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Tiverton (UK Parliament constituency)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Tiverton
Former County constituency
for the House of Commons
Tiverton in Devon 1983-1997
CountyDevon
18851997
SeatsOne
Replaced byTiverton & Honiton
1621–1885
SeatsTwo
Type of constituencyBorough constituency
Tiverton in Devon 1885-1918

Tiverton was a constituency located in Tiverton in east Devon, formerly represented in the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Enfranchised as a parliamentary borough in 1615 and first represented in 1621, it elected two Members of Parliament (MPs) by the first past the post system of election until 1885. The name was then transferred to a county constituency electing one MP. (Between 1885 and 1918, the constituency was alternatively called Devon, North East.)

In 1997, it was merged with the neighbouring constituency of Honiton to form the Tiverton and Honiton constituency.

Prime Minister Lord Palmerston was a former MP for the seat.

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  • Universities UK Annual Conference 2012: President's Address

Transcription

Minister, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen. Well it’s been quite a summer. Talent, hard work, creativity, competition, great values, international reach and embrace, successful organisation, self-deprecation, humour, excitement and exhilaration and also disappointment and heartache. And that’s just higher education never mind the Olympics and Paralmypics. Seriously, the United Kingdom was a great place to be in August and September and it was refreshing to see such a clear exposition of the combination of personality, values, history and celebration of diversity that makes this country so creative and challenging. Our students and graduates made up a very significant proportion of Team GB. In fact, Further and Higher Education GB would be the fifth highest nation in the medals chart with 20 Golds, 12 Silver and 10 Bronze medals. It is also interesting to see the large number and diversity of institutions from which those medallists hailed. But it isn’t just sport. I don’t need to tell anyone in this room how those self same characteristics in our staff as well as our students ensure the UK has such an outstanding higher education system in all its manifestations. David, we would also like to say how pleased we are that our Ministerial team of Vince Cable and you are continuing after the reshuffle. These are challenging times and it is great to have Ministers who understand universities and their importance in 21st century society. In you David, as our direct Minister, we know we have someone who obviously cares about universities and science, who knows deeply about them and who can prosecute their case so eloquently. Of course there will be debate about how income to universities was sustained but it certainly was sustained – it would be a very different world if we were facing cuts in income that are the average in other parts of the public sector. There are, of course, further cuts mooted and we will have to work hard with you to ensure they do not compromise the quality of our teaching and also the science budget which is so crucial to this country’s future success. However, after the highs, there are the inevitable lows – a post-ictal state as I call it is a medic, although some of you may have a different terminology. There are two acute issues for the sector at the moment. Firstly, the changes in student number controls created individual challenges for each university – probably slightly different for each one. As usual, universities responded effectively and successfully to the new challenges. What happened demonstrated very effectively that university admissions is not a stable, well ordered environment characterised by linear, deterministic outcomes. It is, in fact, unstable, non-linear and non-deterministic and thus institutions travelling across it can end in very different places even though they start in much the same place. It really was a story of unpredicted and unintended consequences. It can only be surmised that further changes in the variables will have similar outcomes and the situation will probably not stabilise until there is complete de-regulation of student numbers. That, however, is going to require some imaginative thinking about how student support is financed. Secondly, the continued uncertainties over migration issues and visas continue to challenge the sector. This summer highlighted our ambivalence over migration as a nation – even as a capital city. When Jeremy Clarkson was making the case on television for Isambard Kingdom Brunel as the greatest Briton some years ago, I read an article by a Ugandan Asian who had been forced to flee Idi Amin. In it she made three points. Firstly, when she was taught about Brunel at school in Uganda she thought he was a company not a single person because he had been so productive. Secondly that he built things that reflected the zeitgeist of the age – big, confident, robust and long-lasting. We tend to build much more emphemeral, glass based structures today and what does that say about our zeitgeist? Finally, she reminded us all that Brunel was the son of a migrant – his father fled persecution of the Huguenots in Europe – and that Brunel reminded us how much this country has gained from migration over the centuries. Simply looking at the diversity of our medal winners underlined her point. I don’t know about you but I felt immensely proud of those winners firstly simply as people. But secondly I felt proud of our country’s history as a place where individuals can come, we welcome them and they can flourish. That is a great asset and we mustn’t squander it. In particular it is a massive asset for universities and the topic of this conference is A World Without Boundaries – nobody in this room needs to be told how crucial the free international flow of human capital is to success in the modern, globalised world of higher education (of which more later). All that having been said, Minister, we acknowledge that migration is an important issue for the people of this country at the moment and that universities must be sensitive to those emotions. That means we must be fully committed to stamping out abuse, to working closely with the Government on this and we recognise our duty to keep full and up to date records on our students. However, we appear to have arrived at a situation with overseas students in which our country invites ridicule or at the very least astonishment. UUK has calculated that overseas students are a £7.6 billion annual export industry with huge potential to expand. They add intellectual, social and cultural firepower to one of the most successful sectors of the UK, universities. Finally they give our country additional global soft power for decades to come. Surveys show that students are not a prime cause for people’s anxieties over migration and finally, in our part of the sector, they have at least a 98% compliance rate and that is from the Home Office’s own study. We need a clear, single message to those potential students and their countries. I have stood with Ministers in various parts of the world whilst they have been discussing with those countries’ education ministers how to increase numbers of students coming from those countries to the UK. Quite right, by the way. Meanwhile, simultaneously, other parts of Government are sending out messages that are damaging to our reputation of being welcoming to overseas students. I dislike talking about rights and much prefer to frame arguments around duties. We owe these overseas students, who are paying guests in our country, some significant duties. We, the country and universities, owe it to potential applicants to study in the UK to present a fair picture of what their opportunities are, how they will be given to them and how they will aid their intellectual and career development; and to ensure that we have a fair and efficient mechanism for deciding their suitability for a visa. We, the country and the universities, have a duty to ensure they are properly looked after both academically and socially. We, the universities, also owe a duty to the country that we will monitor these students in a purposeful way in order to be able to reassure our citizens that overseas students are here to study and are not bogus. We certainly did not fulfil those duties on August the 29th. Around 3000 students, of whom the overwhelming majority were bona fide students, found themselves in a foreign country far from home without a course. I have had no rational explanation of how that fulfilled