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Wickersham Commission

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Wickersham Commission ca. 1929
President Herbert Hoover's newly created United States law enforcement and observance commission (circa. 1929)

The National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement (also known unofficially as the Wickersham Commission) was a committee established by the U.S. president, Herbert Hoover, on May 20, 1929. Former attorney general George W. Wickersham (1858–1936) chaired the 11-member group, which was charged with investigating the causes and costs of crime, Prohibition enforcement, policing, courts and antiquated criminal procedures, and prisons, parole and probation practices, among other topics in order to improve the American criminal justice system.[1]

During the 1928 presidential campaign Herbert Hoover supported the Eighteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution (which had introduced nationwide alcohol prohibition) but he recognized that evasion of the law was widespread and that prohibition had fueled the growth of organized crime.

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  • NHD 2014 Washington State 1st Place Documentary - Miranda v. Arizona: Liberty and Justice for All
  • Exclusionary Rule and Good Faith Exception Presentation

Transcription

“You have the remain silent. Anything you say can be used against you in a court of law. You have the right to consult an attorney before questioning. You have the right to have your attorney present with you during questioning. If you cannot afford an attorney one will be appointed for you at no expense to you. You may choose to exercise these rights at any time. Do you understand these rights?” Everyone has undoubtedly heard of these famed Miranda Warnings, and that law enforcement has to read them to suspects under arrest. But what is not as evident is how important they are in order to ensure the fundamental rights of Americans,and how they also protect the rights of criminals. The Miranda Rights are a fundamental part of American society, appearing in countless books, TV shows, and movies. The line “you have the right to remain silent,” is perhaps the most recognizable part of police in entertainment. This giant of American culture is really just a Supreme Court decision from 1966 boiled down to six points. The decision it came from was a case called Miranda v. Arizona, one of the most well known and profoundly influential Supreme Court cases in American history. The Miranda decision forever protected the right to remain silent for every American, a right the police previously abused regularly by getting confessions from suspects solely because they didn’t know their rights. The decision also reminds all americans that their rights are sacred and that the government fulfills its responsibility to uphold these rights. In the Pledge of Allegiance, every American recites that in their country there is “liberty and justice for all,” a statement that is realized by most Americans today. But it was not always this way. Not so long ago in history, police abused suspect’s rights on a regular basis. In the 1930’s, president Hoover established the Wickersham commission, a commission charged with investigating police in America and police brutality, or the “third degree” as it was known at the time. The report found that “the third degree that is, the use of physical brutality, or other forms of cruelty, to obtain involuntary confessions or admissions is widespread.” Police used these tactics because confessions are a pivotal piece of evidence in a criminal trial and a powerful tool for the prosecution. If a criminal admits to his crime, there is not much that the defense can do. The right to protect oneself from giving a confession, or the right against self-incrimination, is guaranteed by the Fifth Amendment. “The reality of custodial interrogation in a fair number of places in America was the soul investigation. Crimes were investigated by interrogation and nothing else” (Bob Corbin) The admissibility of the confessions in the first place depended on if they were voluntary or not, which was a vague and elusive concept, subject to the opinion of each judge. The government was clearly ignoring its most important responsibility, the responsibility to safeguard the constitutional rights of all. This abuse of criminal’s rights persisted until the 1960’s, although greatly alleviated by a few Supreme Court cases. While America was in the full swing of the Vietnam War and the civil rights movement, the future namesake of the Miranda Warnings, Ernesto Miranda, was living the life of the common criminal in Phoenix, Arizona. On March 2, 1963, Miranda kidnapped a woman, took her into the desert, and raped her. Miranda became a part of this unfair justice system a week later when the police showed up at his door and arrested him for his crime. When the police interrogated him later that day, they followed every police procedure and acted completely within the law of the time, and two hours later they came out with a signed confession. The confession outlined all of his crime and was as complete as the police could possibly hope for. In signing the confession, Miranda also signed that he confessed voluntarily and that he understood all of his rights. However, the confession did not say what those rights were and in truth, Miranda did not know his rights. At the Superior Court trial in Maricopa County, the only piece of evidence besides the police and victim’s testimonies used was the confession, there was no physical evidence used so the decision would be based almost entirely on MIranda’s confession. Miranda’s appointed lawyer argued that the confession should be thrown out because Miranda had not been advised of his rights before making the statement. But since the law did not require this at the time, the confession was kept