom up" and the agency of all classes of people, together with new research, they documented the place of African Americans at the center of Reconstruction. The revisionist view was expanded and revised by Eric Foner and others.[21] They castigated Dunning for his harsh treatment of Blacks in his Reconstruction (1907). However, Muller claimed that Dunning was equally harsh on all the major players: "Dunning's antipathy in Reconstruction is generously heaped on all groups, regardless of race, color, creed, or sectional origins."[22]

Works

  • Irish Land Legislation Since 1845. (New York: Ginn, 1892)
  • Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction and Related Topics (1897, 2nd ed. 1904) online edition
  • History of Political Theories, Ancient and Mediœval (3 vol., 1902–1920) vol 1 online; vol 2 online; vol 3 online
  • History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu (1905)
  • Reconstruction, Political and Economic, 1865–1877 (1907) online edition
  • A Sketch of Carl Schurz's Political Career, 1869–1906 (with Frederic Bancroft; 1908)
  • Paying for Alaska (1912)
  • The British Empire and the United States; a review of their relations during the century of peace following the treaty of Ghent, by William Archibald Dunning with an introduction by the Right Honourable Viscount Bryce, O.M., and a preface by Nicholas Murray Butler (New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1914)
  • Studies in Southern History and Politics (1914) online edition
  • Books by William Archibald Dunning at Google Books
  • A History of Political Theories from Rousseau to Spencer (New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1972)

References

  1. ^ "William A. Dunning Biography". historians.org. American Historical Association. Retrieved 7 September 2017.
  2. ^ Merriam, Charles E. (1926). "Masters of Social Science: William Archibald Dunning". Social Forces. 5 (1): 1–8. doi:10.2307/3004799. ISSN 0037-7732.
  3. ^ Gordon-Reed, Annette (26 October 2015). "What If Reconstruction Hadn't Failed?". The Atlantic. Retrieved 3 August 2017.
  4. ^ a b Smith, John David; Lowery, J. Vincent, eds. (18 October 2013). The Dunning School: Historians, Race, and the Meaning of Reconstruction. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky. p. xi. ISBN 978-0-8131-4225-8. Retrieved 3 August 2017.
  5. ^ a b c Merriam, Charles E. (1922). "William Archibald Dunning". American Political Science Review. 16 (4): 692–694. doi:10.2307/1943651. ISSN 0003-0554. JSTOR 1943651.
  6. ^ Mark C. Smith. "Dunning, William Archibald" in American National Biography Online, 2000
  7. ^ J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, "Dunning, William Archibald," in Dictionary of American Biography (1930), vol 3
  8. ^ Muller (1974) p 331n24
  9. ^ Merriam, Charles E. (1921). "Review of A History of Political Theories From Rousseau to Spencer". American Journal of Sociology. 27 (2): 250–250. ISSN 0002-9602.
  10. ^ Lloyd, Alfred H. (1906). "Review of A History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu". The American Historical Review. 11 (2): 368–371. doi:10.2307/1834657. ISSN 0002-8762.
  11. ^ William Harris Bragg, "C. Mildred Thompson (1881–1975)," The New Georgia Encyclopedia (2005)
  12. ^ Smith (2000)
  13. ^ Muller (1974) p 334
  14. ^ Mark L. Bradley, Bluecoats and Tar Heels: Soldiers and Civilians in Reconstruction North Carolina (2009) p 268
  15. ^ Bradley, Bluecoats and Tar Heels (2009), p. 268
  16. ^ McCrary, Peyton, "The Reconstruction Myth" in Encyclopedia of Southern Culture
  17. ^ Smith and Lowery, 2013
  18. ^ Dunning, William Archibald, Reconstruction Political and Economic: 1865–1877.
  19. ^ Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction, by Dunning, p. 92, cited and quoted in Du Bois, W.E.B. Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880 (1935) pp. 179–180.
  20. ^ a b Beale, 1940
  21. ^ Thomas J. Brown, Reconstructions: New Perspectives on the Postbellum United States. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2006.
  22. ^ Muller (1974), p. 335

Further reading

  • Beale, Howard K. (July 1940). "On Rewriting Reconstruction History". The American Historical Review. 45 (4): 807–827. doi:10.2307/1854452. JSTOR 1854452.
  • Du Bois, W.E.B. Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880 (1937) pp. 179–180.
  • Fitzgerald, Michael W. "Political Reconstruction, 1865–1877," in A Companion to the American South, ed. John B. Boles (Blackwell, 2002), 84–302.
  • Foner, Eric. Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877. 1988.
  • Franklin, John Hope. "Mirror for Americans: A Century of Reconstruction History," presidential address, American Historical Association. 1979.[1]
  • Hamilton, J. G. de Roulhac. "Dunning, William Archibald," in Dictionary of American Biography (1930) vol 3
  • McCrary, Peyton. "The Reconstruction Myth," in Encyclopedia of Southern Culture (University of North Carolina Press: 1989)
  • Muller, Philip R. "Look Back Without Anger: A Reappraisal of William A. Dunning," Journal of American History (1974): 61 #2 325–38. in JSTOR
  • Simkins, Francis B. "New Viewpoints of Southern Reconstruction," Journal of Southern History (1939) 5#1 pp 49–61; in JSTOR
  • Smith, John David; Lowery, J. Vincent, eds. (18 October 2013). The Dunning School: Historians, Race, and the Meaning of Reconstruction. Lexington, Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 978-0-8131-4225-8. Retrieved 7 September 2017.
  • Smith, Mark C. "Dunning, William Archibald" in American National Biography Online Feb. 2000, Access Date: May 19, 2013
  • Stephenson, Wendell Holmes. South Lives in History: Southern Historians and Their Legacy (1969)
  • Weisberger, Bernard A. "The Dark and Bloody Ground of Reconstruction Historiography," Journal of Southern History (1959) 25: 427–447. in JSTOR
  • Wharton, Vernon L. "Reconstruction," in Writing Southern History: Essays in Historiography in Honor of Fletcher M. Green, ed. Arthur S. Link and Rembert W. Patrick (Louisiana State University Press, 1965), pp 295–315
  • Williams, T. Harry. "An Analysis of Some Reconstruction Attitudes," Journal of Southern History (1946) 12:469–486 in JSTOR
  • Zeitz, Joshua. The New Republic, 18 January 1999, pp. 13–15.
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