our duties to them as human beings never mind as students. Everyone involved in this needs to remind themselves that families have paid for these courses and that, for these students, this is one of their major lifetime chances. Let’s all just ponder on how we would have reacted if that had happened to our sons and daughters in a foreign country. Why were their needs not given absolute primacy in all these considerations? I would argue that we all have been found wanting in our duties to these students. That even includes some of our citizens, who seem to feel they can articulate some of the most bigoted and factually incorrect comments under the cloak of anonymity in the blogosphere without any sense of responsibility over how they colour the debate. I urge that we all reconfigure the nature of our discourse about overseas students and immigration and put the human beings and our duties to them at the centre of all our discussions. While there are many informal bilateral meetings and communications, the public discourse appears mainly to be spoken through megaphones. Surely the time has come for all those involved in this to sit round a single table and try and come to some end-point about overseas students. Frankly a decision is needed – and surely it’s not beyond the wit of man or woman to broker such discussions. Meanwhile UUK and universities will continue to articulate how important international students and staff are and we will continue to lobby for overseas students to be excluded from net migration – at least for policy purposes. And so to the meat of this conference – A World Without Boundaries. The title was deliberately chosen to address how UK universities operate in a globalized environment. The first problem one encounters is that there is no single agreed definition of globalisation nor any agreement as to whether it is a phenomenon of modernity or a historical force that has been impacting on society in one way or another for centuries. I don’t intend to lead a seminar on semantics and frankly I think the title of our meeting gets it – A World Without Borders be they either technological or geographic – or linguistic or social or cultural. Against that definition, higher education with its very free movement of information and its hugely mobile staff and student population is at the very centre of the phenomenon. In fact, it is an exemplary testing ground. And true to form, when presented with the opportunity to explore and innovate, UK higher education seizes it with both hands. Over the last 15 years or so our universities have opened campuses abroad, have created international campuses in their homes, have hugely increased the percentage of international students and staff, have joined international networks, have established deep bilateral partnerships with individual universities, and have embraced distance education. And they are currently in discussion, particularly through you Minister, with the governments of huge geographical regions (India, South America, the USA) about the benefits or otherwise of more systemic, and probably multi-lateral, collaborations in higher education. I think the intriguing question is which of these will prove sustainable and which will wither on the vine. Will it be all or none? I will speculate on the shape of UK-led international HE later in this speech but first I want to address what characteristics define a “globalised” university or a “world” university if you wish. The first definition everyone uses is that the university has multiple and diverse international collaborations between academic staff. However, there are thousands of universities worldwide that have substantial and diverse international collaborations – every one of those cannot be a “global” university. So what are the extra factors that will define a “global” university? I would suggest the following: 1. Global Brand Penetration My brother has lived in Japan for over 30 years and he reminds me that, as far as the overwhelming majority of the Japanese population are concerned, there are only two universities in the United Kingdom. When I travel in North America I am constantly reminded that most of the people I meet don’t even know where Bristol is, never mind whether it has a university. Such reality begs the question as to whether any other institution in the UK can honestly claim to be global. The answer to that depends on which constituency you are addressing. I would argue that if you wish to be considered a global university it is almost a sine qua non that your peers and national policy makers should see you as that even if the person in the street doesn’t – i.e. the global Chemistry community recognises the excellence of your Chemistry Department. 2. Comprehensive excellence in research, teaching, academic staff, administration, facilities, leadership and governance This is a minimum set of characteristics. In the UK there are number of institutions where quality of research, teaching and academic staff is certainly high enough to qualify them as global players. We have many universities with excellent facilities, especially following recent investments. It is essential that a global university is independent, has good governance and is well led. The institution’s head and administration must be committed to the “globalisation” and be prepared to persuade staff that it is a good way forward. 3. Innovative Global Research The pursuit of innovative global research is a very significant characteristic. What is clear is that global research is not just more “connectivity” i.e. putting people together in different ways, maximising effective use of logistics, video seminar series and summer institutes. All these are good in themselves and may lead to new ways of thinking and collaborating but they are not “global” characteristics. The global part of this comes in the marshalling of these universities’ huge intellectual and logistical resources to address global problems and questions in new ways. The size of the endeavour, the size and centrality of the questions, and the multiplicity of partners are the crucial factors here. This means asking academic staff to think in new ways; to ask them to look out of the rut and see different horizons. This is not intellectually easy; most of us are much more comfortable with reductionist science. It is fiercely difficult to identify, never mind pose, the central integrating question. The “connectivity” benefits that I have described will be an essential mechanism for identifying and posing these questions but it is essential that that “connectivity” is identified for that purpose and not just seen as a good in its own right. 4. An International Curriculum A global university will have an undergraduate and postgraduate curriculum that will explicitly take into account that its students will be going out into a globalised world. This doesn’t mean a wholesale subversion of an academic curriculum but it does mean it should be framed against that paradigm. I don’t believe that global distribution of its educational material and programs is a necessary variable although many institutions will do this. 5. Strong and diverse international student and staff demand – many international visitors A colleague recently said that he had worked at three universities and what differentiated one from the others – and it was an acknowledged global player – was the frequency and diversity of other academics from outside the UK visiting the department and the university. In other words, you have what other people in the rest of the world want to see. The academic staff must include natives of other countries who have recognised the opportunities your university offers – this is not just returning Brits who want to be nearer their family. Finally, it is essential there is a diverse, international student body. 6. Impacting on global issues, policy formulation and professional practice Academic staff of a global university will be advising global institutions on policy formulation around global issues, for example advising the United Nations about solutions to global poverty or the WHO about AIDS and its management in the Third World. 