and Miranda was sentenced to twenty to thirty years in prison. A year and a half later, Miranda found himself in front of the Arizona Supreme court with the admissibility of his confession being scrutinized. The Arizona Supreme Court decided that the confession was admissible, but luckily for Miranda, the American Civil Liberties Union, a group devoted to protecting citizen’s rights, caught wind of his trial and decided to provide two lawyers to represent him to try to get the case into the Supreme Court of the United States. The Supreme Court, headed by Chief Justice Earl Warren, agreed to hear the case because “coerced confessions were the common way in which crime was solved, far too common. Miranda was a case that could be used to address that very large social and legal problem, and the Warren Court knew that” (Gary Stewart). The Warren Court was an activist court, it saw much flaw in police in America and made many changes to police procedure. The Supreme Court at other times would have seen no controversy in Miranda’s case, but the Warren Court seized the opportunity. Critics of the Warren Court said that they made decisions based on what they thought was best and that the reasoning for their decisions was detached from the constitution. Almost six years after he committed the crime, on February 28, 1966, Miranda appeared in front of the Supreme Court. During the hearing, Miranda’s lawyers made the argument that his rights were violated because everyone has the “fifth amendment right, not to incriminate oneself, the right to know you have that right and that of the right to consult with counsel, at the very least, in order so that you can exercise that right” (John Flynn). The majority of the court agreed with Miranda’s lawyers, and three months later in a 5-4 decision they overruled Miranda’s conviction along with three other similar cases on the grounds that that the defendant’s fifth and sixth amendment rights had been violated. They held that “it is clear that Miranda was not in any way appraised of his right to consult with an attorney and to have one present during the interrogation, nor was his right not to be compelled to incriminate himself effectively protected in any other manner. Without these warnings, the statements were inadmissible” (Opinion of the Court). Without these warnings, the statements were inadmissible. They held that police had to inform suspects of their right to remain silent and to have counsel because without this knowledge the suspects could not exercise these rights, and therefore their rights would be obsolete. Also, it addressed the sixth amendment right to counsel. A year before the Miranda decision the supreme court ruled in Escobedo v. Illinois that suspects had the right to counsel during a police interrogation, and the Miranda ruling mandated that suspects be advised of this right. This decision caused widespread public uproar, becoming a topic for newspapers across the US, presidential campaigns, and even US congressional hearings. The public thought that informing criminals of their rights would make it impossible to get a confession, allowing criminals to have wholesale immunuty to punishment because confessions were the most common way in which criminals were prosecuted. The justices with dissenting opinions shared this view- Justice White said in his dissent that “in some unknown number of cases, the Court's rule will return a killer, a rapist or other criminal to the streets and to the environment which produced him, to repeat his crime whenever it pleases him. The public’s prediction that the decision would cripple law enforcement was ultimately untrue. Police learned to work with the decision. They were forced to turn to other, more reliable pieces of hard evidence because confessions became harder to get. “It did make law enforcement to be better law enforcement. They had to learn to become perhaps more professional” (Bob Corbin). The decision made for a fairer trial because before the case, the admissibility of confessions depended on if they were voluntary or not, which could be very subject to opinion. The Miranda decision provided strict guidelines for the police and courts, so that standard procedure could leave no room for a compelled confession, forever protecting the right to remain silent for all Americans. The Miranda decision had a fate of taking America one step closer to having “liberty and justice for all,” but Ernesto Miranda’s fate wasn’t so bright. After having his conviction reversed by the Supreme Court, Miranda was retried for his crimes with different evidence, and sentenced to twenty to thirty years in prison. Eleven years later, he was let out on parole and soon was killed in a bar fight. As the years went by for the Miranda v. Arizona decision, courts later chipped away at it, making multiple exceptions but in the end still keeping its spirit. The Miranda Rights became an icon of American justice in pop culture as time went by, becoming an integral part of American culture and one of the most influential court cases in American history. The Miranda Warnings widespread fame allows them to be a constant reminder to all Americans that their rights are sacred, they prove to the public that the government fulfills its most important responsibility - the responsibility to uphold citizen’s rights. Upholding the constitution and the rights it entails is perhaps the most defining feature of America, one of the only things the things president's swear to do is to “preserve, protect, and defend, the constitution of the United States” (Obama). A reminder of what it means to be an American, these rights exist in order to ensure a fair trial, and as Justice Potter Stewart said, “fairness is what justice really is.” These rights, or liberties, eventually give way to justice, an innate connection between two of the most important American values, a connection made stronger by the Miranda Rights.