7. Close interactions with global business Chief executives and senior managers in global businesses will naturally interact and collaborate with organisations that they consider to be punching at the same weight as they are. There are a number of UK institutions that have all or nearly all of these characteristics in part but none which has all of them in full. Comparison with US universities is very sobering especially with regard to facilities – we still have a way to go before we can confidently say we have a number of global universities. Will we be able to say that more confidently in 20 years’ time? And that, I consider, is the interesting question. What will our universities’ borderless activity look like in 20 years’ time? At one end of the spectrum you can foresee an amplified picture of what is currently happening. The academics will continue with their international links which I’m sure will be the case. Our universities will have extended all those activities I described earlier. In fact some of them will look like international corporations with branches all over the world providing undergraduate and postgraduate education. Some will be just delivering their own provision but in a different location, while others will have differentiated their content and pedagogy to take account of the society and culture of that geography and those degrees will be very different from the ones taught back home. Others may have extensive online and distance provision. The students and staff of all universities will be much more internationalised. I, however, have some difficulty seeing every university having such comprehensive global activities. As I say, I’m sure academic to academic links will grow and I’m also pretty sure that there will be increasing diversity of staff and students on the main campus. I accept that there will be huge unmet demand for higher education globally over the next 20 years but I’m pretty sure that some realities of competition and simple financial or logistical failure will mean that some universities will have decided to retreat from global provision and have returned to educational provision solely from their home base. Maybe a Darwinian struggle will have occurred with some universities winning in the global provision stakes and others deciding it’s not worth the effort. And maybe that’s not such a bad outcome. No global success is worth domestic failure. I well remember having dinner with some very senior alumni in Hong Kong discussing whether Bristol should consider off shore provision in China in one shape or other and one of them saying “Whatever you do, get it right back home Eric, get it right back home.” Inside that comment are some important truths. Universities might have to be businesslike but they certainly aren’t just businesses. This is not just about setting up a global chain of retail outlets where the product is education. Many universities are defined to some degree or other by the place in which they are situated. Oxford and Cambridge would be classic examples of that in the UK. But they are not the only ones. For most of us, our home town is part of our brand – the city of Bristol is a huge part of people’s perception of the university. I have no doubt that it is a big part of what attracts people to study and work there. How far can that be diluted without the very definition of Bristol University being changed completely? Furthermore academic staff, in particular, want to be where the action is. I am on the Global Advisory Board for the University of Chicago Booth School of Business which has a very successful campus in London. However, it is not staffed residentially – rather the US staff come over regularly for short periods of time. That is so because they want to be located in Hyde Park in Chicago sitting in the same building and in the same coffee shop as the big academic players, their Nobel Prize winners. If you have difficulty asking staff to relocate to London, with all its attractions, what will it be like for less attractive parts of the world? The answer lies in using local staff but then there is real danger of the kind of dilution of the brand that I discussed earlier. I am not saying that there won’t be universities that successfully deliver offshore education whilst maintaining their reputation and keeping the home offer intact. I am saying it won’t be every university and that some, either as a result of prestige or of practicality, will decide to limit themselves to their home base and location. Both will be successful. Research will offer borderless opportunities. However, if we are to go beyond academic to academic interactions and have the kind of purposeful, multi-disciplinary, multi-partner projects addressing major issues facing society that I discussed earlier then our research leaders and funders are going to have to think and plan in a different way. It is almost 12 years since I attended my first Worldwide University Network meeting in Washington DC where one of our guests was the then Director of the NSF, Rita Caldwell. She was very enthusiastic that we were setting up an international research based university network – she was quite clear that this was the future. I then spent the next five years flogging around governmental research funding agencies in Washington and London and always getting the same response: “Yes this is a great idea but it doesn’t work within our organisational structure, or we would have to have it peer reviewed by a large number of panels, or it would have to be peer reviewed on both sides of the Atlantic”. I even remember pitching a 22 partner, $20 million project to investigate the geology, geochemistry and biology of the deep seas affected by the black smokers of the East Chile trench to a very senior member of NSF. I was simply told that funding this would not be possible because it wouldn’t be fair to others not in the consortium – i.e. that we were running an anti-competitive trust. 12 years later we are closer to being able to get these large projects together and I exemplify that with the very successful UKIERI project. However, UKIERI is not funding the scale of project that I am considering and I believe the funding for them will come from organisations similar to the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation who can operate way beyond international and administrative and organisational boundaries. Still a long way to go. One final thought addresses the issue of who will partner with us in the future and how. At the moment our paradigm of globalisation is to export our product either by attracting individuals here or by the various means I described earlier – co-provision, overseas campuses, franchising. Our partners have mainly been other universities or local or national governments. Somehow I doubt that will be the shape of things to come. It is already proving difficult to get foreign provider status in some geographies due to the slow progress of bills through parliament. In many countries the way to develop may well be on the back of private finance, which will create new challenges. Some of you will be aware of the initiative in Macedonia where a university campus is being built with private finance from outside Macedonia. The campus is planned to provide the infrastructure for any university to provide its courses in that location to fee-paying Macedonian students, overseas students and even home students who would locate to Macedonia. Rest assured I’m not here to sell that initiative but its mixture of private and public support in a new country to provide a very flexible educational offering may exemplify what the future may bring. Literally as I wrote this speech an email arrived in my inbox from a private company offering to put University of Bristol courses on-line. I went to the website where there were courses from professors at very well established universities such as NYU, Johns Hopkins and McGill, in such areas as Engineering and Entrepreneurial Finance. These courses are free, so don’t ask me how the business plan works. I’m simply telling you about this because I believe that one of the least predictable futures is how on-line and e-learning will develop and who will finance it. One thing our WUN experience with distributed on-line teaching taught me is that it is not a sport for the managerially faint-hearted nor the financially shallow. As all of you know there is no more inaccurate science than futurology. 20 years hence will inevitably be a very different world than the ones I have been describing. What borderless will mean may have totally changed. We are already in a world where you can study your subject with a handset on a beach. Will technology have delivered new forms of communication that will create a paradigm shift? I started at the University of Southampton 21 years ago. Since then a lot has changed but also a lot of our fundamental work remains the same and is delivered in the same way. Will there be an evolutionary leap in the next 20 years? I don’t know. I have no doubt, however, that then, as it is now, our universities will still be at the very centre of a successful globalised, borderless, world. Thank you

History

Boundaries

1885–1918: The Municipal Borough of Tiverton, and the Sessional Divisions of Cullompton and Wonford.

1918–1950: The Municipal Borough of Tiverton, the Urban Districts of Bampton and Dawlish, the Rural Districts of Oulmstock and Tiverton, and parts of the Rural Districts of Newton Abbot and St Thomas.

1950–1974: The Municipal Borough of Tiverton, the Urban Districts of Dawlish and Teignmouth, the Rural District of Tiverton, and part of the Rural District of St Thomas.

1974–1983: The Municipal Borough of Tiverton, the Urban Districts of Crediton, Dawlish, and Teignmouth, the Rural Districts of Crediton and Tiverton, and part of the Rural District of St Thomas.

1983–1997: The District of Mid Devon wards of Boniface, Bradninch, Cadbury, Canal, Canonsleigh, Castle, Clare, Cullompton Outer, Cullompton Town, Culm, East Creedy, Halberton, Lawrence, Lowman, Newbrooke, Paullet, Sandford, Shuttern, Silverton, Upper Culm, Upper Yeo, Westexe North, Westexe South, Willand, and Yeo, and the District of East Devon wards of Broadclyst, Clystbeare, Clyst Valley, Exe Valley, Ottery St Mary Rural, Ottery St Mary Town, and Tale Vale.

Members of Parliament

Tiverton borough, 1621–1885

Year First member[1] First party Second member[1] Second party
1621–1622 John Bampfield John Davie
1624-March 1625 Sir George Chudleigh Humphrey Were
April–August 1625 Rowland St John John Francis
December 1625 – 1626 John Drake sat for Devon
replaced by Richard Oliver
Peter Ball
1628–1629 John Bluett
No Parliament summoned 1629-40
April 1640 Peter Sainthill Royalist Peter Ball
November 1640 George Hartnall Royalist
January 1644 Sainthill and Hartnall disabled from sitting - both seats vacant
1646 Robert Shapcote John Elford
December 1648 Shapcote excluded in Pride's Purge - seat vacant Elford not recorded as sitting after Pride's Purge
1653 Tiverton was unrepresented in the Barebones Parliament
1654 Robert Shapcote Tiverton had only one seat in the First and
Second Parliaments of the Protectorate
1656
January 1659 Francis Warner Sir Coplestone Bampfylde
May 1659 Not represented in the restored Rump
April 1660 Robert Shapcote Thomas Bampfylde
July 1660 Roger Colman
November 1660 Henry Newte
1661 Sir Thomas Carew, Bt Sir Thomas Stucley
1664 Sir Henry Ford
1673 Samuel Foote
1685 Sir Hugh Acland William Colman
1689 Samuel Foote
1690 Thomas Bere
1691 Sir Anthony Keck
1695 Lord Spencer Whig
1702 Robert Burridge
1708 Richard Mervin
1710 [2] Sir Edward Northey John Worth
1715 Thomas Bere
1722 Arthur Arscott
1726 George Deane
1727 Sir William Yonge, Bt[3] Whig
1728 by-election James Nelthorpe
1734 (Sir) Dudley Ryder
July 1747 Sir William Yonge, Bt[3] Whig
December 1747 by-election Henry Conyngham[4]
1754 Sir William Yonge, Bt Whig Henry Pelham
1755 by-election Thomas Ryder
1756 by-election Nathaniel Ryder
1758 by-election Sir Edward Hussey-Montagu
1762 by-election Charles Gore
1768 Sir John Duntze, Bt
1776 by-election John Eardley Wilmot
1784 Hon. Dudley Ryder Tory

[5]