Membership

Commission members included Henry W. Anderson, Newton D. Baker, Ada Comstock, William Irwin Grubb, William S. Kenyon, Monte M. Lemann, Frank J. Loesch, Kenneth Mackintosh, Paul John McCormick, and Dean Roscoe Pound of the Harvard Law School. Pioneering American criminologist August Vollmer wrote portions of the report.[2][3]

From 1929 to 1930, Alger Hiss worked in legal research for the general counsel of the "Wickersham Committee" (as William L. Marbury, Jr. described it in a 1935 letter, in which he sought the support of U.S. Senator George L. P. Radcliffe for the appointment of Alger Hiss to the U.S. Solicitor General's office).[4]

Findings

The Commission focused its investigations almost entirely on the widespread violations of national alcohol prohibition to study and recommend changes to the Eighteenth Amendment and to observe police practices in the states. They observed police interrogation tactics and reported that "the inflicting of pain, physical or mental, to extract confessions or statements... is widespread throughout the country." They released a second report in 1931 that supported Prohibition but found contempt among average Americans and unworkable enforcement across the states, corruption in police ranks, local politics and problems in every community that attempted to enforce prohibition laws.

August Vollmer was the primary author of the commission's final report, commonly known as the Wickersham Report, which was released on January 7, 1931. It documented the widespread evasion of Prohibition and its negative effects on American society and recommended much more aggressive and extensive law enforcement to enforce compliance with anti-alcohol laws. The report castigated the police for their "general failure... to detect and arrest criminals guilty of the many murders, spectacular bank, payroll and other holdups and sensational robberies with guns." Monte M. Lemann was the only commission member who refused to sign the report, issuing a separate opinion, where he concluded that there was "no alternative but repeal of the [Eighteenth] Amendment."

Criticism

Franklin P. Adams, a columnist for the New York World, summarized his opinion of the commission's report with this poem:[5][6]

Prohibition is an awful flop.
We like it.
It can't stop what it's meant to stop.
We like it.
It's left a trail of graft and slime
It don't prohibit worth a dime
It's filled our land with vice and crime,
Nevertheless, we're for it.

In the November 1931 issue of the New Masses, graphic artist Jacob Burck published the cartoon "I-I B-b-eg Your Pardon..." depicting a mortified Wickersham, holding his Wickersham report, while he looks on as a capitalist violates liberty.[7]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Calder, James (2013-03-01). "Between Brain and State: Herbert C. Hoover, George W. Wickersham, and the Commission That Grounded Social Scientific Investigations of American Crime and Justice, 1929–1931 and Beyond". Marquette Law Review. 96 (4): 1035.
  2. ^ "Captioned photo of Wickersham Commission". Library of Congress. Retrieved September 18, 2016.
  3. ^ "United States. Wickersham Commission. Records, 1928-1931: Finding Aid". Harvard University Library. Retrieved September 18, 2016.
  4. ^ Marbury, William L. (July 30, 1935). "Personal letter to the Honorable George L. Radcliffe". Maryland Historical Society. Retrieved February 16, 2017.
  5. ^ David E. Kyvig; Honorée Fanonne Jeffers (2000). Repealing National Prohibition. Wick Poetry First Book. Kent State University Press. p. 114. ISBN 978-0873386722. OCLC 44039297.
  6. ^ Boyer, Paul S. The Enduring Vision: A History of the American People. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2006. Print.
  7. ^ Burck, Jacob (September 1931). "I-I B-b-eg Your Pardon..." (PDF). New Masses: 13. Retrieved May 13, 2020.

Commission Reports Historical Bibliography

  • "Enforcement of the Prohibition Laws: Official Records of the National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement Vol. I". 71st Cong., 3d sess. Senate. Doc. ;307. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1931. hdl:2027/mdp.35112104689981. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  • "Enforcement of the Prohibition Laws: Official Records of the National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement Vol. II". 71st Cong., 3d sess. Senate. Doc. ;307. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1931. hdl:2027/mdp.35112104689999. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  • "Enforcement of the Prohibition Laws: Official Records of the National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement Vol. III". 71st Cong., 3d sess. Senate. Doc. ;307. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1931. hdl:2027/mdp.35112104687001. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  • "Enforcement of the Prohibition Laws: Official Records of the National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement Vol. IV". 71st Cong., 3d sess. Senate. Doc. ;307. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1931. hdl:2027/mdp.35112104687019. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  • "Enforcement of the Prohibition Laws: Official Records of the National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement Vol. V". 71st Cong., 3d sess. Senate. Doc. ;307. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1931. hdl:2027/mdp.35112104687027. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  • United States Wickersham Commission (1968). Complete Reports: Including the Mooney-Billings Report. Montclair, N.J.: Patterson Smith. LCCN 68055277. OCLC 451611.

Sources

This page was last edited on 6 March 2024, at 01:32
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