1795 by-election Hon. Richard Ryder Tory[5]
1803 by-election William Fitzhugh Tory[5]
1819 by-election Viscount Sandon Tory[5]
1830 Hon. Granville Ryder Tory[5]
1831 Spencer Perceval Tory[5]
1832 John Heathcoat Whig[6][7][5][8] James Kennedy[9] Radical[5]
1835 by-election The Viscount Palmerston Whig[5]
1859 Hon. George Denman Liberal Liberal
1865 John Walrond, of Bradfield, Uffculme Conservative
1866 by-election Hon. George Denman Liberal
1868 John Heathcoat-Amory Liberal
1872 by-election William Nathaniel Massey Liberal
1881 by-election Viscount Ebrington Liberal
1885 Reduced to one member

County constituency, 1885–1997

Election Member[1] Party
1885 Sir William Walrond Conservative
1906 Hon. William Walrond Conservative
1915 by-election Charles Carew Conservative
1922 Herbert Sparkes Conservative
1923 by-election Sir Francis Dyke Acland, Bt Liberal
1924 Gilbert Acland-Troyte Conservative
1945 Derick Heathcoat-Amory Conservative
1960 by-election Robin Maxwell-Hyslop Conservative
1992 Angela Browning Conservative
1997 constituency abolished: see Tiverton & Honiton

Election results

Elections in the 1830s

General election 1830: Tiverton (2 seats)[5][10]
Party Candidate Votes %
Tory Dudley Ryder Unopposed
Tory Granville Ryder Unopposed
Registered electors 24
Tory hold
Tory hold
General election 1831: Tiverton (2 seats)[5][10]
Party Candidate Votes %
Tory Spencer Perceval (junior) Unopposed
Tory Granville Ryder Unopposed
Registered electors 24
Tory hold
Tory hold
General election 1832: Tiverton (2 seats)[5][11]
Party Candidate Votes %
Whig John Heathcoat 376 51.1
Radical James Kennedy 265 36.0
Whig Benjamin Wood 55 7.5
Whig Charles Chichester[12] 40 5.4
Turnout 402 87.0
Registered electors 462
Majority 111 15.1
Whig gain from Tory
Majority 210 28.5
Radical gain from Tory

Kennedy's election was declared void on petition, causing a by-election.

By-election, 24 May 1833: Tiverton[5][11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Radical James Kennedy 214 69.3 +33.3
Whig Benjamin Wood 95 30.7 −33.3
Majority 119 38.6 +10.1
Turnout 309 66.9 −20.1
Registered electors 462
Radical hold Swing +33.3
General election 1835: Tiverton (2 seats)[5][11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Whig John Heathcoat 366 49.1 −2.0
Radical James Kennedy 184 24.7 −11.3
Whig Charles Chichester[12] 134 18.0 +12.6
Conservative J Langmead 62 8.3 New
Turnout c. 373 c. 78.9 c. −8.1
Registered electors 473
Majority 182 24.4 +9.3
Whig hold Swing +1.8
Majority 50 6.7 −21.8
Radical hold Swing −11.0

Kennedy resigned, causing a by-election.

By-election, 1 June 1835: Tiverton[5][11]
Party Candidate Votes %
Whig Viscount Palmerston Unopposed
Whig gain from Radical
General election 1837: Tiverton (2 seats)[5][11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Whig John Heathcoat 323 43.1 −6.0
Whig Viscount Palmerston 246 32.8 +14.8
Conservative Benjamin Bowden Dickinson 180 24.0 +15.7
Majority 66 8.8 −15.6
Turnout 420 84.3 c. +5.4
Registered electors 498
Whig hold Swing −6.9
Whig gain from Radical Swing +3.5

Elections in the 1840s

General election 1841: Tiverton (2 seats)[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Whig Viscount Palmerston Unopposed
Whig John Heathcoat Unopposed
Registered electors 478
Whig hold
Whig hold

Palmerston was appointed Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, requiring a by-election.

By-election, 10 July 1846: Tiverton[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Whig Viscount Palmerston Unopposed
Whig hold
General election 1847: Tiverton (2 seats)[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Whig John Heathcoat 148 53.8 N/A
Whig Viscount Palmerston 127 46.2 N/A
Chartist George Julian Harney 0 0.0 New
Majority 127 46.2 N/A
Turnout 138 (est) 30.9 (est) N/A
Registered electors 445
Whig hold Swing N/A
Whig hold Swing N/A

Elections in the 1850s

General election 1852: Tiverton (2 seats)[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Whig Viscount Palmerston Unopposed
Whig John Heathcoat Unopposed
Registered electors 461
Whig hold
Whig hold

Palmerston was appointed Home Secretary, requiring a by-election.

By-election, 3 January 1853: Tiverton[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Whig Viscount Palmerston Unopposed
Whig hold

Palmerston became Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury, requiring a by-election.

By-election, 12 February 1855: Tiverton[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Whig Viscount Palmerston Unopposed
Whig hold
General election 1857: Tiverton (2 seats)[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Whig Viscount Palmerston Unopposed
Whig John Heathcoat Unopposed
Registered electors 482
Whig hold
Whig hold
General election 1859: Tiverton (2 seats)[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal Viscount Palmerston Unopposed
Liberal George Denman Unopposed
Registered electors 506
Liberal hold
Liberal hold

Palmerston became Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury, requiring a by-election.

By-election, 27 June 1859: Tiverton[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal Viscount Palmerston Unopposed
Liberal hold

Elections in the 1860s

Temple was appointed Constable of Dover Castle and Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, requiring a by-election.

By-election, 28 March 1861: Tiverton[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal Viscount Palmerston Unopposed
Liberal hold
General election 1865: Tiverton (2 seats)[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal Viscount Palmerston 261 37.4 N/A
Conservative John Walrond[13] 220 31.5 New
Liberal George Denman 217 31.1 N/A
Majority 3 0.4 N/A
Turnout 349 (est) 75.1 (est) N/A
Registered electors 465
Liberal hold Swing N/A
Conservative gain from Liberal Swing N/A

Lord Palmerston's death in October 1865 caused a by-election.

By-election, 28 February 1866: Tiverton (2 seats)[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal George Denman 232 55.5 −13.0
Conservative John Dalrymple-Hay 186 44.5 +13.0
Majority 46 11.0 +10.6
Turnout 418 89.9 +14.8
Registered electors 465
Liberal hold Swing −13.0
General election 1868: Tiverton (2 seats)[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal George Denman Unopposed
Liberal John Heathcoat-Amory Unopposed
Registered electors 1,155
Liberal hold
Liberal gain from Conservative

Elections in the 1870s

Denman resigned after being appointed a Judge of Court of Common Pleas.

By-election, 6 Nov 1872: Tiverton (1 seat)[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal William Nathaniel Massey 577 51.3 N/A
Conservative John Walrond 547 48.7 New
Majority 30 2.6 N/A
Turnout 1,124 89.3 N/A
Registered electors 1,258
Liberal hold Swing N/A
General election 1874: Tiverton (2 seats)[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal John Heathcoat-Amory 677 35.4 N/A
Liberal William Nathaniel Massey 629 32.9 N/A
Conservative John Walrond 605 31.7 N/A
Majority 24 1.2 N/A
Turnout 1,258 (est) 97.2 (est) N/A
Registered electors 1,294
Liberal hold Swing N/A
Liberal hold Swing N/A

Elections in the 1880s

General election 1880: Tiverton (2 seats)[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal John Heathcoat-Amory 743 36.6 +1.2
Liberal William Nathaniel Massey 699 34.4 +1.5
Conservative John Walrond[14] 590 29.0 −2.7
Majority 109 5.4 +4.2
Turnout 1,229 (est) 93.1 (est) −4.1
Registered electors 1,320
Liberal hold Swing +1.3
Liberal hold Swing +1.4

Massey's death caused a by-election.

By-election, 15 Nov 1881: Tiverton (1 seat)[11]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal Hugh Fortescue 705 60.9 −10.1
Conservative Robert Frederick Loosemore[15] 453 39.1 +10.1
Majority 252 21.8 +16.4
Turnout 1,158 82.4 −10.7
Registered electors 1,405
Liberal hold Swing −10.1

Representation was reduced to one member.

General election 1885: Tiverton [16][17][18]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative William Walrond 4,563 56.9 +27.9
Liberal Sydney Stern 3,460 43.1 −27.9
Majority 1,103 13.8 N/A
Turnout 8,023 85.8 −7.3 (est)
Registered electors 9,349
Conservative gain from Liberal Swing +27.9
General election 1886: Tiverton [16][17]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative William Walrond Unopposed
Conservative hold

Walrond was appointed a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, requiring a by-election.

By-election, 12 Aug 1886: Tiverton [16]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative William Walrond Unopposed
Conservative hold

Elections in the 1890s

General election 1892: Tiverton [16][17]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative William Walrond 4,433 58.8 N/A
Liberal John Budd Phear 3,101 41.2 New
Majority 1,332 17.6 N/A
Turnout 7,534 84.0 N/A
Registered electors 8,972
Conservative hold Swing N/A
General election 1895: Tiverton [16][17][19]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative William Walrond Unopposed
Conservative hold

Elections in the 1900s

General election 1900: Tiverton [20][17][19]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative William Walrond Unopposed
Conservative hold
By-election, 1902: Tiverton[20]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative William Walrond Unopposed
Conservative hold
Reed
General election 1906: Tiverton [17][20]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Lionel Walrond 4,455 52.9 N/A
Liberal William Henry Reed 3,970 47.1 New
Majority 485 5.8 N/A
Turnout 8,425 91.1 N/A
Registered electors 9,248
Conservative hold Swing N/A

Elections in the 1910s

Walrond
General election January 1910: Tiverton [21][20]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Lionel Walrond 4,945 54.4 +1.5
Liberal Sir Ian Murray Heathcoat-Amory, 2nd Baronet 4,153 45.6 −1.5
Majority 792 8.8 +3.0
Turnout 9,098 94.2 +3.1
Registered electors 9,660
Conservative hold Swing +1.5
General election December 1910: Tiverton [21][20]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Lionel Walrond 5,033 59.3 +4.9
Liberal Alfred Trestrail 3,455 40.7 −4.9
Majority 1,578 18.6 +9.8
Turnout 8,488 87.9 −6.3
Registered electors 9,660
Conservative hold Swing +4.9

General Election 1914–15:

Another General Election was required to take place before the end of 1915. The political parties had been making preparations for an election to take place and by July 1914, the following candidates had been selected;

1915 Tiverton by-election[16][21][20]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Unionist Charles Carew Unopposed
Unionist hold
General election 1918: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
C Unionist Charles Carew 9,598 57.2 −2.1
Liberal Edward Penton 4,827 28.7 −12.0
Labour Donald B. Fraser 2,377 14.1 New
Majority 4,771 28.5 +9.9
Turnout 16,802 64.8 −23.1
Unionist hold Swing +5.0
C indicates candidate endorsed by the coalition government.

Elections in the 1920s

Francis Acland
General election 1922: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Unionist Herbert Sparkes 10,304 46.9 –10.3
Liberal Francis Dyke Acland 10,230 46.5 +17.8
Labour Frederick Brown 1,457 6.6 –7.5
Majority 74 0.4 –28.1
Turnout 21,991 80.1 +5.3
Unionist hold Swing –14.0
1923 Tiverton by-election
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal Francis Dyke Acland 12,041 49.8 +3.3
Unionist Gilbert Acland-Troyte 11,639 48.1 +1.2
Independent Labour Frederick Brown 495 2.0 –4.6
Majority 402 1.7 N/A
Turnout 24,174 88.1 +8.0
Liberal gain from Conservative Swing +1.0
8
General election 6 December 1923: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal Francis Dyke Acland 12,303 50.0 +3.5
Unionist Gilbert Acland-Troyte 12,300 50.0 +3.1
Majority 3 0.0 N/A
Turnout 24,603 87.4 +7.3
Liberal gain from Conservative Swing +0.2
General election 1924: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Unionist Gilbert Acland-Troyte 13,601 53.2 +3.2
Liberal Francis Dyke Acland 11,942 46.8 –3.2
Majority 1,659 6.4 N/A
Turnout 25,543 90.2 +2.8
Unionist gain from Liberal Swing +3.2
General election 1929: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Unionist Gilbert Acland-Troyte 15,423 50.5 –2.7
Liberal Dingle Foot 12,908 42.3 –4.5
Labour Heyman Wreford Wreford-Glanville 2,199 7.2 New
Majority 2,515 8.2 +1.8
Turnout 30,530 86.2 –4.0
Unionist hold Swing +0.9

Elections in the 1930s

General election 1931: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Gilbert Acland-Troyte Unopposed N/A N/A
Conservative hold
General election 1935: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Gilbert Acland-Troyte Unopposed N/A N/A
Conservative hold

Elections in the 1940s

General Election 1939–40: Another General Election was required to take place before the end of 1940. The political parties had been making preparations for an election to take place from 1939 and by the end of this year, the following candidates had been selected;

General election 1945: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Derick Heathcoat-Amory 16,919 51.3 N/A
Labour GC Tompson 8,634 26.2 New
Liberal Cyril Harry Blackburn 7,418 22.5 New
Majority 8,285 25.1 N/A
Turnout 32,971 74.0 N/A
Conservative hold Swing N/A

Elections in the 1950s

General election 1950: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Derick Heathcoat-Amory 20,606 52.11
Labour Patrick Duffy 12,055 30.48
Liberal Cyril Harry Blackburn 6,885 17.41
Majority 8,551 21.63
Turnout 46,536 84.98
Conservative hold Swing
General election 1951: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Derick Heathcoat-Amory 24,532 63.53
Labour Patrick Duffy 14,084 36.47
Majority 10,448 27.06
Turnout 38,616 81.26
Conservative hold Swing
General election 1955: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Derick Heathcoat-Amory 23,475 64.27
Labour Patrick Duffy 13,051 35.73
Majority 10,424 28.54
Turnout 36,526 76.32
Conservative hold Swing
General election 1959: Tiverton[22]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Derick Heathcoat-Amory 21,714 55.6 -8.7
Labour John Dunwoody 9,836 25.2 -10.5
Liberal James J Collier 7,504 19.2 New
Majority 11,878 30.4 +1.9
Turnout 39,054 80.7 +4.4
Conservative hold Swing

Elections in the 1960s

1960 Tiverton by-election[22]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Robin Maxwell-Hyslop 15,308 45.7 -9.9
Liberal James J Collier 12,268 36.7 +17.5
Labour Raymond F H Dobson 5,895 17.6 -7.6
Majority 3,040 9.0 -21.4
Turnout 33,471 68.4 -12.3
Conservative hold Swing
General election 1964: Tiverton[22]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Robin Maxwell-Hyslop 19,280 47.3 -8.3
Liberal James J Collier 14,053 34.5 +15.3
Labour John T Mitchard 7,393 18.2 -7.0
Majority 5,227 12.8 -17.6
Turnout 40,726 80.1 -0.6
Conservative hold Swing
General election 1966: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Robin Maxwell-Hyslop 20,351 48.57
Labour F Keith Taylor 11,325 27.03
Liberal Frank J Suter 10,225 24.40
Majority 9,026 21.54
Turnout 41,901 80.72
Conservative hold Swing

Elections in the 1970s

General election 1970: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Robin Maxwell-Hyslop 24,689 55.18
Labour Roy Hewetson 10,823 24.19
Liberal Frank J Suter 9,229 20.63
Majority 13,866 30.99
Turnout 44,741 77.01
Conservative hold Swing
General election February 1974: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Robin Maxwell-Hyslop 27,164 47.58
Liberal Frank J Suter 21,623 37.87
Labour Roy Hewetson 8,308 14.55
Majority 5,541 9.69
Turnout 57,095 82.36
Conservative hold Swing
General election October 1974: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Robin Maxwell-Hyslop 25,265 46.68
Liberal Frank J Suter 19,911 36.79
Labour M Phillips 8,946 16.53
Majority 5,354 9.89
Turnout 54,122 77.45
Conservative hold Swing
General election 1979: Tiverton
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Robin Maxwell-Hyslop 33,444 56.74
Liberal David J Morrish 17,215 29.21
Labour AWF Cook 8,281 14.05
Majority 16,229 27.53
Turnout 58,940 79.25
Conservative hold Swing

Elections in the 1980s

General election 1983: Tiverton[23]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Robin Maxwell-Hyslop 27,101 54.78
Liberal David J Morrish 19,215 38.84
Labour David A Gorbutt 3,154 6.38
Majority 7,886 15.94
Turnout 49,470 77.51
Conservative hold Swing
General election 1987: Tiverton[24]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Robin Maxwell-Hyslop 29,875 54.95
Liberal David Morrish 20,663 38.00
Labour Jean Northam 3,400 6.25
Independent William Jones 434 0.80 New
Majority 9,212 16.95
Turnout 54,372 79.71
Conservative hold Swing

Elections in the 1990s

General election 1992: Tiverton[25][26]
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Conservative Angela Browning 30,376 51.5 ―3.4
Liberal Democrats David N Cox 19,287 32.7 ―5.3
Labour SC Gibb 5,950 10.1 +3.9
Liberal David J Morrish 2,225 3.8 New
Green Peter Foggitt 1,007 1.7 New
Natural Law BC Rhodes 96 0.2 New
Majority 11,089 18.8 +1.9
Turnout 58,941 83.3 +3.6
Conservative hold Swing +0.9

See also

Notes and references

  1. ^ a b c Leigh Rayment's Historical List of MPs – Constituencies beginning with "T" (part 2)
  2. ^ At the general election of 1710, three candidates - Thomas Bere, Richard Mervin and John Worth - all received an equal number of votes and the returning officer made a double return. The House of Commons resolved on 1 December 1710 that the election was void, and a new poll was held at which Worth and Sir Edward Northey were elected (Bere having in the interim been appointed a Commissioner of the Victualling Office).
  3. ^ a b Yonge was also elected for Honiton, which he chose to represent, and did not sit for Tiverton in this Parliament
  4. ^ Created The Lord Mountcharles (in the peerage of Ireland), September 1753
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Stooks Smith, Henry. (1973) [1844-1850]. Craig, F. W. S. (ed.). The Parliaments of England (2nd ed.). Chichester: Parliamentary Research Services. pp. 77–79. ISBN 0-900178-13-2.
  6. ^ Mosse, Richard Bartholomew (1838). The Parliamentary Guide: a concise history of the Members of both Houses, etc. p. 181. Retrieved 15 July 2018 – via Google Books.
  7. ^ Fraser's Magazine for Town and Country, Volume 17. J. Fraser. 1838. p. 387. Retrieved 15 July 2018 – via Google Books.
  8. ^ Churton, Edward (1838). The Assembled Commons or Parliamentary Biographer: 1838. p. 115. Retrieved 21 December 2018 – via Google Books.
  9. ^ Kennedy's election in 1832 was declared void "due to lack of qualification". A by-election was held on 4 May 1833, when he was re-elected
  10. ^ a b Jenkins, Terry. "Tiverton". The History of Parliament. Retrieved 27 April 2020.
  11. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Craig, F. W. S., ed. (1977). British Parliamentary Election Results 1832-1885 (1st ed.). London: Macmillan Press. ISBN 978-1-349-02349-3.
  12. ^ a b "Papers of Sir Charles and Lady Mary Chichester" (PDF). Hull History Centre. Retrieved 27 April 2020.
  13. ^ "The General Election". Huddersfield Chronicle. 29 July 1865. p. 7. Retrieved 20 March 2018 – via British Newspaper Archive.
  14. ^ "The General Election". London Evening Standard. 31 March 1880. pp. 2–3. Retrieved 12 December 2017 – via British Newspaper Archive.
  15. ^ "Tiverton". Western Times. 15 November 1881. pp. 4–5. Retrieved 12 December 2017 – via British Newspaper Archive.
  16. ^ a b c d e f Craig, F. W. S., ed. (1974). British Parliamentary Election Results: 1885-1918. London: Macmillan Press. p. 260. ISBN 9781349022984.
  17. ^ a b c d e f The Liberal Year Book, 1907
  18. ^ Debrett's House of Commons & Judicial Bench, 1886
  19. ^ a b Debrett's House of Commons & Judicial Bench, 1901
  20. ^ a b c d e f Craig, FWS, ed. (1974). British Parliamentary Election Results: 1885-1918. London: Macmillan Press. ISBN 9781349022984.
  21. ^ a b c Debrett's House of Commons & Judicial Bench, 1916
  22. ^ a b c British Parliamentary Election Results 1950-1973; F W S Craig, Political Reference Publications, Glasgow 1973
  23. ^ "Election Data 1983". Electoral Calculus. Archived from the original on 15 October 2011. Retrieved 28 June 2017.
  24. ^ "Election Data 1987". Electoral Calculus. Archived from the original on 15 October 2011. Retrieved 28 June 2017.
  25. ^ "Election Data 1992". Electoral Calculus. Archived from the original on 15 October 2011. Retrieved 28 June 2017.
  26. ^ "Politics Resources". Election 1992. Politics Resources. 9 April 1992. Retrieved 6 December 2010.

Sources

Parliament of the United Kingdom
Vacant
since 1852
Title last held by
City of London
Constituency represented by the prime minister
1855–1858
Vacant
until 1859
Title next held by
Tiverton
Vacant
since 1858
Title last held by
Tiverton
Constituency represented by the prime minister
1859–1865
Vacant
until 1868
Title next held by
Buckinghamshire
Preceded by Constituency represented by the chancellor of the Exchequer
1958–1960
Succeeded by
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